This society is a priesthood apparently with much less power than that
of the neighboring Cibolan pueblo, but its chief Pauwatíwa is powerful,
and, it may be said, en passant, a most genial and highly valuable
friend to have in ethnologic work at Walpi.
[73] His fiddle was a notched stick which he scraped with a sheep
scapula.
[74] Kawaíkakatcinas. Kawaíka is a Hopi name for the Laguna people of
Keresan stock.
[75] See figure in Naácnaiya, Journal of American Folk-lore,
July–September, 1892.
[76] The signification of the bundle of straw may be that here we have
the symbolic broom of the purification ceremony, if I am right in
my interpretation that the Powámú is a lustral ceremony. In Nubuatl
ceremonial, Ochpanitzli, the mother, Toci, carries the broom, which is
her symbol in this celebration, as shown in Seler's interpretation of
the Humboldt manuscripts. In this connection the reader is referred to
the facts mentioned elsewhere in this article that all the kivas are
replastered in the course of the Powámú.
[77] Elision of the syllable ka in this and similar compounds is common.
[78] The symbolism of their masks and their dance is described in the
Journal of American Ethnology and Archæology, vol. II, No. 1.
[79] See Nimánkatcina altar, called nananivo poñya, six-directions
altar. The whole ceremony is an invocation to the six world-quarter
deities.
[80] It is generally the custom to anoint the feet, hands, etc, with
honey when a person is sent out with offerings to shrines. (See “Snake
dance,” Journal of American Ethnology and Archæology, vol. IV.)
[81] See cloud-charm altar in other ceremonials. It is redundant
in this place to repeat these accounts, as the variations are not
important. (See Journal of American Ethnology and Archæology, vol. II,
No. 1.) The Powámú altars are the same as the Niman, q. v.
[82] As the number of these personages was large in this presentation,
this summary mention of their names may be of interest.
[83] Journal of American Folk-lore, October-December, 1893.
[84] It will thus be seen that the details of this ceremony vary
in different years, but the variation depends simply on the kiva
presenting it. It is commonly said that the original wími of the
Pálülükoñti (Great Plumed Snake) were brought to Tusayan by the Water
people from the far south. Other observations support that statement.
[85] To these must be added the constant accompanying priests in all
ceremonials, who are unmasked and do not personate supernatural beings.
[86] Journal of American Ethnology and Archæology, vol. II, No. 1.
[87] Ibid. The following abbreviated Katcinas have been described and
figured: (1) Humískatcina, Corn Flower; (2) Áñakatcina, Long Beard;
(3) Coyóhimkatcina, All; (4) Hehéakatcina; (5) Siokatcina, Zuñi;
(6) Málokatcina. The symbolic characters of the different Katcinas
are best shown in my article on “Dolls of the Tusayan Indians.” The
Nimánkatcina is likewise outlined in the Journal of American Ethnology
and Archæology, op. cit., and some of these abbreviated Katcinas are
accompaniments of the Nimán.
[88] The participants of course frequent the kiva to prepare their
masks and costume for one or more days previous to the public dance,
and certain simple ceremonial objects, as páhos and nakwákwocis are
made there, but in none of those Katcinas which are included in this
group have I as yet observed any altar or the like. The very name
“abbreviated” eliminates naturally these complex proceedings and
paraphernalia.
[89] Op. cit. The spruce tree of the Katcinas is commonly set up in the
plaza.
[90] Dolls of the Tusayan Indians, op. cit.
[91] The food is brought to each by wives, daughters, or other women of
his household. This feast takes place in the open air, not as at Zuñi
in the kivas.
[92] This is the only plaza large enough for a long line of dancers,
and hence is ordinarily used.
[93] To these prayers he alone responds “Antcai,” right.
[94] The configuration of the mesa and the fact that the house walls
rise almost continuously with the side of the cliff prevent the
Katcinas dancing on the different sides of the pueblo, but in Zuñi the
open spaces outside the village, in addition to the plaza in the heart
of the pueblo, are used for dances as I have elsewhere described.
[95] See also Journal of American Ethnology and Archæology, vol. IV, p.
66.
[96] “Adventures in Zuñi,” Century Magazine, vol. XXV, p. 507 et seq.
[97] Several ceremonials are derived from Zuñi, while others are
peculiar to Tusayan. The symbolism of the Síocálako and the Hopi Cálako
is different. No girls (mánas) were represented in the Síocálako.
[98] All the women and children of this family had been moved to the
mesa a few days before.
[99] Compare the crinoline hoops of the effigies of Pálülükoñûh
(Journal of American Folk-lore, October-December, 1893).
[100] Koyeamashe (see Journal of American Ethnology and Archæology,
vol. I).
[101] The association of Eótoto with Íntiwa has already been described
in my account of the Nimánkatcina (Journal of American Ethnology and
Archæology, vol. II, No. 1).
[102] Explanation of the diagram: _a_, _b_, _c_, _d_ and _a′_, _b′_,
_c′_ _d′_, successive positions of the effigy bearers on the northern
and southern sides of the plaza; _e_, Eótoto; _h_, Hahaíwüqti; _i_,
Íntiwa; _k_, Koyímise; _m_, accompanying celebrants. The figures
_a_–_d_ and _a′_–_d′_ represent the circles of meal, with cross lines,
over which the effigy bearers stand in the course of the ceremonials.
[103] The general character of the Wáwac described in my article in
the Bulletin of the Essex Institute, where certain of the masks made
use of in it are figured. The Racing Katcina performed at this time
was, however, much more complicated, and a description of it would be a
digression from the subject of this article.
[104] Journal of American Ethnology and Archæology, vol. II, No. 1.
[105] It was said that there ought to have been six (possibly one for
each cardinal point) of these, who are called Ciwáata, sisters of the
Pawíkkatcinas.
[106] I have not been permitted to see the unmasked dance of the Kóko
in the Zuñi kivas, where it is common, and was glad to supplement my
observations by the same in one of the Tusayan kivas. In the Katcinas
which I saw in 1891 at Walpi there was no dance in the kivas.
[107] The pipe was passed ceremonially after having been lit with a
coal (burning corncob) brought by a woman from a house in Sitcomovi. In
most ceremonials it is also prescribed that the makers of páhos shall
wash their heads before beginning their duties, but this takes place in
their own dwellings.
[108] The first reference which I have found to the use of tobacco
in the ceremonial smoke by the American Indians is by Monardes. This
interesting description of tobacco and its uses, accompanied with a
figure of the plant, is one of the most complete for its date (1590)
which I have seen.
[109] Íntiwa is Katcina móñwi, chief of the Katcinas; Kópeli, chief of
the Snakes; Hóñyi, hereditary Snake-Antelope chief; Wíki, chief of the
Snake-Antelopes; Pauatíwa, chief of warriors; Lésma, Bear chief.
[110] See Journal of American Ethnology and Archæology, vol. II, No. 1.
[111] When the inhabitants of another pueblo visit that in which
a sacred dance is taking place, it is customary for the hosts to
entertain by setting before them food, and it is no uncommon thing to
see visitors passing from house to house partaking of the píkami (mush)
and other delicacies. It is not unusual for the headmen of one pueblo
to send official thanks to the people of another for their sacred
dances and other efforts for rain. In a memoir on the Snake dance I
mention an instance where even the distant Havasupai Indians brought
offerings from their home to Walpi (Journal of American Ethnology and
Archæology, vol. IV).
[112] I need not describe their actions, as I have already done so for
other Katcina dances (Journal of American Ethnology and Archæology,
vol. II, No. 1.)
[113] One marked difference between Katcina and Kóko, or Hopi and Zuñi,
dancers is that in the latter the unmasked dance occurs in the kiva and
the feast is held in the same place. At Tusayan the feast is open, and
generally there is no unmasked dance. The feast in the kiva at Zuñi is
possibly a secondary modification for effecting secrecy.
[114] Journal of American Ethnology and Archæology, vol. II, No. 1.
[115] This is only time I have seen the Death god personified. The
Paiakaíamû rushed up to me and demanded a knife, and when I refused to
give it, not aware of their intention, they sought other ways to kill
the poor brute. It was an exhibition of extreme savagery, but of course
with no danger to any of the spectators. Later in their antics the
gluttons themselves were lightly struck with a cactus branch, and the
person who performed this painful act went from housetop to housetop
touching the arm or neck of every spectator—man, woman, and child.
During this dance these Tcukuwympkiyas performed the disgusting act
of drinking human urine. Mr Cushing, in the Century Magazine, records
the slaughter of a dog in a similar manner, except that he says that
his life was threatened before the dog was killed, and it was by his
defiant attitude that he was not seized by the performers.
[116] The direction of the ceremonial circuit of the Tewa is sinistral.
In this instance it began at the east. I believe this is the prescribed
circuit of all the Pueblos. Some of the Tewa have told me that in their
folktales their people did not emerge from the same sípapû as the Hopi,
but from a sípapû to the east. Although some of the priests say that
all people came from the middle of the earth, from one sípapû, others
believe that each pueblo has its own ancestral geographical opening.
The idea has been localized by environment, as is so often the case
with modified legends.
[117] There are certainly more evidences of white man’s influences in
dance paraphernalia in Zuñi than at Tusayan, such, for instance, as the
use of hats and calico shirts in dances, American chairs, rifles, etc,
etc.
[118] Notwithstanding this statement, I have already pointed out
similarities between both these women’s celebrations and certain Zuñi
dances (see American Anthropologist, vol. V, p. 236, note).
[119] Hówina (Zuñi, Ówinahe), a kind of thanksgiving dance, is
distinctly a Zuñi dance and is so recognized by the Hopi. I have
seen photographs of the celebration at Zuñi which bear such a close
resemblance to that called by the Hopi the Hówina that in all
probability the two are identical. The elaborate war dances celebrated
at Zuñi and the observances of the Priesthood of the Bow at that pueblo
are very much abbreviated in Tusayan (East mesa) where the organization
has not the same power as with the Cibolans.
[120] Cipaulovi, or the “Place of Peaches,” would necessarily have
received its name after those who brought peaches came among the Hopi.
It is known that Sitcomovi was a late colony of Asa people from the Rio
Grande, united with others from Walpi, while Hano was founded about
1700. The Cipaulovi people, however celebrate the Flute ceremony, and
the Flute people came to Tusayan shortly after the Snake. It would thus
appear that we have a date to determine that the Flute people came to
Tusayan after Vargas (1692). Morfi, in 1782, says that the people of
Xipaulovi (Cipaulovi) came from Xongopabi (Cuñopavi).
[121] I do not for a moment doubt that even when nominally
Christianized the succession of the chiefs in the several sacerdotal
societies has not been broken up to our time.
[122] Coco in Spanish signifies a bogy. In compounds it can be detected
in Cocomaricopa, where it may mean fool, possibly referring to the
inferiority of this stem. The derivation of Kóko or Kâ′kâ is not known
to me. The word Katcina has the advantage of Kóko or Kâ′kâ as a general
designation.
[123] That is, the last Katcina before their departure in Cibola, as
in Tusayan. In Walpi it is not an autumn dance, but occurs at about
the same time that I witnessed it at Zuñi, near the end of July (see
Journal of American Ethnology and Archæology, vol. I, No. 1).
[124] It is recommended that in illustrating Zuñi masks a full face
view be given, for in that way the symbolism is much better expressed
than by profile views.
[125] Pooatíwa is considered by Mrs Stevenson the “Sun Father.” I
have not gone far enough in my studies to accept this relationship
for Paútiwa. There are some reasons for considering Paútiwa the Mist
Father, which speculation has led me to interpret the Sälämobias as
Paútiwa forms of the rain-clouds of the six world-quarters, but such an
opinion is highly theoretical.
[126] The terraced elevations are common on the Zuñi nákwipis and
handled prayer-meal bowls, as can be seen in any large collection of
Zuñi ceramics; but the semicircular rain-cloud figures are very rare,
indeed wanting, in all I have seen. The frog, tadpole, snake, and
similar symbols appear, however, to be present in both. The question of
the characteristic symbolism of Zuñi and Hopi pottery is a complicated
one, which can not be considered in this article, but the two types can
readily be distinguished by a student of this subject.
[127] It would be a remarkable fact if accounts of this symbolism are
not later described.
[128] Memoirs of the International Congress of Anthropology, Chicago,
1894, p. 315.
[129] On page 314 she mentions six Ahshiwanni as “rain priests.” I
am not able to definitely decide from the text whether these six are
the same as the fourteen mentioned above. It is not clear to me in
which group Mrs Stevenson places the “Mud-heads” and “Gluttons,” well
described by Ten Broeck in 1852 from Tusayan, and later by herself and
Cushing from Zuñi, and by other writers from the Rio Grande pueblos.
[130] If these statements are true one sees that they tell in favor of
the theory which the ritual emphasized, and that while in a general way
there is a similarity between the ceremonial system of the two people,
it is absurd to say that “what is written of one is true also of the
other.” Long ago their systems may have been identical; at present they
have more or less differentiated one from the other. In Zuñi, according
to Mrs Stevenson, “at the winter and summer solstices synchronal
meetings of most of these societies are held, and also at other times.”
After having carefully studied the ceremonials at the time of the
summer solstice at Tusayan, I have not found any synchronal meetings
of the societies which correspond with those mentioned as occurring at
Zuñi at that time.
[131] It is desirable that the names of the priests who officiate
in ceremonials be given in extended accounts of them in order that
the intimate character of this sacerdotal organization may be made
out. Until the names of the members of the different societies are
complete we are more or less hampered in our studies. The Zuñi
equivalent of wympkia appears to be kyalikwe (Tcihkyalikwe, Snake
priests from tcihtola, snake, and kyalikwe, wympkia). I am unable to
tell to what priests in Tusayan the “Ahshiwanni” correspond. The Tawa
(Sun) wympkia or Sun priests have certain points in common with them,
but this is as truly an esoteric society as any in Tusayan. I have
elsewhere described the Tewa ceremony in which the Sun priests make
the páhos and their chief, Kálacai, appeals directly to the rising
sun. In that same ceremony páhos are likewise made to the Rain gods
directly. In the Katcina celebrations some of the same Sun priests,
however, appeal to the leader of the Katcinas to bring them rain, and
this personage replies that he will. In this case, supposing, as I
think we justly can, that the Katcinas are intercessors between men
and gods of highest rank, we have in Tusayan the possible equivalent
of the “Ahshiwanni (rain priests)” intrusting their prayers to a
zoomorphic and anthropomorphic supernatural personage. The prayer of a
single chief for rain for the people, showing something similar to the
so-called Ahshiwanni at Zuñi, are not uncommon in Tusayan. In Tusayan
an organization of rain priests is not differentiated at the present
day from the other societies. All holders of wímis are Rain priests, as
well as the organization called the Sun priests, and all at times make
special prayers to the Rain gods.
[132] Op. cit., p. 314. I believe many facts might be marshaled to
prove that ancestor worship is a most vital part of the Tusayan
religious system.
[133] See “The Graff collection of Greek portraits,” New England
Magazine, January, 1894. Mr J. G. Frazier (Jour. Anth. Inst. of Great
Britain and Ireland, vol. XV, p. 73) from comparative studies of burial
customs suggests that the habit of masking the dead is “to keep the way
to the grave a secret from the dead man.” This explanation seems to me
much more labored than that given above.
[134] Hahaíwüqti. I have elsewhere shown reasons to suspect that
several personages may be the same “Earth goddess.” Kókyanwüqti, the
Spider woman, is also an “Earth goddess.” As everything, even man
himself, came from the womb of the earth, symbolized by the spider, it
is not surprising that an Indian should call the spider the creator. It
is a very different thing, however, to interpret such information by
our philosophic ideas. That the primitive should consider the earth as
the mother of everything, its creator in one sense, is natural; that
the Pueblo Indian should symbolize that mother by the Spider woman is
probable, for other races have done likewise; but that he associates
with mother earth the spiritual idea which we have of the Creator is
absurd. His cosmogony bears no evidence that he rose, in pre-Columbian
times, to the belief in a Great Spirit who created the universe.
Transcriber’s Notes:
- Text enclosed by underscores is in italics (_italics_).
- Blank pages have been removed.
- Obvious typographical errors have been silently corrected.