One of the earliest, if indeed it be not actually the most ancient of
extant enactments for the organization of the national forces of
Scotland, is a Latin document drawn up in the form and style of a
proclamation and purporting to be based on "the Book of Wyntoun laws".
It is undated, but this reference to Edward I's Statute of Winchester
shows it to have been subsequent to the year 1285. This Scottish
adaptation of the English system required every man between sixteen and
sixty years of age to be provided with defensive and offensive armour in
proportion to the quantity of lands and chattels which he possessed. The
owner of chattels to the value of 40 marks was to have a horse; an
habergeon, or sleeveless coat of mail; a chaplet, that is to say, an
iron skull-cap without vizor; a sword, and "a knife called dagger". The
equipment of such as held land worth 40s. or upwards, but less than
100s., was to consist of a bow and arrows, a dagger, and a knife; and,
in their case, the absence of defensive armour suggests that they were
intended as light infantry. The lesser people, with an income under
40s. were expected to have a hand-axe, bow and arrows. All others,
whose means allowed of it, were to be armed with a bow and arrows if
they dwelt outside forest lands, or a bow and "pyles" if within them.
These pyles being square-headed quarrels or bolts, it may be supposed
that the use of them was prescribed because they were looked upon as
less suitable for the purposes of poaching. The same ordinance also
enjoined that there should be two wapenshaws or inspections every
year.[278]
Earlier, though more incidental indication of a system of military
service, is to be found, however, in an enactment which is ascribed to
William the Lion, who began his reign in 1165, and which set forth that
if a man borrowed a horse to join the King's army and the horse were
challenged as stolen, he was to be allowed respite until his return to
the county within which he alleged that the horse had been lent him.
And, rather more than half a century later, in 1220, under Alexander II,
further evidence of military obligation is supplied by a statute fixing
the fines to be imposed on men of various ranks for remaining away from
the King's host in Inverness. A thane was to forfeit six cows and a
heifer; an "ochtyern", which is interpreted as meaning "one equal in
rank to a thane's son", was liable to be mulcted in the amount of
fifteen sheep and 6s., and a yeoman in that of a cow and a sheep.
In 1318, under Robert Bruce, it was ordained that, in time of war, every
layman in the realm who had £10 in goods, should have for his body, in
the defence of the country, a sufficient acton--a kind of padded and
quilted coat, which protected not only the breast but the lower part of
the body also; a bascinet or light unvizored helmet; and gloves of
plate, with a spear and a sword. The acton and bascinet might, however,
be replaced by an habergeon and "a hat of iron". Whoever failed to
comply with the requirements of the statute was to forfeit all his
goods, of which one-half was to go to his immediate superior, the laird
on whose lands he dwelt, and the other half to the King. It was also
decreed that every man having in goods the value of a cow should have a
stout spear or a serviceable bow, with a sheaf of twenty-four arrows. In
the same year another Act ordained that men on their way to join the
army should pay for what they took, but enjoined, at the same time, that
they should be supplied at moderate rates.
When James I returned from his captivity in England, he lost no time in
putting into practice the lesson which he had learnt there as to the
efficiency of the bow. Amongst the enactments of his first Parliament
there was one which ordained that every male person should, from his
twelfth year, busk himself to be an archer; that, near every parish
church, "bow marks should be made, at which, on holidays, men might come
and shoot, at least thrice about", and have usage of archery; and that
whoever did not use the said archery, the laird of the land or the
sheriff should raise of him a wedder.[279] This was in 1424. In the
same year it was also enacted that, in every sheriffdom, four musters
should be held every year for the inspection of arms.[280]
Following closely upon this, there were issued supplementary
instructions of a somewhat more comprehensive nature than hitherto.
Gentlemen having £10 worth of land, or more, were to provide themselves
with a bascinet with whole legharness, that is to say, complete
coverings which came up to the hips, and with spear, sword, and dagger.
Gentlemen owning less land, or no land at all, were to be accoutred "at
their goodly power", subject to the oversight and discretion of the
sheriff. Honest yeomen, "having sufficient power", and willing to serve
as men-at-arms, were to be "harnessed sufficiently" to the satisfaction
of the same official; whilst all other yeomen in the realm, within the
statutory limits of age, that is, between sixteen and sixty, were to be
"sufficiently bowit and schaffit", or, in other words, adequately
equipped with a good bow and a suitable supply of arrows, and were also
to have a sword, buckler, and knife. All burgesses and indwellers in the
burghs of the realm were to be similarly armed. Failure to attend the
four wapenshaws involved fines ranging from 40s. to £10, according to
the number of absences, in the case of a gentleman; and from 10s. to
40s. in that of a bowman.[281]
Four years later, in 1429, "by the advice of the whole Parliament",
further modifications were made, both in the outfit and in the valuation
according to which it was regulated. Every man who disposed of a yearly
rent of £20, or who possessed £100 in movable goods, was required to be
well horsed and "haill enarmyt", which meant completely armed from head
to foot, as a gentleman ought to be. The man of lower standing, with no
more than £10 of rent, or £50 of movable goods, was to provide himself
with a gorget--a piece of armour which protected the throat and upper
part of the chest; with rearbraces and vambraces, as the coverings for
the upper arm and the forearm were respectively called; with gloves of
plate, breastplate, leg-splints, and knee-pieces, "at the least, or
better, if he liked". The yeomen were divided into three classes, of
which the highest, consisting of those whose property amounted to £20 in
goods, was to be equipped with a good "doublet of fence", an iron hat,
bow and sheaf of arrows, sword, buckler, and knife. Yeomen possessing no
more than £10 in goods formed the second class. They were required to
have a bow and arrows, sword, buckler, and knife; but though no
defensive armour was mentioned in their case, it may be assumed that
they were not expected to be less protected than the yeoman of the third
class, who was no archer and could not deal with a bow, but for whom a
good "suir" hat and a "doublet of fence" were prescribed, in addition to
a sword, a buckler, and a good axe, or else a staff with a sharp iron
point. Every citizen having £50 in goods was placed on the same level as
a gentleman, and was required to be armed in the same manner as one. The
burgess of lower degree, whose property was not valued at more than £20,
was to provide a "suir" hat and doublet, an habergeon, sword, and
buckler; a bow with the necessary sheaf of arrows; and a knife. Barons
and bailies were required to see that these enactments were duly
complied with in their respective districts, under certain pains and
penalties which the sheriff was empowered to impose.
During the fifteenth and the sixteenth century there were several other
Acts of Parliament and of the Privy Council dealing with wapenshaws. It
may be gathered from the preambles to some of them that these periodical
inspections were occasionally discontinued for years together; whilst
the repeated injunctions to the various local authorities and officials
to use their utmost diligence in enforcing the law afford proof that the
burden of military service was irksome to those on whom it fell. But the
special interest of those enactments lies in the information which they
supply both as to the variations in the assessment on which that service
was based and as to the changes which took place in the outfit of the
several classes of fighting men.
In 1456 it was made obligatory on every man whose goods amounted to 20
marks to be provided at least with a jack having sleeves to the hands,
or, failing that, with a pair of "splints" encasing the arms; with a
sallet--a light helmet, of which the characteristic feature was a
projection behind--or with a spiked hat; and with a sword, buckler, and
bow together with a sheaf of arrows. Such as could not shoot were to be
armed with an axe, and with a targe either of leather or of deal, with
two bands on the back.[282] In the following year steps were taken to
organize a system of military training. As a preliminary measure, golf
and football were to be "utterly cried down". "Bow marks" were to be set
up. The smaller parishes were not required to have more than a pair of
these butts; but, in the larger, according to their size, there were to
be three, four, and even five. All the male inhabitants, from twelve to
fifty years of age, were expected to practise every Sunday, and to shoot
at least six shots. Defaulters were liable to a fine of not less than
2d.; and the money thus raised was to be given to those who were more
regular in their attendance "to drink". This archery practice was to be
kept up from Easter to Allhallowmas. As a necessary supplement to these
ordinances, every county town was to have a bowyer and a fletcher,
otherwise a maker of bows and a maker of arrows, and was to furnish them
"with stuff and graith that they might serve the country with".[283]
But as Scotland was not self-sufficing in the matter of either weapons
or accoutrements, there was a further enactment which required all
merchants of the realm passing over the sea for merchandise to bring
home at each voyage as they might "goodly thole" harness and armours,
spear-shafts and bow staves "after the quantity of their merchandise".
No further Act of Parliament concerning the equipment of the Scots
fighting men was passed till 1471. In that year it was found necessary
to fix the length of the spear, or rather, to forbid either the
importation or the making of any that fell short of the six ells that
had always constituted the regulation size. For those yeomen who could
not handle the bow, the substitution of a good axe and a targe of
leather was authorized, as it had been in 1456. With regard to the
latter, a suggestive standard of toughness and strength was indicated.
It was to be sufficiently stout "to resist the shot of England". And a
characteristic remark concerning it was, that it would entail "no cost
but the value of a hide".[284]
There was practically no change in arms and accoutrement during the
fifteenth century; and an Act passed in 1491 is almost verbally
identical with that of 1425. More than forty years were yet to elapse
before James V, realizing the advantage which other nations had secured
for themselves by the adoption of "small artillery", and the consequent
necessity of providing himself with similar "instruments of war and
battle", caused an Act to be passed with a view to bringing Scotland's
armament abreast of that "commonly used in all countries both by sea and
land". This was in 1535.[285]
Hand-guns, or hand-cannon as they were called, had been introduced into
England in the year 1471, when Edward IV, landing at Ravenspur, in
Yorkshire, brought with him, amongst other forces, three hundred
Flemings armed with those new weapons. They are also said to have been
used at the siege of Berwick in 1521. These portable firearms soon got
to be known under the names of culverins and hagbuts. The culverin was
originally a small tube of half or three-quarters of an inch internal
diameter, fixed to a straight piece of wood or welded to an iron handle.
The smallest were about four feet long and weighed some fifteen pounds,
and the management of them was as complicated as the weapons themselves
were unwieldy. The culveriner had, in addition to his cumbrous piece,
"his coarse powder, for loading, in a flask; his fine powder, for
priming, in a touch-box; his bullets in a leathern bag, with strings to
draw to get at them; whilst in his hand were his musket rest and his
burning match". The hagbut was a smaller and improved culverin. At their
first introduction into Scotland these firearms appear to have been used
mainly for purposes of sport; but it is suggestive of a lack of
familiarity with them to find James V paying 40s. to "Walter
Cunynghame's wife in Stirling" for a cow which he had slain with a
culverin.
By the Act of 1535, which was repeated in 1540, it was ordained that
every landed man should have a hagbut of cast-iron, called "hagbut of
crochert", together with the mould, bullets, and "pelloks" of lead or
iron, and with the powder convenient thereto for every £100 of land that
he owned. He that had but 100 marks of land was to supply two culverins;
whilst only one was required of the smaller landowner whose valuation
did not exceed £40. These pieces were to be furnished with all the
necessary accessories. Those who supplied the weapons were also called
upon to provide men, not only to fire them, but also to teach others to
do so. Neither the clergy nor even women were exempted from the general
obligation; and the fine to be imposed on all who neglected to comply
with the requirements of the Act was fixed at twice the price that would
buy "each piece of the said artillery". As to the burghs, a commission
was to be appointed for the purpose of deciding in what proportion each
of them was to contribute. And, as a corollary to this enactment, it was
further ordained that, because neither artillery nor harness could be
furnished nor made ready unless the same were imported into the country,
every merchant sailing forth of the realm or exporting goods amounting
to a last, that is to twelve tons, should bring home two hagbuts or
more, in proportion to the quantity of merchandise shipped, with powder
and moulds, or else as much metal as would make the hagbuts.
From another Act passed in the same year it appears to have been
anticipated that, in spite of these ordinances, the number of men that
could be armed with hand-guns would be but slight as compared with those
who would still have to retain the older weapons, for no alteration was
prescribed in the matter of defensive armour. This statute is
noteworthy, however, by reason of a paragraph bearing the heading, "That
the army of Scotland be unhorsed, except great Barons".[286] It was
introduced by a reference to the great hurt, scaith, and damage done by
the coming, in multitude, of horsemen, through the destruction of
cornfields and meadows and the harrying of poor folk, and also to the
great impediment made by them in the host, where all men had to fight on
foot. It then went on to ordain that no manner of men should have
horses with them, but should be ready to march on foot from the first
meeting-place it might please the King to assign. For the journey to
that meeting-place, however, the use of palfreys was authorized. And if
any man came on horseback, or brought horses with him, he was to send
them home again immediately, but only with a riding-boy, and not with
anyone able to bear arms. The matter was considered to be of such
importance that no less a penalty than death was to be imposed for
disobedience of the order. A proviso was, however, added, excepting
earls, lords, barons, and great landed men from the operation of the
Act.
There is a further clause to which also special interest attaches from
the fact that it supplies the first evidence to be met with in
Parliamentary records of an attempt at organizing a system of military
drill. It ordained that a board consisting of the local authorities, the
most able persons in the shire, and the commissioners appointed by the
King, should, in every parish, choose a suitable man for each company
levied within it, and should assign to him the duties of Captain. It was
to be his special office to teach the men to march together and to bear
their weapons, so that they might be "the more expert to put themselves
in order hastily and keep the same in time of need". The companies were
to muster for drill before noon on at least two of the most suitable
holidays during each of the three summer months, and as often as could
be conveniently arranged for during the other nine.
Such efforts were well meant; but perseverance, the first of the
conditions necessary to ensure their success, appears to have been
wanting. In 1546, a special wapenshaw was ordered to be held on Low
Sunday, and the reason given for this step was, that the lieges were out
of use of armour and weapons because such inspections had been
neglected.[287] The accoutrements mentioned as requiring to be produced
on this occasion were practically the same as formerly. In so far as
evidence can be found in Acts of either Parliament or Privy Council,
this was one of the last occasions on which specific mention was made of
the armour and weapons to be borne by the respective classes of fighting
men. In the closing years of the sixteenth century, however, the
periodical complaint of laxity in the performance of military duties in
time of peace again appears in an Act which, besides appointing a
general wapenshaw to be held on the 1st of May, 1599, specifies the arms
with which persons of various ranks were to be furnished, and thus
affords material for an estimate of the change which had taken place in
the equipment of the Scots forces, as well as on the obligations which
military service now entailed. Earls, lords, barons, and gentlemen were
to be armed with corslet of proof, headpiece, vambraces, teslets or
coverings for the thighs, and a Spanish pike. In addition to this, every
earl was to have twenty stands of similar armour for his household;
every lord, ten; and every baron, one, for every 15 chalders of corn.
Every baron and gentleman whose living did not depend upon
"victual"[288] was to provide a complete stand for every 1000 marks of
his yearly rent; every gentleman worth 300 marks in yearly rent was to
be furnished with a light corslet and pike, or else with a musket,
together with rest and bandoleer, and a headpiece. The regulation was to
extend to the burghs; and the local authorities were to see that every
burgess worth £500 of free gear should have a light corslet, a pike and
halbard, or a two-handed sword, or else a musket, with its accessories,
and a headpiece. But they were also to arrange in such a way that, for
every light corslet and pike within the burgh, there should be two
muskets. The penalties with which defaulters were threatened afford
evidence that, although the country was still far from rich, it had made
considerable progress since the days when fines were levied in kind.
They were graded as follows: Every earl, 2000 marks; every lord, 1000
marks; every baron, for every 15 chalders of victual that he could
spend, 100 marks; and every other person of the rank and substance
indicated, £40.
It was one thing to require all ranks, degrees, and qualities to provide
themselves with arms on this liberal scale, but it was another to put it
into the power even of the most willing, to comply with the order. As a
subsequent Act frankly admitted, there was "no such quantity of armour
made within the realm as anywise might furnish the lieges thereof", and
there consequently arose "a great necessity of bringing of the same
home, forth of other countries". It was Sir Michael Balfour of Burleigh
who, "not upon any respect of gain and profit that he might reap
thereby, but upon the earnest affection and great regard he had to his
Majesty's service and to the benefit of the realm", suggested a way out
of the difficulty. He undertook to bring home 10,000 stands of armour,
of which 2000 were to be for horsemen--figures which, in default of more
precise data, are of some assistance towards forming an estimate of the
military strength of the country.[289]
Sir Michael Balfour's offer was accepted; and the conditions of the
contract duly fixed. The outfit for horsemen was to be complete in all
pieces, and was to be supplied in two qualities: lance and sword proof,
and hagbut proof. The former was to cost £50, and the latter £10 more. A
complete suit of armour for a footman was to be charged £18, and was to
be of one quality only--lance and sword proof. The price of a hagbut,
with flask or bandoleer, was set at £6, 13s. 4d.
From the long list of defaulters that might be made up from the records
of the Privy Council, and in which the names of all sorts and conditions
of the lieges, of earls and of yeomen alike, would figure side by side,
as well as from the legal proceedings which were taken by Sir Michael
Balfour, on the one hand, and, on the other, by those who, on various
grounds, claimed to be exempted from the operation of the Act, it
appears that there was but little military enthusiasm in the country at
this time. And this is borne out by an Act of Privy Council passed in
July, 1607. It set forth that, notwithstanding the Act of 1599 for
general arming and wapenshawing, there had been no inspection within the
kingdom for several years past, and that the "lovable custom, which of
old was very precisely kept and was very necessary and expedient for the
good of the kingdom", had fallen into desuetude by reason of the
negligence of the sheriffs and other officials; and it required these
"to charge all and sundry, by open proclamation at the market crosses of
the head burghs, to give and make their musters and wapenshawing" on the
4th of the following month. A few days later, however, the order was
prorogated, for no more urgent reason than the meeting of Parliament;
and with that, the periodical inspection of arms appears to have been
finally abandoned for the remainder of the reign of James VI, who, by
this time, had become James I of England also, a circumstance which goes
far to explain the general indifference on the subject.
The first and main object that was always kept in view, and towards
which Scotland's military dispositions were directed, was the protection
of the country against the attacks of the "old enemy", as England was
repeatedly styled. In more than one of the ordinances it was expressly
set forth, that all manner of men were to hold themselves in readiness
"to come to the Border for the defence of the land when any wittering
came of the incoming of a great English host". And if the ever-present
danger assumed more definite form and an invasion was actually expected,
letters were sent throughout the country, charging all the lieges to be
prepared to take the field in all possible haste, well equipped and duly
supplied with provisions for a fixed number of days, usually forty, as
soon as they were summoned. Warning of the approach of an invading army
was signalled round the country by means of bale-fires which were
lighted on certain specified hills.
For the purpose of defraying the expenses entailed by a campaign,
recourse was had to extraordinary taxation. In 1550, for instance, the
Privy Council ordained that "for resisting of our auld ynemyis of
Ingland, the defence of the West Borders, and the repairing of a fort of
strength in the town of Annan, the sum of £4000 should be raised and
uplifted of the prelates and clergy of the realm. If the amount were
"thankfullie payit and debursit", exemption from further taxation for
the next year was promised.
To meet the requirements of the transport service, certain districts
were laid under requisition. Thus, for the same campaign, the sheriffs
of Edinburgh principal, Edinburgh lying within the constabulary of
Haddington, Selkirk, and Lauderdale, were called upon to assist and
concur with the Lairds of Lethington, Whittingham, Elphinstone,
Trabroun, and Wauchton, in devising measures for furnishing the oxen and
pioneers required for the forthbringing of the munition and artillery to
the host and army which was to assemble in Edinburgh.
It was not solely for the defence of their own country that Scotsmen
were obliged to bear arms. Occasion might arise when, in conformity with
the "old leagues, bands, amity and alliance" which were supposed to have
been entered upon by King Achaus and the Emperor Charlemagne, and to
have been renewed and confirmed by every king and prince since that
time, Scotland was obliged to furnish a contingent for the support of
the Most Christian King. Such was the case in 1552. In the month of
November of that year, the Regent Arran and the Lords of the Secret
Council ordained that every 40-mark land, whether it were royal,
temporal, or spiritual, should supply "one able, sufficient footman,
well furnished, clad in new hose and a new doublet of canvas at the
least, with a jack of plate, steel bonnet, splint sleeves of mail or
plate, with a spear of six ells long or thereby". Every burgh within the
realm was to provide a company consisting of 300 men, who were, as far
as possible, to be hagbutters, furnished with powder flask, morsing
horn, and all other gear belonging thereto. Two further companies of
footmen were likewise to be raised in the highland parts of the realm,
within the bounds of Lord Huntly's lieutenancy. Horsemen to the number
of 400, each having "ane dowbill horse", were to be supplied by the
bishops, abbots, priors, and prelates, earls, lords, and barons of the
Borders and Lowlands. Gilbert, Earl of Cassillis, was appointed
Lieutenant-General of the army, and Patrick, Lord Ruthven, Colonel of
the footmen. The subordinate officers numbered fifty-five. The expense
of the expedition was to be borne by the King of France.[290]
It was not only when Scotland was engaged in actual warfare, either on
her own account or as the ally of France, that she required to call out
her fighting men. The state of the country was such that the "fencibles"
of some district might, at any moment, be required to take the field.
Within less than a decade--between 1569 and 1578--there were at least
twelve local levies. The first and five others of them, that is to say,
a full half of the whole number, were raised for purposes similar to
those indicated by an Act of Privy Council, in September, 1569, "to pass
forthward for pursuit and invasion of the thieves, traitors, and
rebellious subjects, inhabitants of the bounds of the Middle and West
Wardencies". For such an expedition as that, there were called out "all
and sundry his Majesty's lieges betwixt 40 and 16 years, and other
fencible persons" dwelling in 12 sheriffdoms, 2 stewartries, and 3
bailliries. And they were required to assemble, not only "weill bodin in
feir of weir"--the current phrase for complete fighting equipment--but
also to bring with them twenty days' victuals and provisions, and to
provide themselves with tents to lie in the fields.
As it was impossible for every man to carry with him twenty days'
provisions otherwise than in the shape of money wherewith to buy them, a
commissariat of some kind became a matter of necessity. To provide it,
the inhabitants of some town might be required, as was the case with
those of Glasgow, in 1572, "to follow the army where it shall repair,
with bread, ale, and all other kinds of vivers for men and horse, which
shall be bought from them with ready money and thankful payment". If
circumstances made it more convenient, a number of burghs, towns, and
other places where "hostelry was used" were informed beforehand, by
public proclamation, that they would have to "prepare and have in
readiness, baked bread, brewed ale, wine, and all other manner of horse
meat and men's meat, and address them to transport and carry the same,
by land or sea, to the camp, where it shall happen to be, there to be
sold upon sufficient and good prices". If, as might be the case in the
"countries most ewest of the Borders", lochs or rivers should have to be
crossed or otherwise utilized for the purpose of the expedition,
commandment and direction was given to all and sundry owners, masters,
and skippers of ships, barks, "birlingis", boats, and other vessels meet
for ferrying, to have their craft prepared and in full readiness to
receive, carry, and transport men, munition, horses, victuals, or other
warlike provisions to such place as should be specially appointed. For
disobedience to any of the orders issued for the purpose of levying an
expeditionary force or of furthering its movements and operations, the
penalty to be imposed was always the same, "forfeiture of life, lands,
and goods".
The last phase in the development of the old Scots army began at the
death of James VI. Shortly after the accession of his successor, the
Estates issued a proclamation which had for its object the revival of
"that lovable custom of wapenshawings" which "the laziness of the people
themselves", but "specially the sloth and careless negligence" of the
magistrates whose office it was to make arrangements for those
inspections, had allowed to lapse. And the reason given for this renewal
of interest in the ancient institution was contained in a reference to
the "universal combustion and bruittis, and rumours of foreign
preparation throughout Christendom". But nothing more practical was yet
to come of it than an order for the holding of a muster. Nearly twenty
years were to elapse before the same Estates were moved to give "their
most serious consideration" to the reorganization of the national
forces. This had become necessary by reason of "the great and imminent
danger of the true Protestant religion and of the peace of the kingdom
from the treacherous and bloodie plots, conspiracies, attempts, and
practices of papists, prelates, malignants, and their adherents". In
order to put the kingdom, with all possible speed, in a posture of
defence, order was given that all fencible persons within sixty and
sixteen years of age, should provide themselves with forty days'
provisions of all sorts, in the most substantious manner, for horse and
foot, with tents and all other furnishing requisite; that horsemen
should be armed with pistols, broadswords, and steel caps; that where
those arms could not be had, jacks or secrets, lances, and steel
bonnets, and swords should be substituted for them. Footmen were to be
armed with musket and sword, or pike and sword; but, failing these, they
were to be furnished with halbards, Lochaber axes, or Jedburgh staffs,
and swords. Colonels of horse and foot, and Committees of War were
appointed in each sheriffdom, and were enjoined to form "their whole
fencible persons into regiments, foot companies, and horse troops". The
men were to be "drilled and exercised in managing their arms--every
regiment once in the month, every company and troop once in the week".
The captains of each company were to be provided with colours and drums,
and the "rootmasters", or captains of horse, with trumpets and cornets.
For the purpose of enforcing this Act, another was passed in the
following year, again requiring all to arm, under a penalty of £20 to be
paid by those who, being in a position to buy a musket and sword, should
yet be found unprovided with them. Those who, though able to purchase a
pike, neglected to do so, were to be fined 10 marks. Yeomen or servants
lacking the means to provide themselves with the weapons prescribed by
the Act were to be equipped by their respective heritors or masters.
Further, the Committees of War in each shire were called upon to
acquire and store, two pounds weight of powder and four pounds weight of
match and ball, for every fencible person within their district.
It was at this time, too, that the first Act dealing with desertion from
the army was passed. It gave strict injunctions to the Colonels and
Committees of War to apprehend all those, both of horse and foot, who
ran away from their colours, and empowered them, if they thought it
expedient for the good of the army, to "decimate the fugitives, and
cause hang the tenth man". If there were less than ten offenders, one
might still be put to death, "for terrifying others"; and if there were
only one, he might be made to suffer the extreme penalty.
Milder legislation originated at this time, too. It was in 1645 that an
Act "in favour of lamed soldiers" promised maintenance upon the public
charges to all who were so hurt and wounded in the defence of the public
cause as to be unfit for their ordinary employment; and that another
appointed a Committee to devise measures for the relief of the widows
and orphans of those who fell. And so anxious were the Estates that
their good faith should not be doubted, that they pledged the honour of
the kingdom in proof of it.
From this point, the story of the Scots army merges into that of the
civil wars of the period. And to relate it further would be to
recapitulate what general histories of Scotland have already made more
or less familiar to all.