MARY SETON

"The secund wyf of the said Lord George (Marie Pieris, ane Frenche

woman, quha come in Scotland with Quene Marie, dochter to the Duik of

Gweis) bair to him tua sonnis and ane dochter ... the dochter Marie."

This extract from Sir Richard Maitland's _History of the House of Seton_

gives us the parentage of the fourth of the Maries.[97] She was the

daughter of a house in which loyalty and devotion to the Stuarts was

traditional. In the darkest pages of their history the name of the

Setons is always found amongst those of the few faithful friends whom

danger could not frighten nor promises tempt from their allegiance. In

this respect Mary Seton's French mother was worthy of the family into

which she was received. At the death of Marie de Guise, Dame Pieris

transferred not only her services, but her love also, to the infant

Queen, and stood by her with blind devotion under some of the most

trying circumstances of her short career as reigning sovereign. The

deposition of French Paris gives us a glimpse of her, attending on Mary

and conferring secretly with Bothwell on the morning after the King's

murder. At a later date we find her conspiring with the Queen's friends

at what was known as the council "of the witches of Atholl", and

subsequently imprisoned, with her son, for having too freely expressed

her loyalty to her mistress.[98] We may, therefore, almost look upon it

as the natural result of Mary Seton's training, and of her family

associations, that she is pre-eminently the Queen's companion in

adversity. It seems characteristic of this that no individual mention

occurs of her as bearing any part in the festivities of the Court, or

sharing her mistress's amusements. Her first appearance coincides with

the last appearance of Mary Livingston in connection with Mary Stuart.

When the Queen, after her surrender at Carberry, was ignominiously

dragged in her nightdress through the streets of her capital, her

faltering steps were supported by Mary Livingston and Mary Seton. At

Lochleven, Mary Seton, still in attendance on her mistress, bore an

important part in her memorable flight, a part more dangerous, perhaps,

than Jane Kennedy's traditional leap from the window, for it consisted

in personating the Queen within the castle, whilst the flight was taking

place, and left her at the mercy of the disappointed jailers when

faithful Willie Douglas had brought it to a successful issue.[99] How

she fared at this critical moment, or how she herself contrived to

regain her liberty, is not recorded; but it is certain that before long

she had resumed her honourable but perilous place by the side of her

royal mistress. It is scarcely open to doubt that the one maid of honour

who stood with the Queen on the eminence whence she beheld the fatal

battle of Langside was the faithful Mary Seton.

Although, so far as we have been able to ascertain, Mary Seton's name

does not occur amongst those of the faithful few who fled with the Queen

from the field of Langside to Sanquhar and Dundrennan, and although the

latter actually states in the letter which she wrote to the Cardinal de

Lorraine, on the 21st of June, that for three nights after the battle

she had fled across country, without being accompanied by any female

attendant, we need have no hesitation in stating that Mary Seton must

have been amongst the eighteen who, when the infatuated Mary resolved on

trusting herself to the protection of Elizabeth, embarked with her in a

fishing smack at Dundrennan, and landed at Workington. A letter written

by Sir Francis Knollys to Cecil, on the 28th of June, makes particular

mention of Mary Seton as one of the waiting-women in attendance on the

Queen, adding further particulars which clearly point to the fact that

she had been so for at least several days:--

Now here are six waiting-women, although none of

reputation, but Mistress Mary Seton, who is praised by

this Queen to be the finest busker, that is to say,

the finest dresser of a woman's head of hair, that is

to be seen in any country whereof we have seen divers

experiences, since her coming hither. And, among other

pretty devices, yesterday and this day, she did set

such a curled hair upon the Queen, that was said to be

a perewyke, that showed very delicately. And every

other day she hath a new device of head-dressing,

without any cost, and yet setteth forth a woman gaylie

well.[100]

For the next nine years Mary Seton disappears almost entirely in the

monotony of her self-imposed exile and captivity. A casual reference to

her, from time to time, in the Queen's correspondence, is the only sign

we have of her existence. Thus, in a letter written from Chatsworth, in

1570, to the Archbishop of Glasgow, to inform him of the death of his

brother, John Beton, laird of Creich, and to request him to send over

Andrew Beton to act as Master of the Household, Mary Stuart incidentally

mentions her maid of honour in terms which, however, convey but little

information concerning her, beyond that of her continued devotion to her

mistress and her affection for her mistress's friends. "Vous avez une

amye en Seton," so the Queen writes, "qui sera aussi satisfayte, en

votre absence, de vous servir de bonne amye que parente ou aultre que

puissiez avoir aupres de moy, pour l'affection qu'elle porte à tous

ceulx qu'elle connait m'avoyr esté fidèles serviteurs."

The royal prisoner's correspondence for the year 1574 gives us another

glimpse of her faithful attendant, "qui tous les jours me fayct service

tres agreable," and for whom the Archbishop is requested to send over

from Paris a watch and alarum. "La monstre que je demande est pour

Seton. Si n'en pouvez trouver une faite, faites la faire, simple et

juste, suyvant mon premier mémoyre, avec le reveil-matin à part."[101]

Three years must again elapse before Mary Seton's next appearance. On

this occasion, however, in 1577, she assumes special importance, and

figures as the chief character in a romantic little drama which Mary

Stuart herself has sketched for us in two letters written from her

prison in Sheffield to Archbishop Beton.

It will be remembered that when, in 1570, death deprived Queen Mary of

the services of John Beton, her Master of the Household, she requested

that his younger brother should be sent over from Paris to supply his

place. In due time Andrew Beton appeared at Sheffield and entered upon

his honourable but profitless duties. He was necessarily brought into

daily contact with Mary Seton, for whom he soon formed a strong

affection, and whom he sought in marriage. The maid of honour, a

daughter of the proud house of Winton, does not appear to have felt

flattered by the attentions of Beton, who, though, "de fort bonne

maison", according to Brantôme,[102] was but the younger son of a

younger son. Despairing of success on his own merits, Andrew Beton at

last wrote to his brother, the Archbishop, requesting him to engage

their royal mistress's influence in furtherance of his suit. The Queen,

with whom, as we know, match-making was an amiable weakness, accepted

the part offered her, and the result of her negotiations is best

explained by her own letter to the Archbishop:--

According to the promise conveyed to you in my last

letter, I have, on three several occasions, spoken to

my maid. After raising several objections based on the

respect due to the honour of her house--according to

the custom of my country--but more particularly on the

vow which she alleges, and which she maintains, can

neither licitly nor honourably be broken, she has at

last yielded to my remonstrances and earnest

persuasions, and dutifully submitted to my commands,

as being those of a good mistress and of one who

stands to her in the place of a mother, trusting that

I shall have due consideration both for her reputation

and for the confidence which she has placed in me.

Therefore, being anxious to gratify you in so good an

object, I have taken it upon myself to obtain for her

a dispensation from her alleged vow, which I hold to

be null. If the opinion of theologians should prove to

coincide with mine in this matter, it shall be my care

to see to the rest. In doing so, however, I shall

change characters, for, as she has confidently placed

herself in my hands, I shall have to represent not

your interests, but hers. Now, as regards the first

point, our man, whom I called into our presence,

volunteered a little rashly, considering the

difficulties which will arise, to undertake the

journey himself, to bring back the dispensation, after

having consulted with you as to the proper steps to be

taken, and to be with us again within three months,

bringing you with him. I shall request a passport for

him; do you, on your part, use your best endeavours

for him; they will be needed, considering the

circumstances under which I am placed. Furthermore, it

will be necessary to write to the damsel's brother, to

know how far he thinks I may go without appearing to

give too little weight to the difference of degree and

title.[103]

After having penned this interesting and well-meaning epistle, the Queen

communicated it to Mary Seton, to whom, however, it did not appear a

fair statement of the case, and for whose satisfaction a postscript was

added:--

I have shown the above to the maiden, and she

accuses me of over-partiality in this, that for

shortness' sake, I have omitted some of the

circumstances of her dutiful submission to me, in

making which she still entertained a hope that some

regard should be had for her vow, even though it prove

to be null, and that her inclination should also be

consulted, which has long been, and more especially

since our captivity, rather in favour of remaining in

her present state than of entering that of marriage. I

have promised her to set this before you, and to give

it, myself, that consideration which is due to her

confidence in me. Furthermore, I have assured her

that, should I be led to persuade her to enter into

that state which is least agreeable to her, it would

only be because my conscience told me that it was the

better for her, and that there was no danger of the

least blame being attached to her. She makes a great

point of the disparity of rank and titles, and

mentions in support of this that she heard fault found

with the marriage of the sisters Livingston, merely

for having wedded the younger sons of their peers, and

she fears that, in a country where such formalities

are observed, her own friends may have a similar

opinion of her. But, as the Queen of both of them, I

have undertaken to assume the whole responsibility,

and to do all that my present circumstances will

allow, to make matters smooth. You need, therefore,

take no further trouble about this, beyond getting

her brother to let us know his candid opinion.

With his mistress's good wishes, and with innumerable commissions from

her ladies, Andrew Beton set out on his mission. Whether the

dispensation was less easy to obtain than he at first fancied, or

whether other circumstances, perhaps of a political nature, arose to

delay him, twice the three months within which he had undertaken to

return to Sheffield had elapsed before information of his homeward

journey was received. He had been successful in obtaining a theological

opinion favourable to his suit, but it appeared that Mary Seton's

objections to matrimony were not to be removed with her vow. This seems

to be the meaning of a letter written to Beton by Mary Stuart, in which,

after telling him that she will postpone the discussion of his affairs

till his return, she pointedly adds that Mary Seton's letters to him

must have sufficiently informed him as to her decision, and that she

herself, though willing to help him by showing her hearty approval of

the match, could give no actual commands in the matter. A similar letter

to the Archbishop seems to point to a belief on Mary's part that, in

spite of the dispensation, the match would never be concluded, and that

Beton would meet with a bitter disappointment on his return to

Sheffield. It was destined, however, that he should never again behold

either his royal lady or her for whom he had undertaken the journey. He

died on his way homewards; but we have no knowledge where or under what

circumstances. The first intimation of the event is contained, as are,

indeed, most of the details belonging to this period, in the Queen's

correspondence. In a letter bearing the date of the 5th of November she

expresses to the Archbishop her regret at the failure of her project to

unite the Betons and the Setons, as well as at the personal loss she had

sustained by the death of a faithful subject and servant.[104]

With this episode our knowledge of Mary Seton's history is nearly

exhausted. There is no further reference to her in the correspondence of

the next six years, during which she continued to share her Queen's

captivity. About the year 1583, when her own health had broken down

under the hardships to which she was subjected in the various prisons to

which she followed Mary Stuart, she begged and obtained permission to

retire to France. The remainder of her life was spent in the seclusion

of the abbey of St. Peter's, at Rheims, over which Renée de Lorraine,

the Queen's maternal aunt, presided.

The last memorial which we have of Mary Seton is a touching proof of the

affection which she still bore her hapless Queen, and of the interest

with which, from her convent cell, she still followed the course of

events. It is a letter, written in October, 1586, to Courcelles, the new

French Ambassador at Holyrood; it refers to her long absence from

Scotland, and concludes with an expression of regret at the fresh

troubles which had befallen the captive Queen.

I cannot conclude without telling you the extreme

pain and anxiety I feel at the distressing news which

has been reported here, that some new trouble has

befallen the Queen, my mistress. Time will not permit

me to tell you more.[105]

It may be supposed that what the faithful maid of honour had heard was

connected with Babington's conspiracy and its fateful failure.

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