THE FOUR MARYS

Reference is seldom made to the Queen's Marys, the four Maids of Honour

whose romantic attachment to their royal mistress and namesake, the

ill-fated Queen of Scots, has thrown such a halo of popularity and

sympathy about their memory, without calling forth the well-known lines:

Yestreen the Queen had four Maries,

The night she'll hae but three;

There was Marie Seton, and Marie Beton,

And Marie Carmichael and me.

To those who are acquainted with the whole of the ballad, which records

the sad fate of the guilty Mary Hamilton, it must have occurred that

there is a striking incongruity between the traditional loyalty of the

Queen's Marys and the alleged execution of one of their number, on the

denunciation of the offended Queen herself, for the murder of an

illegitimate child, the reputed offspring of a criminal intrigue with

Darnley. Yet a closer investigation of the facts assumed in the ballad

leads to a discovery more unexpected than even this. It establishes,

beyond the possibility of a doubt, that, of the four family-names given

in the stanza as those of the four Marys, two only are authentic. Mary

Carmichael and Mary Hamilton herself are mere poetical myths. Not only

does no mention of them occur in any of the lists still extant of the

Queen's personal attendants, but there also exist documents of all

kinds, from serious historical narrative and authoritative charter to

gossiping correspondence and polished epigram, to prove that the

colleagues of Mary Beton and Mary Seton were Mary Fleming and Mary

Livingston. How the apocryphal names have found their way into the

ballad, or how the ballad itself has come to be connected with the Maids

of Honour, cannot be determined. There is, however, in Knox's _History

of the Reformation_, a passage which has been looked upon as furnishing

a possible foundation of truth to the whole fiction. It is that in which

he records the commission and the punishment of a crime similar to that

for which Mary Hamilton is represented as about to die on the gallows.

"In the very time of the General Assembly there comes to public

knowledge a haynous murther, committed in the Court; yea, not far from

the queen's lap: for a French woman, that served in the queen's chamber,

had played the whore with the queen's own apothecary. The woman

conceived and bare a child, whom with common consent, the father and

mother murthered; yet were the cries of a new-borne childe hearde,

searche was made, the childe and the mother were both apprehended, and

so was the man and the woman condemned to be hanged in the publicke

street of Edinburgh. The punishment was suitable, because the crime was

haynous."[50] Between this historical fact--for the authenticity of

which we have also the testimony of Randolph[51]--and the ballad, which

substitutes Darnley and one of the Maids of Honour for the queen's

apothecary and a nameless waiting-woman, the connection is not very

close. Indeed, there is but one point on which both accounts are in

agreement, though that, it is true, is an important one. The unnatural

mother whose crime, with its condign punishment, is mentioned by the

historian, was, he says, a French woman. The Mary Hamilton of the

ballad, in spite of a name which certainly does not point to a foreign

origin, is also made to come from over the seas:

I charge ye all, ye mariners,

When ye sail ower the faem;

Let neither my father nor my mother get wit

But that I'm coming hame.

* * * * *

O, little did my mother ken,

The day she cradled me,

The lands I was to travel in,

Or the death I was to dee.

It does not, however, come within the scope of the present paper to

examine more closely into the ballad of Mary Hamilton. It suffices to

have made it clear that, whatever be their origin, the well-known verses

have no historical worth or significance, and no real claim to the title

of "The Queen's Marie" prefixed to them in the _Minstrelsy of the

Scottish Border_.[52] Except for the purpose of correcting the

erroneous, but general belief, which has been propagated by the singular

and altogether unwarranted mention of the "Four Marys", and the

introduction of the names of two of them in the oft-quoted stanza, there

would, in reality, be no necessity for any allusion to the popular poem

in a sketch of the career of the fair Maids of Honour, whose touching

fidelity through good and evil fortune has won for them a greater share

of interest than is enjoyed by any of the subordinate characters in the

great historical drama of which their royal mistress is the central

figure.

The first historical and authoritative mention of the four Marys is from

the pen of one who was personally and intimately acquainted with

them--John Leslie, Bishop of Ross. It occurs in his description of the

departure of the infant Mary Stuart from the small harbour at the foot

of the beetling, castle-crowned rock of Dumbarton, on that memorable

voyage which so nearly resembled a flight. "All things being reddy for

the jornay," writes the chronicler, in his quaint northern idiom, "the

Quene being as than betuix fyve and sax yearis of aige, wes delivered

to the quene dowarier hir moder, and wes embarqued in the Kingis awin

gallay, and with her the Lord Erskyn and Lord Levingstoun quha had bene

hir keparis, and the Lady Fleming her fadir sister, with sindre

gentilwemen and nobill mennis sonnes and dochteres, almoist of hir awin

age; of the quhilkes thair wes four in speciall, of whom everie one of

thame buir the samin name of Marie, being of four syndre honorable

houses, to wyt, Fleming, Levingstoun, Seton and Betoun of Creich; quho

remainit all foure with the Quene in France, during her residens thair,

and returned agane in Scotland with her Majestie in the yeir of our Lord

I^{m}V^{c}lxi yeris."[53] Of the education and early training of the

four Marys, as companions and playmates of the youthful queen, we have

no special record. The deficiency is one which our knowledge of the wild

doings of the gayest court of the age makes it easy to supply. For the

Scottish maidens, as for their mistress, intercourse with the frivolous

company that gathered about Catherine de' Medici was but indifferent

preparation for the serious business of life. Looking back on "those

French years", doubtless they too, like her, "only seemed to see--

A light of swords and singing, only hear

Laughter of love and lovely stress of lutes,

And in between the passion of them borne

Sound of swords crossing ever, as of feet

Dancing, and life and death still equally

Blithe and bright-eyed from battle."

Brantôme, to whom we are indebted for so much personal description of

Mary Stuart, and so many intimate details concerning her character,

tastes, and acquirements, is less communicative with respect to her

four fair attendants. He merely mentions them amongst the court

beauties as "Mesdamoiselles de Flammin, de Ceton, Beton, Leviston,

escoissaises".[54] He makes no allusion to them in the pathetic

description of the young queen's departure from her "sweet France" on

the fateful 24th of August, a date which subsequent events were destined

to mark with a fearful stain of blood, in the family to which she was

allied. Yet, doubtless they, too, were gazing with tearful eyes at the

receding shore, blessing the calm which retarded their course, trembling

with vague fears as their voyage began amidst the cries of drowning men,

and half wishing that the English ships of the jealous Elizabeth might

prevent them from reaching their dreary destination. That they were with

their royal namesake, we know. Leslie, who, with Brantôme and the

unfortunate Chastelard, accompanied the idol of France to her

unsympathetic northern home, again makes special note of "the four

maidis of honour quha passit with hir Hienes in France, of her awin

aige, bering the name everie ane of Marie, as is befoir mencioned".

During the first years of Mary Stuart's stay in her capital, the four

maids of honour played conspicuous parts in all the amusements and

festivities of the court, and were amongst those who incurred the

censure of the austere Reformers for introducing into Holyrood the

"balling, and dancing, and banquetting"[55] of Amboise and Fontainbleau.

Were our information about the masques acted at the Scottish Court less

scanty, we should, doubtless, often find the names of the four Marys

amongst the performers. Who more fit than they to figure in the first

masque represented at Holyrood, in October, 1561, at the Queen's

farewell banquet to her uncle, the Grand Prior of the Knights of St.

John, and to take their places amongst the Muses who marched in

procession before the throne, reciting Buchanan's flattering verses in

praise of the lettered court of the Queen of Scots?

Banished by War, to thee we take our flight,

Who still dost worship at the Muses' shrine,

And, solaced by thy presence, day and night,

Nor murmur at our exile, nor repine.

Had Marioreybanks given us the names of those who took part in the

festivities which he describes as having taken place on the occasion of

Lord Fleming's marriage, can we doubt that the Marys would have been

found actively engaged in the open-air performance "in the Parke of

Holyroudhous, under Arthur's Seatt, at the end of the loche"?[56]

Indeed, it is not matter of mere conjecture, but of authentic historical

record, that on more than one occasion Buchanan did actually introduce

the Queen's namesakes amongst the dramatis personæ of the masques

which, as virtual laureate of the Scottish Court, he was called upon to

supply. The _Diurnal of Occurrents_ mentions that "upoun the ellevint

day of the said moneth (February) the King and Quene in lyik manner

bankettit the samin (French) Ambassatour; and at evin our Soveranis maid

the maskrie and mumschance, in the quhilk the Queenis Grace and all hir

Maries and ladies were all cled in men's apperell; and everie ane of

thame presentit ane quhingar, bravelie and maist artificiallie made and

embroiderit with gold, to the said Ambassatour and his gentilmen, everie

ane of thame according to his estate".[57] That this, moreover, was not

the first appearance of the fair performers we also know, for it was

they who bore the chief parts in the third masque acted during the

festivities which attended the Queen's marriage with Darnley; and it was

one of them, perhaps Mary Beton, the scholar of the court, who recited

the verses which Buchanan had introduced in allusion to their royal

mistress's recovery from some illness otherwise unrecorded in history:

Kind Goddess, Health, four Nymphs their voices raise

To welcome thy return and sing thy praise,

To beg as suppliants that thou wouldst deign

To smile benignly on their Queen again,

And make her royal breast thy hallowed shrine,

Where best and worthiest worship shall be thine.

That the four Nymphs mentioned in this, the only fragment of the masque

which has been preserved, were the four Marys, is explained by

Buchanan's commentator, Ruddiman: "Nymphas his vocat quatuor Mariæ Scotæ

corporis ministras, quæ etiam omnes Mariæ nominabantur". It is more than

probable, too, that the Marys were not merely spectators of the masque

which formed a part of the first day's amusements, and of which they

themselves were the subject-matter. It may still be read under the title

of "Pompa Deorum in Nuptiis Mariæ", in Buchanan's Latin poems. Diana

opens the masque, which is but a short mythological dialogue, with a

complaint to the ruler of Olympus that one of her five Marys--the Queen

herself is here included--has been taken from her by the envious arts of

Venus and of Juno:

Five Marys erst my boast and glory were,

Each one in youthful beauty passing fair;

Whilst these enhanced the splendour of my state

To all the gods I seemed too fortunate,

Till Venus, urged by Juno in her ire,

Stole one away and marred my comely quire,

Whereof the other four now grieve that they

Must, like the Pleiads, shine with lessened ray.

In the dialogue which follows, and in which five goddesses and five gods

take part, Apollo chimes in with a prophecy which was only partially

accomplished:

Fear not, Diana, cast away thy care,

And hear the tidings which I prescient bear;

Juno decrees thy Marys shall be wed,

And in all state to Hymen's altar led,

But each to fill its lessened ranks again,

Will add her offspring to thy beauteous train.

In his summing up, which, as may be imagined, is not very favourable to

the complainant, the Olympian judge also introduces a prettily turned

compliment to the Marys:

Five Marys erst were thine and each one meet

With goddesses in beauty to compete;

Each worthy of a god, if iron fate

Allowed the gods to choose a mortal mate.

The whole pageant closes with an epilogue spoken by the herald

Talthybius, who also foretells further defections from Diana's maidens:

Another marriage! Hear the joyful cry:

Another Mary joined in nuptial tie!

As was but natural, the Queen's favourite attendants possessed

considerable influence with their royal lady, and the sequel will show,

in the case of each of them, how eagerly their good offices were sought

after by courtiers and ambassadors anxious for the success of their

several suits and missions. In a letter which Randolph wrote to Cecil on

the 24th of October, 1564, and which, as applying to the Marys

collectively, may be quoted here, we are shown the haughty Lennox

himself condescending to make pretty presents to the maids with a view

to ingratiating himself with the mistress. "He presented also each of

the Marys with such pretty things as he thought fittest for them, such

good means he hath to win their hearts, and to make his way to further

effect."[58]

In Byways of Scottish History · 第 9 / 76 题