The third group of Lycian sepulchral monuments, the smaller sarcophagi,

is the most numerous, forming at times an extended necropolis. Though

the majority are not free from Hellenic influences, they yet generally

maintain the peculiar national characteristics, being imitations of

wooden constructions somewhat similar to the rock-cut tombs. The lid in

some instances appears to be of slat-work, and, instead of the

semicircular gable common in Phœnicia, presents a pointed arch. The

cornice dentils distinctly betray their derivation from the projecting

ceiling beams, which, upon the block-house tombs, had still preserved

the round form of unhewn timbers. A tomb at Antiphellos (_Fig._ 114) has

a channel cut upon the summit of the lid, probably to serve as a socket

for the ridge-crestings. The heads of lions and other projecting

ornaments upon the sides enrich the architectural treatment. The

monument cannot be spoken of as a sarcophagus, in the true sense of the

word, for its lid was not movable, the body being introduced from the

front, where window-like openings were provided for the purpose.

[Illustration: Fig. 114.--Sarcophagus at Antiphellos.]

[Illustration: Fig. 115.--Rock-cut Tomb at Telmissos.]

A fourth class of Lycian rock-cut tombs, those with a façade resembling

a small temple-front, is of particular interest to the history of

architecture. Many among these display the influence of a late Hellenic

period, yet some preserve such primitive forms as to make it certain

that Lycia took a prominent part in the development of the Ionic

style--that the southern coast of Asia Minor was an important station,

marking the advance of artistic culture from Mesopotamia to the Ægean

Sea. These tombs generally represent the front of a temple in

antis--that is to say, of a portico with two columns between the

advanced side walls. The predominant Ionic forms are singularly

primitive in the capital and entablature, the greater number of the

examples showing no trace of the decline of the style, or of the Roman

type, so easily recognizable by the formal character of the details.

These differ greatly, and seem to show the experiments of an early

period of development, which may still have been contemporaneous with a

far higher advance of the style upon the more northern coasts of the

Ægean Sea and Sporades, being influenced in a different degree by the

same Western Asiatic motives. The important combination which

characterizes the perfection of Ionic architecture--the conjunction of

the volute with the Doric echinos beneath it--does not appear upon these

capitals; the spiral has not a graceful curve, and the contraction of

the side rolls of the volute is lacking; the abacus is badly profiled,

and the shafts are often joined without a curve to the clumsy bases.

(Compare _Fig._ 116.) As was always the case among the Orientals, who

knew of no independent gable and roof formation above the ceiling, the

entablature consisted of only two members,--the epistyle, uniting the

columns, and the terminating cornice. The triple division of the

entablature, of so marked importance in the perfected style, was not

known; even the two members here occurring were not sharply defined, and

the dentils of the cornice were fully developed at a time when their

original constructive significance had not yet been forgotten in their

decorative application. The gable acroteria are clumsy knops, similar to

the circular ridge ornaments and the horn-like corner pieces of

Phœnician monuments. In short, we may trace in the rock-cut tombs of

Lycia, if not a Proto-Ionic style, yet a distinct parallel development

of the most primitive Ionic forms. These did not exclude the influence

of Greece, after the full perfection of the style had been attained, but

rather prepared its way. An example of such later semi-Hellenic work may

be observed in the magnificent monument of Xanthos, built in the middle

of the fourth century B.C. as a trophy after the capture of Telmissos by

the Xanthians. This also has been in part transported to the British

Museum. This structure was not cut from the solid rock, but was built of

quarried stones. It shows the full development of Ionic forms. Upon a

comparatively high substructure there stood a cella surrounded by

columns--of a peripteral arrangement rare in Lycia, where all the tombs

which represent temples seem to show that the national places of

worship, like those of Assyria and Phœnicia, were restricted to a

portico in antis, the evolution of the peripteros being an improvement

of the Greeks. The naïve originality observable in the Ionic does not

exist in the more isolated Doric forms, although a few very archaic

monuments of the latter style are known. Their existence is explained by

the vicinity of Crete, that southern outpost of early Doric culture, as

well as by the neighboring Doric colonies which flourished upon the

southwestern extremity of Asia Minor.

[Illustration: Fig. 116.--Details of Columns from Telmissos, Myra, and

Antiphellos.]

[Illustration: Fig. 117.--So-called Tomb of Midas.]

[Illustration: Fig. 118.--Phrygian Rock-cut Tomb near Doganlu.]

Lycia appears to have had but little influence upon the other countries

of the seaboard, which were almost entirely Hellenized; nor did its

influence penetrate as far into the interior country as Phrygia, where

the civilization of the Greeks was introduced only by way of the Ægean

and Pontic coasts. There were neither frequented ports nor navigable

streams to open the way. The tracklessness of wooded mountains

restricted the commercial and intellectual horizon of the Phrygians,

who, as a nomadic people, were contented with the slightest artistic

exertion. In the same way as the Lycian carved his wooden hut upon the

face of the cliff, that he might retain after his death the beloved

dwelling of his life, the Phrygian ornamented the front of his grotto

graves by a representation of his movable house, the nomadic tent. Only

the cloth of the tent, with its woven pattern, was shown; its

constructive ribs, not visible upon the exterior of the original, were

omitted from the imitation. The most important of these tomb

frontispieces, between Kiutahija and Sivrihissar upon the Saquaria,

which are attributed to Phrygian kings, is called by the Turks

Yasili-Kaia (the inscribed stone). (_Fig._ 117.) It is known as the Tomb

of Midas from the one legible word, Midai, occurring in an

unintelligible inscription. Upon the face of the cliff there is cut a

square surface, 11 m. broad and about 9 m. high, terminated above by a

low gable, which, with the acroterium, adds 3 m. to the height of the

whole. The triangle is framed by a light lattice-work in low relief, and

crowned with two volutes, similar to the circular ridge decorations of

Phœnician tombs. The tympanon is not carved, but probably, with the

entire front, was painted. The extensive rectangular surface beneath is

covered with a complicated meander ornament in relief--a play of lines

evidently taken from a woven pattern and resembling the decorations of

Moorish walls, where the fundamental motive was also the tent-cloth. The

border of this surface represents, without conventionalization, an

edging set with precious stones, such as may have been customary upon

costly Syrian stuffs. The small interior chamber was only large enough

for the reception of a sarcophagus. The entrance to it was not marked by

any architectural features--even as the tent itself was not provided

with a door--but the passage was originally closed by a slab, upon the

face of which the woven pattern was without doubt continued. A second

tomb of the vicinity, also marked by an undecipherable inscription, is

of similar character. (_Fig._ 118.) The gable represents a wooden

construction, somewhat like the framing of Lycian sarcophagi; its double

acroterium is decorated with three rosettes. The principal surface, the

square below, is without carving, and had probably a painted pattern. A

third frontispiece of this type shows a floral frieze of alternate

palmettoes and buds, resembling an Assyrian motive, but inverted,

perhaps because its direct model was the border of a carpet. It recalls

the hanging rows of pomegranates upon the columns Jachin and Boaz of

Solomon’s Temple. The cliffs of Phrygia are honey-combed by such

rock-cut tombs. Especially in the district north of Seid-el-Ar are there

numberless small grottoes, the entrances to which are either perfectly

plain or provided only with a simple triangular gable--all giving proof

of the rarity of artistic effort among these idyllic mountains.

The influence of Assyrian and Persian methods is evident even to the

west of the river Halys, the border of the Mesopotamian dominion before

Cyrus; but upon its farther banks, in Eastern Phrygia, Oriental art is

universally prevalent. At Eyuk there are remains, supposed to be those

of a temple, with a portal flanked by monsters like the cherubim of

Nineveh and Persepolis. At Boghaz-Kieui, besides rock-cut reliefs

entirely similar to those of Persia, there are the foundations of a

terrace with the ruins of a palace, built upon the plan of the royal

dwellings of Persepolis.

Lydia, the last of the three independent countries of Asia Minor, was so

near to the Ionic cities of the coast, and so exposed to the influence

of their civilization, that but few national peculiarities were

preserved in the historical period. The tumulus was there, as in early

Greece, the customary form of the monumental tomb. In Lydia, as in

Etruria, numbers of these mounds stood in an extended necropolis. The

conical tumulus is as characteristic a form for the extreme west of Asia

Minor, for the Troad, as the strictly geometrical pyramid is for Egypt,

or its terraced variation for Mesopotamia. The mound of earth was at

times reveted with a masonry of large polygonal blocks, or placed upon a

low cylindrical drum of such Cyclopean walls; the only architectural

ornaments were simple base and cornice mouldings. The best-preserved,

though not the most important, monument of this kind is the so-called

Grave of Tantalos upon Mount Sipylos, near Smyrna, one of a group of

twelve. (_Fig._ 119.) The rectangular chamber in its centre, 3.5 m. long

and almost 3 m. high, is roofed by a false vault, the horizontal,

gradually projecting stones being cut within to the outline of a pointed

arch. The entrance to this tumulus, like the shafts of the Egyptian

pyramids, was hidden by the casing of exterior masonry. The fragments of

a stone pier near by, somewhat like the Meghazil monument of Amrith,

probably belonged to the ornament upon the summit of the cone, which,

with a diameter of plan equal to 33.6 m., attained a height of 27.6 m.

Of greater grandeur, though in an entire state of destruction, are the

royal graves of the Lydian capital. The world-renowned name of Sardis

has been preserved in the appellation of the squalid village Sarabat now

standing upon its site. In its vicinity are the remains of more than one

hundred tumuli. The most important of these, with a cylindrical drum 257

m. in diameter and 18.5 m. high, still rises to an elevation of 61.5 m.

It is with some probability identified with that monument of Alyattes

described by Herodotos, who exaggerates its dimensions to a diameter of

400 m. The cone of rammed earth was apparently not reveted with stone.

Upon its apex there was a pier of five blocks, which bore a

hemispherical termination; of this various fragments have been found.

[Illustration: Fig. 119.--The So-called Grave of Tantalos.]

These tumuli approach in dimensions closely to the pyramids of Egypt.

The elevation of the cone upon a cylindrical base was a certain advance,

but its execution was such as to allow of no comparison between the

monuments of the two countries. The pyramids of Egypt were built; the

tumuli of Lydia were merely heaped up of earth. The former demanded

great technical ability and the assistance of a commanding and

calculating mind; the latter were the works of an enslaved people alone.

But, on the other hand, the Lydian cones more closely resembled the

natural form of a funeral mound than did the pyramids of Egypt and

Mesopotamia, and on this account were capable of greater development.

Such tumuli are to be met with from Asia to Etruria, and were adopted

even by the great architects of Greece: the highest artistic

civilization always gives preference to the simplest solution of a

problem.

[Illustration: Fig. 120.--View of the Athenian Propylæa. Restoration.]

HELLAS.

The Mediterranean Sea was the heart of the Old World; the important

lands of the early history of civilization were grouped about its richly

indented shores, generally decreasing in respect of culture as they

receded from it. The northeastern part of the Mediterranean, because of

its many islands, having an even greater proportionate coast-line, was

the centre of the countries ennobled by Hellenic civilization.

Separating and uniting at once, like all the waters of the earth, the

Ægean Sea formed the boundary between the two chief races of Greek

intellectual life--the Dorians and the Ionians; while it was, at the

same time, the favoring medium of exchange for the productions of their

genius. European Greece, with its predominating Doric population, and

the almost exclusively Ionic coasts of Asia Minor, equally looked upon

this sea as their own, traversing it with thousands of ships, and

gaining more from the trackless waters before them than from the

interior lands of the immense continents whose seaboard alone they were

content to occupy. In Asia the Greeks were restricted to the countries

upon its uttermost western border; in European Greece the development

was chiefly directed towards the eastern coast, paying even less

attention to their own shores on the Adriatic than to the early

colonized ports of Magna-Græcia and Sicily. The Archipelago itself

provided convenient strongholds and outposts in every direction. The

numerous harbors and anchoring-places of its many islands offered

protection against the notorious treachery of the Ægean main--a

protection imperatively necessary for the primitive seafarers of

antiquity. But, as in the history of all civilization, the currents of

Greek intellectual and artistic progress moved distinctly from east to

west. The European (Doric) culture was in itself less calculated to

influence Asia than the Asiatic (Ionic) to affect the younger continent.

It was, as decided by nature, upon European soil, upon Attica--the most

advanced promontory of European Greece--that the two branches of the

Greek race united, and bore in Athens that double fruit at which we

marvel. The Dorians, displaced, in some measure, by the rapid growth of

Ionic Asia and Europe, turned still farther westward, and settled upon

the shores of Sicily and the Gulf of Tarention, where imposing monuments

still attest the extent of their power.

The legends of the wanderings of Hellenic tribes, and especially of the

so-called Doric migration, were based upon the busy currents of

intercourse between Asia and Europe, over seas and straits, and between

the European continent and the Morea, the Island of Pelops. The

relations and the quarrels of Hellenic and semi-barbaric peoples upon

each side of the Ægean are illustrated by the tales of the Argonauts and

their voyage, and of the Trojan War, both of which bear the stamp of a

certain piratical rivalry. The fatal lack of unity, resulting from the

separate development of neighboring districts, could not be more

distinctly characterized than by the fact that the Greek races, although

they felt themselves divided from other nations--from _barbarians_--by

an impassable gulf, and were aware of their own absolute intellectual

superiority, yet lacked any comprehensive designation for themselves:

the name _Greeks_, or _Hellenes_, is of comparatively recent origin.

The Homeric epics prove that the intellectual development of the people

to whom the immortal poet belonged stood, at least as early as the ninth

century B.C., at a height to which nations of such primitive

civilization as the Egyptians and Chaldæans had never attained.

Phenomenal as the appearance of those poems may have been, they still

could not have stood so high above their time--which they evidently

represent with a certain transfiguration--that contemporaries were not

able to comprehend and enjoy them. The creative arts stood, at this

epoch, in strange contrast to so great an intellectual height; they were

far surpassed by the advance of poetry. Though certain textile and

ceramic manufactures (the making of wooden and bronze utensils, woven

stuffs, and pottery) must have been practised to some extent in Greece

proper, the better artistic productions are continually referred to as

imported from the civilized countries of Asia. Larger objects, and

notably buildings, were either exceedingly primitive, or, in the lack of

trained native ability, were erected and ornamented in foreign styles.

The Homeric epics know nothing of a columnar temple, nothing of artistic

images of the gods, nothing even of dwellings corresponding to the

importance of their princely heroes. Even at a much later time a

Spartan, accustomed to erect his own house with saw and axe alone, might

be astonished at the squarely hewn beams of a ceiling, which he

previously had seen formed only of round trunks, like those imitated

upon the Lycian block-house tombs.

It is of this exceeding simplicity that we must picture to ourselves the

palaces of the kings, one of which is so attractively described by the

singer of the Odyssey, in the account of the royal dwelling at Ithaca.

The entire establishment must have been similar to a grange--a wall

enclosing a number of buildings with the court before them. The rustic

parallel is clearly brought to mind by the description of this

farm-yard, where the compost-heap, surrounded by swine and geese, was

the bed of the old watch-dog, who, in Homer’s truly idyllic account,

alone recognizes his master, and, dying, wags his tail in greeting. From

this yard a gate led to an inner court, comparable to the peristyle of

later buildings, but without the ornament of columns, and in all

respects extremely primitive. Goats and beeves were driven in here

without further ado to be slaughtered. This adjoined upon one side the

chambers of the men, upon the other those of the women, so separated

that the tumultuous massacre of the suitors in the principal hall did

not disturb the slumber of Penelope, and only reached the ears of the

maids like distant moaning. Upon the third side, probably opposite the

entrance, was the hall of the men, a ceiled space, which must have been

of considerable extent, as the hundred and eight unwelcome guests could

here unite in the banquet and other amusements. Its ceiling, like that

of the armory and that of the royal sleeping-chamber, was supported by

upright beams of wood. We may imagine these similar to the shafts in the

Palace of Oinomaos at Elis, one of which, bound together with iron

hoops, was preserved as a relic in the time of Pausanias. The ceiling

beams of the hall were smoked and blackened by open fires and

torch-lights as in rustic dwellings. Of the walls there is no mention,

though the supposition is not improbable that the bright metal sheathing

of the palaces of Menelaos and Alkinoös existed here also. It would be

explained by the Phœnician overlaying of wood-work with beaten

bronze, or, to speak more correctly, with copper. The space could not

have been without openings for light and air. These are not directly

mentioned by the poet, but may be assumed, from the analogies offered by

other civilized nations of early antiquity, to have existed in the wall,

immediately under the ceiling. Here the interstices between the immense

horizontal beams, which rested upon the walls, were left open, and the

motive of the subsequent Doric metope resulted of itself. That the

timbers overhead were not sheathed with boards is evident from a Homeric

simile: Athene rose to the ceiling, and there sat, “like unto the

resting swallow;” that is to say, upon the cross-beams of the open

triangle formed by the roof-framing. Further evidence is offered by the

account of the hanging of Epicaste upon a ceiling beam, which must have

been exposed from all sides.

The tholos of the palace at Ithaca was an isolated circular structure,

before the court, and may perhaps be identified with the high thalamos

to which Telemachos descended. In this also lay gold and metal in

heaps; while shrines containing garments, and amphoras filled with oil

and wine, etc., stood around. Its double door, of careful workmanship,

agrees with the character of a treasury. If this identification of the

tholos and thalamos be accepted, no doubt can remain that we have here

to deal with a space similar to many yet remaining in Greece, generally

known under the name of treasure-houses. Examples exist at Orchomenos,

near Pharsalos, Amyclæ, Menidi, and in Mykenæ.

[Illustration: Fig. 121.--Plan and Section of the Tholos of Atreus.]

[Illustration: Fig. 122.--Restoration of the Tholos of Atreus. Portal.

(Clarke.)]

[Illustration: Fig. 123.--Fragments of an Engaged Column from the Tholos

of Atreus.]

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