Religious representations are much rarer than in theocratic Egypt. The

kings of despotic Mesopotamia arrogated to themselves the supremacy

allowed in Egypt to the gods, who in the latter country had been placed

by the priests in relation with every human action, and whose ceremonial

scenes were so predominant. The typical winged figure described above

occurs continually in small reliefs, and even in diminutive ornaments.

In rare instances a griffin or a kind of Pegasos is employed in its

place upon purely decorative works. The sacred symbol of the tree of

life, or that of the great god Ashur--the winged and encircled figure

already mentioned--is worshipped by standing or kneeling human beings

and by inferior deities. Processions are represented bearing images upon

thrones, and the sacrifice of lambs is shown, the animals being

slaughtered and burned piecemeal. These purely ceremonial reliefs differ

fundamentally from the historical scenes. In the former the figures are

over life-size; they are carved with great attention to detail, and are

never grouped, but placed at regular distances: in the latter the human

beings do not receive the attention devoted to the inanimate objects

occurring in the pictured story, and especially to the indications of

its locality. The fortifications of besieged towns are mapped out with

scrupulous exactness, and are easily understood when it is borne in mind

that the effect of distance, from the lack of perspective in this

primitive art, is expressed by piling things _upon_ one another which

were in reality _behind_ one another. Buildings are shown by reliefs

like those given in _Figs._ 35 and 57, with a more or less successful

attempt to clearly illustrate constructive details.

The landscape is conventionalized in a peculiar manner. Fields of grain

upon regularly rolling hills are designated by wavy lines; the trees are

usually suggestive of the carved toys accompanying the well-known Noah’s

ark of our children--this impression being heightened by the trunks

radially diverging from the hill, that they may be the more closely

grouped together. The childlike art of the Assyrians here expressed a

common error of childhood--that more trees can grow upon the increased

surface of a hill than upon a plain with an area equal to the base of

the hill-cone. At times, when necessary for the characterization of a

locality, palms, grape-vines, figs, and other plants are indicated by a

detailed imitation of leaves and fruit. Lakes, rivers (_Fig._ 74), and

swamps are carefully drawn in wavy parallel lines with spirally

conventionalized ripples; they are bordered with reeds and sedges, and

inhabited by aquatic animals easily recognized by the naturalist. The

events are represented in a simple and straightforward manner;

unimportant figures are diminutive and less carefully carved, while the

chief actors in a scene not only tower above their fellow-beings, but

even above trees and fortifications. As the only intention of the artist

was to represent a locality and an occurrence, he did not hesitate to

give a city such proportions that the defenders upon its battlements

could never have passed through its gates, and, standing upon the

ground, would have overtopped the towers.

These conventionalized types do not appear in the bronzes, sheathings of

thin wood-work, bowls, and other vessels, or in the rarer remains of

ivory carvings. A number of objects of this kind, discovered during the

excavations of Nineveh, are deposited in the British Museum. The better

preserved and more easily recognizable among the ivory carvings are of

Egyptian style, and even in some instances represent Egyptian religious

ceremonies. This is also, in a measure, the case with the bronzes,

which are composed of ten parts of copper and one of tin; though a

majority of these show thicker and heavier forms, especially in the

animals, and strikingly remind one of similar utensils discovered in

Phœnicia and Cyprus. These articles must be considered either to have

been directly imported, or so slavishly copied from foreign originals

that they are at present not surely distinguishable. There can be little

doubt that the native place of the bronze vessels was Phœnicia, and

not Egypt. The former country, as proved by the repeated allusions of

Homer and other early authors, was famed in the pre-historic ages of

Greece for the manufacture of metal utensils, and especially for an

extended employment of the bronze supplied by the copper-mines of Cyprus

and the tin trade with England. When considered in connection with the

well-known extent of Phœnician commerce, this derivation of the metal

remains found at Nineveh is rendered more than probable.

[Illustration: Fig. 76.--Glazed Terra-cotta, from Nimrud.

Red. Brown. Green. Black.]

The few and unimportant vestiges of Assyrian painting add little

material to the history of art. It has already been mentioned that the

palace walls were covered with a colored facing, shown by fragments

found among the ruins to have been of painted stucco and glazed tiles.

It consisted of bands of ornament, rows of rosettes and anthemions,

woven strap-work, conventionalized mythical animals, and other forms

arranged in set regularity. This treatment was adopted especially for

the exterior and for the courts, where imposing ceremonial reliefs with

colossal figures covered the lower surface of the wall. Animals the size

of life are given in yellow upon a blue ground, such mosaic mural

decorations being formed of tiles drawn and colored with reference to

their ultimate position. (_Fig._ 64.) There are also paintings

corresponding to the reliefs of alabaster common upon the lower half of

important walls. With figures somewhat over 0.2 m. high, they represent

scenes which appear to have stood in some relation to the carved

ornaments of interior chambers. The most important of the fragments

preserved shows a king, who, returning from battle or the hunt, is about

to place to his lips a bowl handed him by a servant. (_Fig._ 76.) The

bow which he holds in his left hand rests upon the earth; a sword hangs

by his side. A eunuch with bow, quiver, and sword, and a warrior in

short dress, with lance and pointed helmet, follow him. The garments are

outlined by a broad band of yellow color, somewhat similar in effect to

the heavy leading of mediæval stained glass-work, which increases the

impression of flat stiffness peculiar to the Assyrian costumes of baggy

cloth without folds. The head, arms, and legs are drawn in simple lines.

A dark-yellow border separates the green dress from the red background,

and the brownish color of the exposed flesh. White is intermingled with

yellow in the rosettes, fringes, swords, etc.; the hair, beard, sandals,

and the pupils of the eyes are black. Other fragments illustrated by

Layard have a green background, yellow flesh, blue garments, horses,

fishes, etc., all drawn with a heavy white, or, in rare instances,

brown, outline. It would be difficult to determine whether these

pigments have preserved their original color, and whether, indeed, some

tints are not entirely lost. Chemical analysis has demonstrated that

several metallic preparations were known to the Assyrians. The yellow is

that preparation of antimony and lead which, under the name of Naples

yellow, has been supposed a modern invention; the blue is a combination

of copper and lead, also praised as a device of recent date in its

application as a flux for glazing. The white is an enamel of oxidized

tin, commonly held to have been first employed by the Arabs of Northern

Africa in the eighth or ninth Christian century; the red is a suboxide

of copper.

In regard to the style of these paintings, little can be added to that

already stated in the consideration of Assyrian sculpture. The figures

are somewhat more slender, and seem at times to betray a slight Egyptian

influence. As in that country, the tones of color within the firm

outlines are without modulation, differing only in the hues of the

substances they represent. The composition is, perhaps, more

picturesque, the figures frequently covering each other with varied

position and action. The carved slabs which served as a revetment of the

lower wall-surfaces were brought into harmony with the paintings above

them by the addition of color to the reliefs. The hair, beard, and the

pupils of the eyes were black; some parts of the dress, as the ribbons

of the tiara, the sandals, etc., red. There is no doubt that other

tints, not now recognizable, were added to the sculptures; but it must

not be held that this painting was so brilliant and decided as some

restorations represent. If the uniform effect of a completely painted

wall-surface had been desired, the carving would largely have been given

up. The best ornamental treatment of the architecturally bare surface

was given by the marked division of its height. If the light openings of

columns and pilasters, just under the ceiling, be assumed to have

existed above the high and unpierced wall, as a distinct horizontal

member crowning the enclosing mass, we can but admire this combination,

in the Assyrian palace, of superposed courses of sculptured, painted,

and architectural works.

[Illustration: Fig. 77.--Restoration of the Palace of Darius,

Persepolis.]

PERSIA.

The fall of Nineveh, instead of being despicable--according to the

common legend--from the weakness of Sardanapalus, the last Assyrian

king, deserves rather, from the heroic ruin of the monarch with his

city, to be compared to the fall of Carthage or of Jerusalem. It removed

for some time the centre of Western Asiatic power farther to the east,

beyond the Mesopotamian streams: first to mountainous Media, whose

inhabitants, through want of culture, were better fitted to destroy than

to build, and who, therefore, play almost no part in the history of art.

As the short reign of Median greatness passed away, political power

tended to the southeast, to Persia, which raised its world-renowned

kingdom upon the ruins of the Median, and stretched the boundaries of

the new empire far beyond any former compass of Western Asiatic

sovereignty. Cyrus, the first historical monarch of Persia, not only

conquered all resistance, notably that of Nebuchadnezzar and his

Babylonian dominion, and of the Lydian king Crœsus (by no means

remarkable solely on account of his great riches), but carried his

victorious arms even to the Ægean Sea; so that Asia, in so far as it was

known to Europe, was synonymous with Persia. Cambyses, successor to

Cyrus, crushed the oldest power of the world, that of the Pharaohs; and

the third Persian king crossed the Bosporos, that he might embody in the

colossal Persian empire the eastern lands of Europe and the borders of

the Pontos. Persia, by the personal greatness of some of its rulers, by

the healthy force of its original inhabitants, as well as by marked

good-fortune, thus attained a position in the history of the world

hitherto equalled by no other country; and it was by no means wanting in

a corresponding monumental expression of this advance.

The chief cities of the land--Susa, Pasargadæ, and Persepolis, for which

latter, a name known through Greek historians, we might substitute New

Metropolis of the Persians--strove, at least in their royal palaces, to

surpass the cities of the Assyrians and Babylonians. Diodoros speaks of

Persepolis as “the world-renowned royal fortress,” imposing even to the

Greeks. The thousands of years that have passed have yet left remains

sufficient for an ideal reconstruction of the whole, and a conception of

the artistic ability of the Persians may there be obtained. This is less

the case with Susa, more destroyed, and in no wise thoroughly examined.

Its site, known by the name Shush, which still clings to the ruins, is

revered by Mohammedan pilgrims as that of the tomb of Daniel, in like

manner as the location of Nineveh found traditional confirmation among

them in the Mohammedan chapel of Jonas. The remains of Pasargadæ, near

Murgab, are somewhat better preserved than are those of Susa. Beside its

palace terraces, among its other tombs, altars, etc., there rises,

nearly intact, one of the most wonderful monuments of the world--the

tomb of the great Cyrus. Most important, however, and worthy of chief

consideration, is New Pasargadæ, or Persepolis, where the massive palace

ruins near Istakr, known under the name of Chehil-Minar (forty columns)

or Takt-i-Jemshid (throne of Jemshid), have for centuries been the

wonder of travellers.

[Illustration: Fig. 78.--Plan of Persepolis.

_A._ Grand Stairway. _B._ Propylæa of Xerxes. _C._ Cisterns. _D_, _E_,

_F_, _G_. Great Hall of Xerxes. _H._ Portal between the Palaces and

Harem. _K._ Palace of Darius. _L_, _M_, _N_. Palace of Xerxes. _O._

Unrecognized Ruins. _P._ Harem. _Q._ Portal to the Court of the Harem.]

The Persians, of later development than the Mesopotamians, naturally

based their art upon the older culture of the people conquered by them.

The palaces were similarly placed upon extensive terraces, which, like

those in Nimrud, seem to have been afterwards enlarged to make room for

several royal dwellings. The palace terrace of Persepolis (_Fig._ 78)

is, as an exception, not isolated, but so placed as to employ a rocky

plateau, which, levelled partly by excavation, partly by filling,

acquired architectural character by the vertical revetment of its

borders: it abutted with one of its oblong sides upon a cliff, this

forming a background of richly carved tomb-façades. The casing of the

platform beneath the Palace of Kisr-Sargon (Corsabad) consisted of a

masonry formed of quite regularly hewn stones. At Persepolis, on the

other hand, is employed, in a similar position, a kind of Cyclopean

masonry with predominant horizontal lines--a proof that this wall does

not necessarily indicate a greater age than does a facing of hewn stone.

In spite of the close relationship of the architecture of Persia to that

of Assyria, the ruins still show in many points such a fundamental

difference that Mr. Fergusson’s nearly absolute identification of the

art of the two nations cannot be accepted, and a higher grade of

independent position, at least in architecture, must be granted to the

Persians. The Assyrian ruins showed walls and no columns; in Persia, on

the contrary, we find columns and no walls. In view of this, it is a

daring hypothesis to assume that chance has preserved here only the one,

there only the other, constructional member--that the Persian ruins

exhibit the skeleton, as it were, the Assyrian the flesh, of one and the

same architectural body, the totality of which is only to be understood

and explained by the mutual complement, the combination of the two. For

such is Mr. Fergusson’s view. The inadmissibility of transferring

Persian columns to Assyrian palaces has already been made evident.

The peculiar formation of plan recognized in the ruins of Nineveh, the

narrow and corridor-like chambers, required no interior supports. The

clumsy disproportion of the long and cramped Assyrian rooms seems rather

to have been decided by the lack of such constructive assistance; with

it, on the other hand, the Persian palace was enabled to develop freely.

The subordinate shafts in the windows of the palaces at Nineveh did not

partake of the true nature of a column, they did not serve to enlarge an

enclosed space, but were merely decorative substitutes for the piers

which elsewhere separated the openings. It is not possible to transfer

the characteristic Persian details either to these or to the columns in

antis of the Assyrian temple cellas. The sculptured reliefs mentioned

above, from which alone the columns of Assyria are known, present an

entirely different class of forms. The Persians recognized the full

importance of columnar construction in opening and enlarging enclosed

spaces as no other nation has done except the Egyptians. It is in this

that the artistic advance of the former beyond their Chaldæan and

Babylonian predecessors consists.

[Illustration: Fig. 79.--Fragment of a Base from Pasargadæ.]

[Illustration: Fig. 80.--Persian Columns with Bull Capitals.]

The columns of Persia were developed with a characteristic

conventionalization which, though not entirely without foreign

precedents, was upon the whole original, and, at least in the more

simple varieties, decidedly artistic; the capital was peculiarly adapted

to its functions. But one small fragment has been found of the ancient

remains of Pasargadæ, dating, according to inscriptions, to the epoch of

Cyrus. It is a base, and is fortunately characteristic and interesting.

(_Fig._ 79.) The tore is similar, upon the one hand, to the

plinth-mouldings of Assyrian columns; upon the other, in its detail, to

the more recent creation of the Ionic column, which was not without

connection with the art of Mesopotamia. The ornamentation consists of

shallow horizontal channellings, with sharp arrises like those of the

so-called Proto-Doric shafts of Egypt, and is closely allied to the

bases of the most ancient examples of the Ionic style. The terrace of

Persepolis, with its monuments, built during or after the time of

Darius, displays these bases only in the palaces built by that king. The

tore there occurring was placed upon two square plinths. The later

monuments of Persepolis, which, for the greater part, were built by

Xerxes, show the base to have kept pace with the further advance of the

shaft, and to have consisted of multiplied and embellished members. The

square plinth is supplanted by a beautifully curved calyx, turned

downward and ornamented by two rows of leaves--the upper rounded and

heart-shaped, the lower lanceolate. To this is sometimes added a wreath

of anthemions, which appears to have been taken from Syrian or

Phœnician models. The projecting moulding of these more elaborate

examples is diminished in size, and has lost the horizontal grooves.

The shaft, with thirty-six shallow channels, separated by sharp arrises

like those of the primitive base, rises upon the combined tore and

plinth to a height of nine times its lower diameter. It is not

inconsiderably diminished. The junction between shaft and base is

effected, as in the Ionic style, by a gentle curve, ornamented by a

small roundlet. The capital shows, instead of the floral form usual in

other countries, an animal combination, which, from the analogy of

certain gold coins of Western Asia, appears to have been a widely known

symbol. It consists of two bull’s heads and shoulders, grown together

back to back, with the front legs bent under them in a recumbent

position. The head is drawn upward, the elegantly curved neck being

ornamented by a rich chaplet. Upon the common back of the two animals

lies the chief transverse beam of the ceiling. A description of the

peculiar style of carving will be given in the section upon Persian

sculpture. It may only be here premised that the general treatment of

the animals is quite similar to that noticed in Assyria. The capital is

particularly well adapted to receive and support two ceiling timbers

crossing above it at right angles; the lower of these shows its section

upon the front of the building, and rests upon the back of the bulls;

while the epistyle beam upon it, which joins the columns and is seen in

its whole length upon the front, is supported by the heads and by the

main timber between them. This method of laying the ceiling beams was

the reverse of that followed by the architects of other nations. The

timbers of the ceiling, which run at right angles, are usually placed

upon, and not beneath, the connecting epistyle.

[Illustration: Fig. 81.--Spiral Ornaments upon Chairs.

_a._ From an Assyrian Relief. _b._ From the Vicinity of Miletos. _c._

From Xanthos. _d, e, f._ From Paintings upon Greek Vases.]

[Illustration: Fig. 82.--Columns from the Eastern Portico of the Hall of

Xerxes.]

[Illustration: Fig. 83.--Rock-cut Tomb of Darius.]

In the time of Xerxes, these simple bull capitals appear not to have

satisfied the increasing demands of luxurious elegance. Three new

members were therefore placed below them, and the entire capital became

almost as high as the remainder of the shaft, which was naturally much

curtailed by this innovation. (_Fig._ 80.) The two lower of these new

members may perhaps be counted as one--the wreath of falling leaves

being regarded as part of the calyx above it. These leaves are very

simply treated; they do not curve, and are terminated by a semicircle:

between them and the calyx there is a small egg-and-dart moulding; that

is to say, a wreath of small leaves entirely bent over. As the

derivation of this characteristic member cannot be traced to Syria, the

supposition is natural that it was derived from the Hellenic

architecture of Asia Minor, which had been fully developed in its

principal aspects since the time of Darius. The general form, as well as

the detailed decoration of the upright calyx by narrow bundles of

lotos-flowers, points so distinctly to an Egyptian model that it must,

without further question, be ascribed to the influence of that land,

which had been subjugated by the Persian Cambyses. After a repetition of

the egg-and-dart moulding, there follows above the calyx a remarkable

member of sixteen spiral rolls, as similar to the forms of Assyrian as

to those of Ionic capitals. The spirals are so placed around the oblong

kernel of the shaft that two touch upon each of its angles--thus

standing vertically, and not horizontally. The derivation of the form

appears to be owing more to Assyrian-Mesopotamian reminiscences than to

any influence of the Greek Ionic style. The remarkable vertical position

of the volutes is better explained by subordinate ornaments of the

former than by architectural members of the latter land. The decorations

upon the legs of thrones and other parts of furniture, shown by reliefs,

prove the helix to have been more frequently used by the Assyrians as

the vertical ornament of a shaft than as a horizontal coronation--a

capital. (_Fig._ 81.) That the former usage was extensive is shown by

the similar occurrence of the form upon Greek examples from Asia Minor.

The spiral, with concave or convex fluting, with ribbed and channelled

rolls, was originally double; in Persia it was transferred to a

four-sided shaft, to serve, not as a coronation, but as a vertical

ornament, as one of the three or four distinct members of the

complicated capital. The double-headed animals were placed upon it as

the termination of the column. In the mythological sculptures of

Mesopotamian lands, lions and bulls shared equally the honors of

frequent representation; and upon the capitals of Persepolis a horned

and double-headed lion was substituted for the double-headed bull. This,

however, was not in an important position, and the change is known by

only a single example--the eastern portico of the Great Hall of Xerxes.

(_Fig._ 82.) The isolated attempt was the more successful because no

other animal forms had been so well conceived and characterized by the

Orientals as the lion; that king of beasts, with open mouth and powerful

paws, was the favorite subject for decorative treatment down to the

latest times of Hellenic art. As the comparatively short fore legs of

the lion could not be bent underneath the body, but were necessarily

extended from the shoulder, the general outline of the capital was

impaired by a long and straight horizontal line just at its junction

with the shaft; and on this account the lions, notwithstanding their

more majestic heads, could not displace the traditional bulls.

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