The land offered no materials for monuments which, like those of Egypt,

could stand uninjured through thousands of years. The narrow valley of

the Nile is enclosed by the cliffs of the desert border, which seemed

directly to encourage, by the excellence of the building-stone there

procured, the erection of immense and indestructible works. The plain of

Mesopotamia, on the other hand, spread far beyond the courses of the two

streams, losing itself in deserts without any line of eminences as a

demarcation. The remote mountains offered no quarries at all comparable

to those of Egypt. The soil was of good clay for the manufacture of

bricks, but fuel was lacking with which to burn and harden them. The

inhabitants of the land were generally obliged to content themselves

with drying the clay in the sun, making up by the great thickness of the

masonry for the firmness lacking to the material. They further

strengthened the massive walls with a facing, or with buttress-like

piers of burnt brick, or solidified the interior with alternate courses

of this harder substance. The bitumen which still flows at Hit, on the

Euphrates, north of Bagdad at the southern border of the higher alluvial

terrace of Assyria, was an excellent substance for cementing the bricks;

in more important works it was used alternately with lime-mortar: in

common buildings, or in the interior of the thickest walls, clay kneaded

with straw answered the purpose of a cement.

It is natural that little should now remain of such structures. They

could only survive the thousands of years that have elapsed since their

building, when an immense thickness secured at least the kernel of the

wall, or when the ruins of other buildings early covered and protected

them. The remains of ancient Chaldæa are generally nothing more than

formless heaps of rubbish, many of which have not yet been opened.

Taylor, Loftus, and their predecessors, Ainsworth, Chesney, and Layard,

discovered the ruins of over thirty cities in the lower half of the

Mesopotamian plain. Of these, Mugheir (the ancient Ur), Warka (Erech),

Niffer (Nipur), and Abou-Sharein offered the most important remains of

great age; while the ruins of Sura, Tel Sifr, Calvadha, and Ackercuf are

mainly of the later Chaldæan period.

[Illustration: Fig. 37.--Ruins of Warka.]

[Illustration: Fig. 38.--Patterned Wall. Warka.]

Recognizable among the rubbish-hills of Mugheir are the remains of a

terrace which consisted of two oblong steps, the lowest measuring 60.35

by 40.54 m. in length and breadth, and about 12 m. in height, standing

upon a platform raised 6 m. above the surrounding country. The greater

part of this is overthrown and buried beneath its own material. The

kernel of the solid structure is of sun-dried bricks; the facing, which

is divided by buttresses, being of burnt brick cemented with bitumen.

The whole is perforated by numerous small air-channels. The second step

is only about half preserved, and that which it must once have supported

has entirely disappeared. A remarkable inscription, repeated upon the

four corners of the upper terrace, explained the purpose of the

structure and the time of its erection. According to Sir H. Rawlinson’s

interpretation of the cuneiform legend, this was dedicated to the deity

Sin (Hurki) as a temple, and was first founded by King Urukh (about 2230

B.C.). The name of the spot is given as Ur, a city known from Biblical

tradition. The inscriptions were not, however, contemporaneous with the

foundation of the building, for, after giving a long line of kings, they

at last name Nabonetos, the last King of Babylon, as the restorer of the

temple--a fact which is further attested by the bricks themselves, those

of the lower terrace having the name of Urukh, those of the upper of

Nabonetos. The temple remains of Warka and of Abou-Sharein unite with

these ruins of Mugheir to show that the Chaldæan temple consisted of a

simple and massive terrace of few steps, crowned, without doubt, by a

chapel, which must be supposed richly decorated with colors and gold

ornaments from the fragments of agate, alabaster, and fine marbles, of

gold-plating and gilded nails, found in Abou-Sharein, and from the blue

enamelled clay tiles of Mugheir. The sides of the great steps were

either plainly buttressed or treated with projections, as is the case

with the terrace wall of a palace at Warka, shown by _Fig._ 37. There

was here a complicated system of reeded projections and stepped

incisions--cylinders and prisms which cannot be called pilasters, as

they were without capitals, and probably also without base-mouldings.

Another ruin of Warka (_Fig._ 38) has a colored wall-facing, made by

driving conical pegs of terra-cotta about 0.1 m. long into the clay, so

that the red, black, and whitish base surfaces form different patterns.

This ruin is further interesting as giving some insight into the private

architecture of the Chaldæans. Rooms were there found separated from one

another by walls fully as thick as the enclosed spaces themselves were

broad--a clumsy heaviness which shows what massive masonry the poor

crumbling material necessitated. The existing remains suggest so

strongly the arrangement of the later Assyrian palaces that there can be

but little doubt that they, in some degree, served as a model for these

latter; although the palace wall, with its revetment of alabaster, might

be erected with less thickness. No trace of window-like openings can be

observed in the ruins of Warka or in those of Abou-Sharein.

[Illustration: Fig. 39.--Tomb of Mugheir.]

The principle of the arch, though not extensively employed, was well

understood and occasionally introduced in Assyria. From a small

grave-chamber discovered at Mugheir, we may conclude that it was not

known in the ancient Chaldæan period. The roofing was then effected by a

gradual projection of the horizontal courses of bricks until the

opposite sides nearly touched each other at the top of the gable thus

formed. (_Fig._ 39.) It may perhaps be assumed that this manner of

covering by the so-called false arch and vault was only employed for

very narrow spaces, while larger rooms were more naturally ceiled by

wooden beams. The ruins of Warka, though they do not give a very clear

understanding of the fortifications of ancient Chaldæa, at least show

that the city walls were not necessarily square, as had been concluded

from the testimony of ancient writers, but, as in this case, followed

the irregular outline of the city.

The political history of Chaldæa was from the earliest times greatly

disturbed by internal divisions. At first the city Nipur, celebrated for

its worship of Bel, appears to have been the most important place, at

least of Southern Chaldæa. To this followed Ur or Hur, the city

worshipping Hurki or Sin, then Nisin or Carrac, and, finally, Larsa, the

present Senkereh. Upper Chaldæan Babylon, originally Ca-dimirra, does

not seem to have become the only capital until the age of King

Cammurabi, about 1500 B.C. A hundred years later Northern Mesopotamia,

Assyria, began to gain predominance, and in the thirteenth century B.C.

Babylon was conquered (for the first time?) by Tiglathi-Nin, a son of

King Salmaneser of Assyria. Chaldæa soon regained its independence, but

only to fall again into the power of the conqueror Tiglath-Pileser, and

to remain for five centuries subjugated to Nineveh. The attempts to

throw off this yoke of Assyrian authority were in vain; even the

uprising under the bold Merodach-Baladan, 731 B.C., was not of long

duration, and finally led to the depopulation and total destruction of

the prominent Chaldæan cities by Sennacherib. The Assyrian Esar-haddon

rebuilt Babylon; but it did not recover its ancient importance until the

Satrap Nabopolassar revolted from his allegiance, and, with the help of

the Medes, made an end of the kingdom of Nineveh; and until his son

Nebuchadnezzar, after the fall of Jerusalem in 587 B.C., reduced even

distant Egypt to vassalage, thus taking into possession the full

heritage of the Assyrian empire in both south and west.

[Illustration: Fig. 40.--Bors-Nimrud. Temple-terrace of Borsippa.]

[Illustration: Fig. 41.--Plan and Elevation of the Temple at Borsippa.

(From Oppert’s Measurements.)]

Though the subjugation of the land by Assyria had not been without

effect upon the civilization of Chaldæa, the general character of

Babylonian art remained much the same through all these political

changes. The last king, Nabonetos, could complete the temple of Ur,

which Urukh had founded seventeen centuries before, as though there had

been no interruption in the work. The terraced ruins show that there was

no great difference in the architectural treatment of ages so removed.

Other city ruins show such an intermixture of ancient Chaldæan and

Babylonian walls that their date can be determined only by inscriptions

or by stamps upon the bricks. The earlier remains are predominant in

Mugheir, Warka, and Abou-Sharein; but the later capital of the country,

Babylon, the city of Nebuchadnezzar, is known almost exclusively by the

imposing structures of the modern kingdom. Greek antiquity, up to the

time of Alexander, was acquainted with this city of wonders only by

fables. Even the explicit description of Herodotos is in great degree

mythical, especially his astonishing account of the city walls: 480

stadia (96.557 m.) in length, 200 ells (100 m.) high, and 50 ells (25

m.) broad. The ruins have also proved the account of the famed hundred

gates of the city walls, and the square network of straight streets

which ran from these, to be hyperbolical. Such immense masses of masonry

would, as Layard has maintained, certainly have left heaps of rubbish;

and, in fact, the ruins of a much smaller city enclosure have been

traced. The irregular orientation of the palace plan is also

incompatible with the conception that the city was divided up into

squares with the regularity of a chess-board. The traditional account

that the enormous terraced temple of Bel was built on the borders of the

stream opposite the palace structures is certainly incorrect; for, while

these latter are still represented by extensive brick ruins, there is

not a trace upon the other bank, the supposed site, of massive terraces

which could not possibly have so entirely disappeared. Nor could the

stream have swept away so colossal a building; for a little north of

Hillah, in the immediate vicinity of the spot where Herodotos describes

the temple of Bel, there have been found the remains of a small Mylitta

temple, which would have offered almost no resistance to an inundation.

Yet Herodotos undoubtedly related, besides his fables, much that was

correct about Babylon. His account of the temple of Bel seems only

questionable in so far as the site is concerned; the rest of his

description agrees perfectly with ruins which have been found about

eleven kilometers westward, and are known by the name Bors-Nimrud.

(_Fig._ 40.) The temple thus could not have belonged to the city proper

of Babylon; and inscriptions mention the place as Borsippa, spoken of by

Greek writers as a separate town, which could at best be regarded as a

distant suburb of the extended Babylon. The immense hill of rubbish

standing entirely isolated in the desert has a lower circumference of

685 m. This dimension agrees tolerably well with the six stadia given by

Herodotos as the measure of the first step of the terraced pyramid. The

regularly diminished seven steps, the “towers” of Herodotos, 7.5 m.

high, reaching altogether a total altitude of 75 m., rose from a square

substructure with a side of two stadia (180 m.) and a height of 22.5 m.

The diagonals of these different terraces were not directly above one

another, the steps being 9 m. broad in front and only 3.9 m. broad

behind, while the sides were equal--6.3 m. This peculiarity of the ruin

agrees with the flights of stairs described by Herodotos, which,

notwithstanding the analogy of the palace temple of Kisr-Sargon, may

here naturally be supposed to have been upon the front, where the

terraces were sufficiently broad for this purpose. _Fig._ 41 is an

attempt to restore the chief lines of the structure by means of the

dimensions given by Oppert. Upon the summit of this terraced pyramid

stood the necessarily small temple, which, according to Herodotos,

contained a spacious couch and a golden table, but no statue of the

deity. The sides of the terraces are directed to the cardinal points of

the compass, as was the case also with the ancient Chaldæan temple of

Ur; and, as at Ur, inscribed cylinders were here walled in at the

angles. These relate that Nebuchadnezzar had magnificently completed

the structure--“the temple-pyramid of the seven spheres, the wonder of

Borsippa,” begun by a former king. Rawlinson and Oppert have concluded,

from the remains of glazed bricks of different colors, that each of the

seven terraces was dedicated to one of the seven planets of the

ancients, and was characterized by its color--the upper, gold; the

second, silver; the next, red, blue, yellow, white; and the lowest,

black--according to the hues assigned to the sun, the moon, Mars,

Mercury, Jupiter, Venus, and Saturn. The lowest terrace has a panelled

architectural treatment similar to that noticed in the ruins at Warka

and the palace temple at Kisr-Sargon. It is probable that these high

terraces in the flat plains of Mesopotamia were elevations which served

the Chaldæan astronomers for their celebrated observatories, as the

pylons of temples upon the banks of the Nile were similarly used by the

Egyptian priests. As Strabo speaks especially of an astronomical school

at Borsippa, there can be little doubt that it was in some way connected

with the terraced pyramid of the seven spheres.

The ruins of Hillah, Casr, Mudjelibeh, and Jumjuma give even less

information concerning the palace buildings than the hill of Bors-Nimrud

does concerning the form of the Chaldæan temple. These masses of masonry

have for centuries served as quarries, and, as far distant as Bagdad,

bricks, bearing the stamp of Nebuchadnezzar, betray that the material

has been transported from the ruins of Babylon. Though the supply is by

no means exhausted, this excavation has rendered much unrecognizable,

and has so greatly increased the destruction that Layard held it

impossible to discover a clew to the plan of the palace structure in the

confusion of its overthrown and rifled rubbish. Oppert assumes the hill

of Jumjuma, or Amran-ibn-Ali, as it is called from the Mohammedan chapel

now standing upon it, to be the remains of the celebrated Hanging

Gardens known as those of Semiramis, the wonder of the ancient world.

But, plausible as his supposition is, it will hardly be possible to

prove by existing remains the correctness of the description given by

Diodoros of the Hanging Gardens, in itself more probable than the report

followed by Strabo. Diodoros speaks of the Gardens as a terraced

structure, the side of the square plan being about 120 m. in length,

with separate steps which ascended from the land side, while upon the

banks of the river a steep wall formed the back of the highest terrace,

measuring 15 m. vertically, and closing the gardens towards the water.

The steps were constructed by the help of thirteen thick parallel walls,

each being higher than the one next below it. They left between them

twelve narrow corridors, the ceilings of which, like those over Assyrian

canals, were probably vaulted, and were then covered with rushes and

bitumen, burnt brick pavements and lead sheathing, so as to bear the

stairways which connected the different terraces, the reservoirs for

cascades and fountains, and the imposed garden--earth with large trees,

etc. Pumping works in the highest of these covered corridors supplied

the garden with the necessary water from the Euphrates.

The ruined terraces of Mudjelibeh (Babil), avoided by the Arabs as the

scene of the punishment of the fallen angels, are so completely

overthrown that it is not possible to determine whether the remains are

those of a temple or of a palace. It is probable that they had some

connection with the great pyramidal tomb of Belus, a structure which may

be assumed to have been much like the stepped pyramid of Nimrud to be

described below. The monument of Mudjelibeh was destroyed as early as

the time of Xerxes II. It has since served as a quarry for the

neighboring cities Seleucia and Ctesiphon, and has been demolished to

the lowest terrace.

The enormous river embankments and dikes which protected Lower

Mesopotamia from flood and drought, though now only to be traced by

inconsiderable remains, are of the greatest importance and interest. The

neglect of these invaluable works, and of the sluices and irrigating

canals in connection with them, has reduced to a deserted and

pestilential swamp that most fertile land known to Herodotos--where once

a harvest of two and three hundredfold was returned to the tiller of the

soil. Though there are vestiges of some ancient bridges in the land, it

is not possible to decide whether the account given by Diodoros of the

great tunnel constructed by Semiramis be true or fabulous.

There seems to have been no reason for the erection of such tall

edifices in the vastly extended Babylon as the three and four storied

houses described by Herodotos, and no analogy to such a peculiarity

exists in the great modern cities of the Orient. It must be remembered

in this connection that the crumbling bricks to which the Mesopotamians

were restricted would, in such high buildings, have demanded clumsily

massive substructures and lower-story walls.

Though the ruins of Babylon have only recently been thoroughly examined,

their existence has long been known. Benjamin of Tudela speaks of

Bors-Nimrud as the Biblical Tower of Babel, and this local tradition has

been handed down to the present day. The palace ruins of the great city

have always been readily recognizable, and the one has been called

Babel, the other Casr (palace), from time immemorial.

[Illustration: Fig. 42.--Plan of Babylon. (According to Rich.)]

It is otherwise with the second great centre of Mesopotamia--Nineveh,

the famed capital of the kingdom of Assyria, in the upper land of the

great streams. As early as the beginning of this century, Carsten

Niebuhr expressed the conviction that the remains of the overthrown city

were to be sought among the hills of rubbish which lie opposite the

present Mosul, beyond the Tigris; but the energetic Rich, who devoted so

much time and labor to the barren ruins of Babylon, paid no attention to

the site. Nineveh had entirely disappeared, and was only traditionally

known from the Book of Jonah and from the legend of Sardanapalos. It was

during two visits to Mosul, in the years 1840 and 1842, that the eminent

English traveller and statesman Sir A. H. Layard conceived the plan of

undertaking investigations in the vicinity. He expressed his convictions

at the time to the French consul, M. P. E. Botta, and in 1843 that

gentleman commenced the excavation of the hill Coyundjic, which lay next

to Mosul. The natives, becoming aware of the nature of the search,

directed his attention to the hill of Corsabad, situated at a distance

of about twenty-five kilometers from Mosul; the excavations were removed

thither, and carried on with most gratifying results. A few days’

digging laid bare a number of walls reveted with huge slabs of

alabaster. The wonderful sculptures in relief upon these excited

redoubled activity, and soon entire chambers of the palace structure

were freed from the overthrown rubbish which had covered it for

well-nigh three thousand years. The French government purchased the

entire village of Corsabad: in M. V. Place was provided a worthy

successor to M. Botta. The inscriptions discovered have proved the ruins

to be those of a palace founded by Sargon about 710 B.C. in the city

Kisr-Sargon or Dur-Sargina.

In the year 1845, Layard obtained, through Sir Stratford Canning, then

ambassador to Turkey, the necessary means for the English government to

take part in the promising undertaking. He at first directed his

attention to Nimrud, a hill of ruins about a day’s journey south of

Mosul, the great size of which promised the existence of important

remains. An immense terrace platform was there found to have supported a

number of palaces, several of which were excavated, the more valuable

sculptures and other objects of interest being transported to the

British Museum. At Nimrud were discovered the most ancient and the most

modern of Assyrian buildings known--namely, the northwestern palace,

temple, and tower built by Assur-nazi-pal shortly after 885 B.C., as

well as the Temple of Assur-ebil-ili, presumably the last Assyrian king,

dating to about 610 B.C. Besides these, there were the southeastern and

central palaces built by Shalmaneser II. after 860, the latter having

been restored by Tiglath-pileser II., from 745 to 727, as Sargon

rebuilt the northwestern palace after 722; and, finally, there was the

southwestern palace of Esar-haddon, from 681 to 668 B.C. The city itself

(Calah) corresponded in grandeur and extent with the palace terrace. It

was founded by Shalmaneser, and long rivalled Nineveh, especially after

its reconstruction by Assur-nazi-pal.

[Illustration: Fig. 43.--Plan of Nineveh.]

It is now beyond a doubt that the chief capital of the country is buried

beneath the hills of Coyundjic and Nebbi-Jonas, the latter so called

from a Mohammedan chapel to the prophet Jonah which traditionally marks

the site of Nineveh. Both these mounds of ruins were examined by Layard.

In the southwestern palace of Coyundjic, built by Assur-bani-pal, from

668 to 626 B.C., was discovered the most extensive among these dwellings

of Oriental despots. The most elaborate of Assyrian palaces was the

northern one of this site, built by Assur-bani-pal about 640 B.C., a

monarch who devoted certain chambers of the southwestern palace,

originally erected by his grandfather, to the reception of inscribed

clay tablets--an inexhaustible wealth for the study of Assyrian history,

of which hardly a third part seems to have been recovered intact. In

Nebbi-Jonas were found traces of the palaces of Vulnirari III., from 812

to 783; of Sennacherib, from 705 to 681; and of Esar-haddon, from 681 to

668 B.C. The line of the city walls, still recognizable among the hills

of rubbish, is shown by the plan at _Fig._ 43. These fortifications

could hardly have enclosed the entire city, and it is probable that only

the inner town, with the palaces and public buildings, was thus

protected, and that the dwelling-houses of the many inhabitants formed

suburbs which extended far around the enclosed centre, gradually losing

themselves in gardens and groves of date-trees, as is the case with

modern capitals of the East. The comparatively small walls of Babylon,

at variance with the report given by Herodotos, lead to the same

conclusion in regard to that city.

The ruins of Calah-Shergat, situated about 100 kilometers down the

stream from Nineveh, are identified with Assur, the oldest capital of

the land, which maintained its pre-eminence until Nineveh, in the

fourteenth century B.C., became the great centre of power. Reson is

thought to be recognized in the ruins of Selamiyeh, lying between Nimrud

and Nineveh, and Erbil in Arbola. These sites have not been sufficiently

examined to be of direct importance in the history of art.

[Illustration: Fig. 44.--Palace of Kisr-Sargon, Corsabad.]

[Illustration: Fig. 45.--Ornamented Pavement from the Northern Palace of

Coyundjic.]

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