CHAPTER VII.

THE SUPPRESSION OF MELLIFONT.

"No more shall Charity with sparkling eyes,

And smiles of welcome, wide unfold the door,

Where pity listening still to nature's cries,

Befriends the wretched and relieves the poor."

(_Keats._)

The Religious Orders, which succeed each other in the Catholic Church, are

subject to laws similar to those that govern the productions of nature.

They grow from feeble and imperceptible seeds, increase, flourish, and

bear fruit; then decrease, fade, and fall to the ground. But they have

produced a fruit, which contains within it the germs of a new seed-time,

and which bursts forth vigorously from the decaying sheath to reproduce

its never-failing kind. This work of reproduction and subsequent expansion

is aided, directed, and encouraged by him, to whom is divinely committed

the government of the Church; and when pseudo, self-styled reformers essay

the difficult task, their true character is unmasked in the inevitable

ruin and desolation which follow, instead of the order and rehabilitation

which were promised. Bluff King Hal, or the Merrie Monarch, as Henry VIII.

was familiarly and affectionately called by his loving subjects in the

beginning of his reign, was in need of money to squander on his passions

and pleasures. In his newly assumed character, therefore, of Head of the

Church in his dominions (which, by Act of Parliament, he made it high

treason to deny), he suppressed the lesser monasteries whose annual income

did not exceed L200. This was done, forsooth, in the interests of

religion!!! The proceeds of the confiscation were soon dissipated, and the

wily Cromwell, whom the King had appointed his _Vicar General_, suggested

the suppression and appropriation to the King's uses, of all the

monasteries within the realm. Again it is his zeal for the promotion of

God's glory that is pleaded as his motive for the nefarious deed. Three

years before, when addressing the Houses of Parliament in behalf of the

measure for the suppression of the lesser monasteries, he publicly gave

thanks to God, that in the large communities "religion is right well kept

and observed." And yet, what a metamorphosis in such a short space! All

had now fallen away, and had inexplicably sunk into all manner of

iniquity! Spelman, in his _History of Sacrilege_, tells the mode adopted

by this model Reformer to carry his motion for investing in the Crown the

property of all the Religious Orders. "The King sent for the Commons," he

tells us, "and informed them he would have the Bill pass, or take off some

of their heads." This they knew to be no empty threat; and pass the Bill

they did on that memorable day of May 13, 1539. The Lords, as a body,

voted for it; partly through a feeling of jealousy towards the Churchmen,

who enjoyed no inconsiderable share of the monarch's confidence and

favour, and so they rejoiced at whatever promised to destroy this good

understanding between them; and partly through cupidity, for they hoped

for a share in the booty. The Bishops at that juncture are blamed for

their weakness in complying with so unjust a proceeding; but they were

divided in their councils; some considering it the less of two evils to

sacrifice the Religious houses, in the hope that the misunderstanding

between the King and the Pope would be soon adjusted and the monks

restored, yielded to the King; others, unworthy of their office, as it

must be admitted, worldly men, courtly prelates, who dreaded the King's

displeasure, obsequiously obeyed his mandate.

Besides his greed for gold, the King had another potent motive for

suppressing the monasteries, one that gave a zest to this disgraceful act:

he wanted the further to spite the Pope by inflicting such an unheard-of

injury on religion. Other motives, too, were not wanting, such as state

policy, so the King alleged, and the want of constant affection towards

his person on the part of the Religious, particularly in his new capacity.

This, Lord Herbert (who was no friend of the monks) admits in his Life of

the King. His Lordship writes: "The monks were looked upon as a body of

reserve for the Pope, and always ready to appear in his quarrels."

Perhaps, their opposition to the King's assumption of spiritual power

precipitated matters. At all events, one of them, zealous for God's law,

had the courage to reproach him to his face in a sermon preached at

Greenwich before the King's marriage with Anne Boleyn. This fearless

champion of justice, this intrepid son of St. Francis, thus addressed the

dissolute monarch:--"I am that Micheas, O King, whom you will hate because

I must tell you truly that this marriage is unlawful; and I know that I

shall eat the bread of affliction and drink the water of sorrow; yet,

because our Lord has put it in my mouth, I must speak it." And when he and

another faithful brother friar were brought before the King's council, who

rebuked them, and declared them deserving of being shut up in a sack, and

thrown into the Thames, for the boldness of their language in the matter

of the King's marriage, his companion smiling said: "Threaten these things

to the rich and dainty persons, who are clothed in purple, and fare

deliciously, and have their chiefest hope in this world; for we esteem

them not, but are joyful, that, for the discharge of our duty we are

driven hence; and, with thanks to God, we know the way to heaven to be as

ready by water as by land." (Stowe, _Church Chronicle_.)

It was not, then, for dissoluteness of morals, nor for illiteracy, nor for

backwardness in preaching the Word of God, nor yet for being drones in

society, that the monks were turned from their peaceful homes. The true

cause was, that the King knew, and his criminal advisers also knew, that

the monasteries were as impregnable fortresses, which in defence of truth

and justice, would hold out firm against seductive bribes, and the most

appalling threats; hence they must be swept away under plea of general

corruption of morals, etc., and their properties held up as a bait to draw

over proselytes to the new order of things. The historian, Lingard,

writing of the attitude of the monks towards the King's supremacy in

spiritual matters, says: "Secluded from the world, the Religious felt

fewer temptations to sacrifice their consciences to the commands of their

Sovereign, and seemed more eager to court the crown than to flee the pains

of martyrdom."

Here, in Ireland, one of the King's advisers counselled him to suppress

some of the monasteries, and to convert them into residences for young

noblemen, who would promote and defend the King's interests. Patrick

Finglas, created by Henry VIII. Chief Baron of the King's Exchequer, and

afterwards Lord Chief Justice, wrote a book entitled: "A Breviate of the

getting of Ireland and of the decay of the same," in which he recommends

the suppression of the monasteries bordering on the Pale, "because they

were giving more aid and supportacion to the Irish than to the King." "Let

the Abbeys," he goes on to say, "be given to young lords, knights, and

gentlemen out of England, which shall dwell upon the same." This advice

seemed good to the King, and it was literally carried out, but to far

greater extent than this astute lawyer had anticipated.

Mellifont, in common with the other Religious establishments in Ireland

within grasp of the King (for in Ulster, they were free from molestation

under O'Neil and O'Donnell), must have heard with dismay the rumours

afloat about a general suppression, and grief and consternation must have

filled the hearts of the monks. Was it possible, they asked, that the

King, whose person they respected, whose laws they obeyed, would drive

them forth, wanderers over the world, which many of them had renounced in

early youth; and now, without adequate provision, were they, in their

declining years, to perish by the roadside? Were their beautiful church,

their loved cloister, their shady groves, no more to shelter them, and

were they to sever connection with a spot endeared to them by so many holy

associations? Yes, it is true, alas! for the Abbot of St. Mary's, Dublin,

being nearer authentic sources of information, has heard it and has sent

word, that sentence is passed on all, and their doom has sounded; for the

following Royal Commission was forwarded to the Deputy, with peremptory

orders to have it executed forthwith:--

Royal Commission directed to John Allen, Chancellor; George, Archbishop of

Dublin; William Brabazon, Vice-Treasurer; Robert Cowley, Master of the

Rolls; and Thomas Cusacke, Esq.; reciting, "That from the information of

trustworthy persons, it being manifestly apparent that the monasteries,

abbeys, priories, and other places of Religious or Regulars, in Ireland,

are at present in such a state, that in them, the praise of God and the

welfare of man are next to nothing regarded; the Regulars and nuns

dwelling there being so addicted, partly to their own superstitious

ceremonies, partly to the pernicious worship of idols, and to the

pestiferous doctrines of the Roman Pontiff, that unless an effectual

remedy be promptly provided, not only the weak, low order, but the whole

Irish people, may be speedily infected to their total destruction. To

prevent, therefore, the longer continuance of such Religious men and nuns

in so damnable a state, the King (having resolved to resume into his hands

all the monasteries and Religious houses, for their better reformation, to

remove from them the Religious men and women, and to cause them to return

to some honest mode of living and to true religion,) directs the

Commissioners to signify this his intention to the heads of Religious

houses; to receive their resignations and surrenders willingly tendered;

to grant to those tendering it liberty of exchanging their habit and of

accepting benefices under the King's authority; to apprehend and punish

such as adhere to the Roman Pontiff and contumaciously refuse to surrender

their houses; to take charge for the King's use of the possession of those

houses, and assign competent pensions to those who willingly surrender."

(_Patent and Close Rolls, Chancery, Ireland_, Morrin, 1539-40, April 30,

Henry VIII., 30o, p. 55.)

Most marvellous, indeed, and sudden, and quite unprecedented in history,

was this utter decadence from godliness to "idolatry and the pestiferous

doctrine of the Roman Pontiff" on the part of 100,000 persons within the

space of three short years! But, behold! the godly monarch will reform

them (supposing they needed reform) in the fashion recorded in the old

English proverb: "The devil amended his dame's leg; when he should have

set it right, he brake it quite in pieces." That the Deputy, Lord Gray,

did not consider the monks and nuns an effete body, addicted to evil

practices, will appear evident from the letter he addressed to Cromwell,

and which was signed by his Council. It bears date 21st May 1539:--

"May it please your honourable Lordship to be advertised, that by the

report of Thomas Cusacke and others repaired lately out of the realm of

England into this land, it hath been openly bruited the King's grace's

pleasure to be, that all the monasteries within this land should be

suppressed, none to stand. Amongst which, for the common weal of this

land, if it might stand with King's most gracious pleasure by your good

Lordship's advertisement, in our opinion it were right expedient that six

houses should stand and continue, changing their habit and rule into such

sort as the King's grace shall will them: which are namely, St. Mary's

Abbey, adjoining Dublin, a house of white monks (Cistercians); Christ

Church, a house of canons situated in the middle of the City of Dublin;

Grace Dieu Nunnery, in the County Dublin; Connell, in the County Kildare;

Kenlys or Kells, and Jerpoint (this latter Cistercian also), in the County

Kilkenny. _For in these commonly, and in others such like_, in default of

common inns, which are not in this island the King's Deputy and all others

his Grace's Council and Officers, also Irishmen and others resorting to

the King's Deputy in these quarters is and hath been most commonly lodged

at the cost of the said houses. _Also, in them, young men and children,

both gentlemen's children and others, both of man kind and woman kind be

brought up in virtue and in the Englishe tongue and behaviour to the great

charge of the said houses_; that is to say, the woman kind of the whole

Englishie of this land, for the most part, in the said nunnery, and the

man kind in the other houses."

And the Abbot of St. Mary's, petitioning soon after for exemption from the

general suppression, pleads in a letter to the same Cromwell: "Verily we

be but stewards and purveyors to other men's uses for the King's honour,

keeping hospitality, and many poor men, scholars and orphans."

All petitions are unavailing; the King is inexorable; and St. Mary's and

Mellifont, and the others included in the original list must go down

before the despot's unholy will, untried, unheard, but with the nation's

regret, those alone excepted, who thirsted for and shared the sacrilegious

booty. Before the lamp of piety and learning be extinguished for ever in

Mellifont, let us take a parting glance at it, so that the contrast may be

the more marked as we note its vicissitudes later on.

In that bright July morning (1539), when the bell summoned the monks of

Mellifont to matins for the last time, the sun rose over as fair a picture

as could well be conceived, when its brilliant rays shot floods of light

through the woods and valley, and gilt the quivering tree-tops with

lustrous gold. And the enormous piles of white masonry looked whiter for

the glinting of the sun-beams, and many a fantastic shadow was cast on the

tesselated pavement in the church by the "dim religious light" of the

gorgeous stained glass windows. The statues of the Twelve Apostles looked

down patronisingly from lofty pedestals, and bore the minds of the

beholders aloft, to where the guerdon awaits the faithful soldier of

Christ when his term of service here below shall have expired. Loud rose

the rhythmic measure of the majestic Gregorian Chant rendered by over one

hundred full-voiced singers on that beautiful morning, ere yet the skylark

shook the dew-drops from his wings, or intoned his early carol o'er the

meadows by the Boyne. The pealing of the organ sounded loud and louder as

they chanted their solemn Mass, but to many who then took part in that

sacred function, its plaintive notes presaged the speedy end of their

time-honoured establishment, which at any moment may receive the fatal

visit of the Commissioners. In its internal economy it was wisely and

worthily governed, its community numbered 150 Choir monks, besides Lay

Brothers and familiars, its schools were prosperous, and from their

widespread reputation, merited the title of "famous" which was accorded

them. The children of the monks' tenants received a free education here;

moreover, the monks conducted a school, which we would now call a

seminary, where gentlemen's children and others were taught the higher

branches suited to prepare them for their career in after-life. Their

peaceful valley was screened on every side from wintry blasts by tasteful

plantations, useful and ornamental; for a thickly planted orchard, chiefly

of apple and pear trees, which covered both sides of the River Mattock

from the mill to where the bridge now spans the river, survived till

within the memory of many still living who describe it as having been so

dense that one could cross the valley on the tops of them. The grounds

surrounding the monastery were laid out with commendable taste; the lands

yielded plentiful crops, and supported numerous herds of cattle. The hill

south-east of the abbey was covered over with oak of gigantic size--the

growth of centuries--and on the Meath side were screens of valuable

timber. Their tenants were contented and prosperous; for the monks were

indulgent landlords. Their rents were paid in kind, and for the rest, they

found a ready market always at the abbey, where a huge supply of

provisions was constantly needed for the strangers and the poor who sought

and found a ready welcome there.

The spiritual wants of the tenants and dependants were attended to by one

of the monks, John Byrrel, whose name occurs first in the list of those

belonging to Mellifont to whom pensions were granted. He is styled Parson

of Mellifont. It is probable, too, that others of the abbey priests

ministered to Tullyallen parish (though it is scarcely probable that the

present parish is conterminous with the old one), to Monknewtown and

Donore; for in the English Episcopal Registers, twelve volumes of which

have been recently published, it is noted that their brethren in England

served the parishes in the immediate vicinity of the monasteries; and,

moreover, we find in the list of pensioners of other Cistercian houses in

Ireland, the names of three or more, in the same monastery, who are called

parsons. Medical advice and medicine were dispensed gratis at the Abbey.

The sick poor were visited and cared for in their homes by physicians

employed by the monks; they were also admitted into the hospital at the

gate. On fixed days weekly, the poor of the locality came for and received

loaves of bread which were specially baked for them, and meat in

abundance, with beer, was distributed to them. In those days there were no

poor laws; for the monks provided for all the wants of the indigent. The

monks were in constant touch with all classes of society, at least the

principal officers were, and they were the advisers, as well as the

instructors, of all. The History of the English Abbeys of the Order, or

the fragments that have survived the vandalism of the Dissolution, and

which have been published by impartial Protestants, clearly prove that

this picture of far-reaching and ungrudging beneficence is by no means

fanciful. (_See Ruined Abbeys of Britain, by Frederick Ross._) The Abbot

of Mellifont took a prominent place in the councils of the nation. He

ranked as a Peer, and had a seat in the House of Lords before all the

other Religious superiors, twenty-three more of whom were privileged to

sit there. He was bound to supply a certain number of horsemen for the

King's musters, and to maintain them at his own charge. Tradition has it

that he could ride on his own territory from the sea at Drogheda to the

Shannon at Athlone, but this requires confirmation. He owned some 4,000

acres at the suppression, extending on the south side of the Boyne from

Drogheda to Rossnaree, and on the north, to Slane, including the fisheries

and five salmon weirs on the river. He rented the fishing of sixteen

corraghs at Oldbridge, for which he got L13 13s. 4d. annually. The _town_

of Tullyallen belonged to him. It was then in a flourishing condition, but

has fallen since from its rank as a town to that of a mere village,

composed of a few scattered cottages. The district was then populous; for

another village grew up near the Abbey occupied by tradesmen and

dependants who were constantly employed by the monks. It was called Doagh.

It is now level with the field. It stood a quarter of a mile north-west of

Mellifont, beyond the Mattock. Its site is an elevated plateau, locally

known as the Doagh Meadows. The entire annual revenue of the Abbey was

estimated at L316, which, allowing for the difference in value of money

since, would be equivalent to an income of close on L4,000 at the present

day. On that the monks maintained themselves and a large staff of

servants, "kept hospitality, and many poor men, scholars, and orphans."

The Abbot entertained his guests daily at his own table in a spacious

building apart from the monks' quarters, and was a man of light and

leading, unlike the helpless imbecile portrayed by Scott in his novels.

The Abbot was chosen, often from some distant monastery, for his aptitude

"in governing souls," which was the paramount consideration with St.

Benedict in the selection of a superior. He should be learned, and sound

both in doctrine and morals, to be entrusted with such a charge. It is

only too true that unworthy persons, contrary to the Canons, were

sometimes intruded into the position by powerful relatives, and they,

alas! generally brought disgrace on religion.

As to the spiritual condition of Mellifont at the time of its suppression,

it was certainly on a high level. No charge was brought against that

community, on that score, even by its worst enemies; none but the general

ones mentioned in the Commission. In truth and in fact, the observances

then in force at Mellifont were identical with those introduced by Abbot

Christian and practised at Clairvaux by St. Bernard and his saintly

companions. If they were "idolatrous," and "superstitious," and savouring

of the "pestiferous doctrines of the Roman Pontiff," so must have been the

ancient practices of the Cistercians; and wonderful indeed was it, that

till King Henry and his advisers discovered it, our ancestors, for four

hundred years at least, approved of and took part in these same practices

without a suspicion of the "pernicious" errors they were now found to

contain! In the matter of discipline alone was there any decadence, and

then the altered conditions of the times demanded some modifications. The

use of flesh meat three days in the week was introduced, and instead of

manual labour, other duties were substituted, such as teaching, copying,

study, etc. In their daily lives, we are told by Rev. Dr. Gasquet, O.S.B.,

perhaps the greatest living authority in such matters, that the

Cistercians at that time differed little from the Benedictines.

Such was the condition of Mellifont on that fatal day, the 23rd July

1539, when the Commissioners, with an armed band, demanded admission and

surrender, in the King's name. Remonstrance with them was vain, and the

usual formality was gone through. They seized on the charters, registers,

ledgers, etc., together with the keys of the treasury and store-rooms;

took an inventory of all the possessions of the monastery, and sealed the

Library and strong room. They, then, summoned the Abbot and all the monks

to the Chapter-house, to sign the Act of Surrender. In the Calendar of

Patent and Close Rolls, Chancery, Ireland, Henry VIII. (edited by James

Morrin), the synopsis of it is given as follows at p. 135:--"Surrender of

the Abbey or House of the Blessed Virgin Mary at Mellyfount, in the County

of Louth, by Richard Contoure, Abbot, with the consent of the Convent; and

of the church, belfry, cemetery, manors, lands, and all its possessions in

the counties of Dublin, Kildare, and Carlow, with all charters, evidences,

muniments, goods, utensils, ornaments and jewels."--July 23, 31o. (1539).

"Endorsed on the preceding surrender is a memorandum that the Abbot and

Convent, assembled in the Chapter-house, voluntarily acknowledged the

preceding surrender, delivered it into the hands of the Lord Chancellor,

and prayed it might be enrolled in Chancery, _in perpetuam rei memoriam_.

Witness, George, Archbishop of Dublin; Wm. Brabazon, Vice-Treasurer;

Robert Cowley, Master of the Rolls." July 23, 31o.

How often have these "voluntary" surrenders been flaunted by writers

hostile to the monks, as if the farce of signing the document which made

them beggars were a free act! They were anxious, forsooth, to shake off

the burden of their religious obligations, through the facile dispensation

so liberally accorded by the new Head of the Church, in the flush of his

accession to ecclesiastical supremacy! The late scholarly and

liberal-minded Dean Butler, Protestant Rector of Trim, wrote thus on the

subject:--"The form of surrender then executed omitted no property which

could belong to the house.... There were added their charters, evidences,

writings and manuscripts, their goods, chattels, utensils, ornaments,

jewels, and debts, all these were granted to the King, to be disposed of

at his good pleasure, without appeal or complaint, and the unhappy men

_were forced to declare_, that they thus deprived themselves of house and

home _of their own free will_, and that they put an end to a venerable

institution, to which they were bound by so many solemn obligations,

certain just and reasonable causes thereto moving their minds and their

consciences." (_Register of the Priory of All Hallows._ Preface, p. xxix.)

The next step was, there and then, to auction off all the moveables of the

monastery, except the jewels of the rich reliquaries, chalices, and other

sacred vessels, with the plate and bells, which formed the King's special

perquisite. The whole artistic woodwork of the church (choir and

wainscotting) was smashed in pieces, and even the very tombs of the

founders and others interred there, were sold and carted off. For a

description of the work of destruction, as related by an eye-witness of

such vandalism at the suppression of an English Cistercian monastery, see

_The Irish Cistercians_, p. 45. The sale realised L141 7s. 3d., but no

detailed account is given of the sum that each article fetched. According

to another Commission addressed to John Allen, Chancellor; William

Brabazon, Vice-Treasurer; and Robert Cowley, Master of the Rolls; dated

May 20, 1539, the proceeds of such sales were ordered to be allocated "to

pay the officers and servants of the Crown." When the church and monastery

were dismantled, and every article of value, no matter how trifling, had

been removed, the order to clear out the monks was promptly given and

executed; and the gates were shut behind them. Whither they went nobody

cared, and whither to go was a problem to themselves difficult to be

solved; for without money or provision, they were in a worse condition

than the most destitute of beggars. The hoary old walls caught up their

groans and lamentations on that day, as with breaking hearts they looked

upon each familiar spot for the last time. This is one of the secrets the

old stones of the few remaining buildings yet withhold from us. Mellifont

beheld many moving spectacles during the four centuries of her existence,

but none, perhaps, so deeply affecting as when her 150 children, amongst

whom were the aged, tottering on the brink of the grave and leaning for

support on some younger brethren, turned their back upon their happy home

where they enjoyed an anticipated paradise. As the sad procession slowly

gained the top of the hill, many a time they turned to take a last

farewell look at their beloved monastery, till it faded from their view

for ever. A few shillings each were allowed them for their immediate

wants, but of that multitude only thirteen and the Abbot received

pensions. This grant was fixed for them three days after their expulsion,

after which they all disappear from the scene as effectually as if the

Boyne had engulphed them.

The following entries are found in the Patent and Close Rolls Calendar,

Henry VIII., pp. 59, 60: "Pension of L40 Ir. to Richard Contour, late

Abbot of Mellyfount, payable out of the parishes of Knockmohan, Donowre,

and Monkenewton, with clause of distress."--Sept. 10, 1539. And at p. 60,

_ibid._, "Pension to John Byrrell, late parson of Mellifount, L3 6s. 8d.;

to Thomas Bagot, L4; to Peter Rewe, 40/-; to Thomas Alen, 53/4; to

William Norreis, 40/-; to Robert Nangle, 40/-; to Patrick Contour, 53/4;

to William Veldon, L3 6s. 8d.; to Patrick Lawles, 40/-; to John Ball,

40/-; to Clement Bartholomewe, 20/-; to Phelim O'Neil, 20/-; payable out

of the rents and lands of the parishes of Knockamowan, Donower, and

Montnewton" (Monknewtown), 26 July, 1539.

Thus, then, were these fourteen provided for, but, of the others, not one

received a single shilling, except, as has been said, a mere pittance that

sufficed to procure them a few nights' shelter. This is no picture drawn

from fancy; it is a well-authenticated fact, that where a peaceful

surrender was not given or signed, no provision whatsoever was made for

those who so refused. They were given a trifle at their expulsion, and

turned adrift to swell the army of beggars, or to perish, as they did in

hundreds, of hardships to which they were unaccustomed. The imagination

cannot now well conceive the heartless, wanton cruelty then practised on

the expelled Religious; who, if they had betrayed their consciences and

taken the oath of Supremacy, might have staved off, at least for a time,

the calamities that befell them. But only for a time; for in some

instances where the monks, through mistaken notions, obeyed the Royal

mandate, they shared the fate of their more steadfast brethren, owing to

the insatiable rapacity of the King and his advisers. To those of the

expelled who were priests, the hope was held out to them, in case of "free

surrender," that they should be promoted to the first vacant benefices. As

not one of the Religious expelled from Mellifont is enrolled on the list

of those promoted to vacancies during that or the subsequent reigns, it is

obvious that they held fast to their principles, and denied the King's

Supremacy, an acknowledgment of which was indispensable before

promotion. All honour to them for their generous sacrifices, which made

them worthy to be the last who saw the venerable institution reel and fall

beneath the despot's blows. Their noble attitude was befitting the close

of a work which was inaugurated with such splendour amid a nation's

rejoicing. Like the setting sun, Mellifont disappeared in a halo of glory.

Mellifont Abbey, Co. Louth Its Ruins and Associations, a Guide and Popular History · 第 7 / 8 章