CHAPTER IV

BROTHERS AND ENEMIES

I

Our enemies are brothers from whom we are estranged. Here is the

fundamental truth that explains and justifies our hope of

re-establishing a real patriotism among all parties in Ireland, and a

final peace with our ancient enemy of England. It is the view of

prejudice that makes of the various sections of our people hopelessly

hostile divisions, and raises up a barrier of hate between Ireland and

England that can never be surmounted. If Ireland is to be regenerated,

we must have internal unity; if the world is to be regenerated, we must

have world-wide unity--not of government, but of brotherhood. To this

great end every individual, every nation has a duty; and that the end

may not be missed we must continually turn for the correction of our

philosophy to reflecting on the common origin of the human race, on the

beauty of the world that is the heritage of all, our common hopes and

fears, and in the greatest sense the mutual interests of the peoples of

the earth. If, unheeding this, any people make their part of the earth

ugly with acts of tyranny and baseness, they threaten the security of

all; if unconscious of it, a people always high-spirited are plunged

into war with a neighbour, now a foe, and yet fight, as their nature

compels them, bravely and magnanimously, they but drive their enemy back

to the field of a purer life, and, perhaps, to the realisation of a more

beautiful existence, a dream to which his stagnant soul steeped in

ugliness could never rise.

II

On the road to freedom every alliance will be sternly tried. Internal

friendship will not be made in a day, nor external friendship for many a

day, and there will be how many temptations to hold it all a delusion

and scatter the few still standing loyally to the flag. We must

understand, then, the bond that holds us together on the line of march,

and in the teeth of every opposition. Nothing but a genuine bond of

brotherhood can so unite men, but we hardly seem to realise its truth.

When a deep and ardent patriotism requires men of different creeds to

come together frankly and in a spirit of comradeship, and when the most

earnest of all the creeds do so, others who are colder and less earnest

regard this union as a somewhat suspicious alliance; and, if they join

in, do so reluctantly. Others come not at all; these think our friends

labour in a delusion, that it needs but an occasion to start an old fear

and drive them apart, to attack one another with ancient bitterness

fired with fresh venom. We must combat that idea. Let us consider the

attitude to one another of three units of the band, who represent the

best of the company and should be typical of the whole; one who is a

Catholic, one who is a Protestant, and one who may happen to be neither.

The complete philosophy of any one of the three may not be accepted by

the other two; the horizon of his hopes may be more or less distant, but

that complete philosophy stretches beyond the limit of the sphere,

within which they are drawn together to mutual understanding and

comradeship, moved by a common hope, a brave purpose and a beautiful

dream. The significance of their work may be deeper for one than for

another, the origin of the dream and its ultimate aim may be points not

held in common; but the beautiful tangible thing that they all now fight

for, the purer public and private life, the more honourable dealings

between men, the higher ideals for the community and the nation, the

grander forbearance, courage and freedom, in all these they are at one.

The instinctive recognition of an attack on the ideal is alive and

vigilant in all three. The sympathy that binds them is ardent, deep and

enduring. Observe them come together. Note the warm hand grasp, the

drawn face of one, a hard-worker; of another, the eye anxious for a

brother hard pressed; of the third, the eye glistening for the ideal

triumphant; of all the intimate confidence, the mutual encouragement and

self-sacrifice, never a note of despair, but always the exultation of

the Great Fight, and the promise of a great victory. This is a finer

company than a mere casual alliance; yet it makes the uninspired pause,

wondering and questioning. These men are earnest men of different

creeds; still they are as intimately bound to one another as if they

knelt at the one altar. In the narrow view the creeds should be at one

another's throats; here they are marching shoulder to shoulder. How is

this? And the one whose creed is the most exacting could, perhaps, give

the best reply. He would reply that within the sphere in which they work

together the true thing that unites them can be done only the one right

way; that instinctively seizing this right way they come together; that

this is the line of advance to wider and deeper things that are his

inspiration and his life; that if a comrade is roused to action by the

nearer task, and labours bravely and rightly for it, he is on the road

to widening vistas in his dream that now he may not see. That is what he

would say whose vision of life is the widest. All objectors he may not

satisfy. That what is life to him may leave his comrade cold is a

difficulty; but against the difficulty stand the depth and reality of

their comradeship, proven by mutual sacrifice, endurance, and faith, and

he never doubts that their bond union will sometime prove to have a

wise and beautiful meaning in the Annals of God.

III

But the men of different creeds who stand firmly and loyally together

are a minority. We are faced with the great difficulty of uniting as a

whole North and South; and we are faced with the grim fact that many

whom we desire to unite are angrily repudiating a like desire, that many

are sarcastically noting this, that many are coldly refusing to believe;

while through it all the most bitter are emphasising enmity and

glorifying it. All these unbelievers keep insisting North and South are

natural enemies and must so remain. The situation is further embittered

by acts of enmity being practised by both sides to the extreme

provocation of the faithful few. Their forbearance will be sorely tried,

and this is the final test of men. By those who cling to prejudice and

abandon self-restraint, extol enmity, and always proceed to the further

step--the plea to wipe the enemy out: the counter plea for forbearance

is always scorned as the enervating gospel of weakness and despair.

Though we like to call ourselves Christian, we have no desire for--nay

even make a jest of--that outstanding Christian virtue; yet men not held

by Christian dogma have joyously surrendered to the sublimity of that

divine idea. Hear Shelley speak: "What nation has the example of the

desolation of Attica by Mardonius and Xerxes, or the extinction of the

Persian Empire by Alexander of Macedon restrained from outrage? Was not

the pretext for this latter system of spoliation derived immediately

from the former? Had revenge in this instance any other effect than to

increase, instead of diminishing, the mass of malice and evil already

existing in the world? The emptiness and folly of retaliation are

apparent from every example which can be brought forward." Shelley

writes much further on retaliation, which he denounces as "futile

superstition." Simple violence repels every high and generous thinker.

Hear one other, Mazzini: "What we have to do is not to establish a new

order of things by violence. An order of things so established is always

tyrannical even when it is better than the old." Let us bear this in

mind when there is an act of aggression on either side of the Boyne.

There will not be wanting on the other side a cry for retaliation and

"a lesson." We shall receive every provocation to give up and

acknowledge ancient bitterness, but then is the time to stand firm, then

we shall need to practise the divine forbearance that is the secret of

strength.

IV

But with only a minority standing to the flag we cry out for some hope

of final success. Men will not fight without result for ever; they ask

for some sign of progress, some gleam of the light of victory. Happily,

searching the skies, our eyes can have their reward. We shall, no doubt,

see, outstanding, dark evidence of old animosity; we shall hear fierce

war-cries and see raging crowds, but the crowds are less numerous, and

the wrath has lost its sting. Men who raged twenty years ago rage now,

but their fury is less real; and young men growing up around them, quite

indifferent to the ideal, are also indifferent to the counter cries:

they are passive, unimpressed by either side. Rightly approached, they

may understand and feel the glow of a fine enthusiasm; they are numbered

by prejudice, they will become warm, active and daring under an

inspiring appeal. Remember, and have done with despair. Think how you

and I found our path step by step of the way: political life was full of

conventions that suited our fathers' time, but have faded in the light

of our day. We found these conventions unreal and put them by. This was

no reflection on our fathers; what they fought for truly is our

heritage, and we pay them a tribute in offering it in turn our loyalty

inspired by their devotion. But their errors we must rectify; what they

left undone we must take up and fulfil. That is the task of every

generation, to take up the uncompleted work of the former one, and hand

on to their successors an achievement and a heritage. Youth recognises

this instinctively, and every generation will take a step in advance of

its predecessor, putting by its prejudices and developing its truth.

Every individual may know this from his own experience, and from it he

knows that those who are now voicing old bitter cries are ageing, and

will soon pass and leave no successors. Not that prejudice will die for

ever. Each new day will have its own, but that which is now dividing and

hampering us will pass. Let the memory of its bitterness be an

incentive to checking new animosities and keeping the future safe; but

in the present let us grasp and keep in our mind that the barrier that

sundered our nation must crumble, if only we have faith and persist,

undeterred by old bitter cries, for they are dying cries, undepressed by

millions apathetic, for it is the great recurring sign of the ideal,

that one hour its light will flash through quivering multitudes, and

millions will have vision and rouse to regenerate the land.

V

Happily, it is nothing new to plead for brotherhood among Irishmen now;

unhappily, it is not so generally admitted, nor even recognised, that

the same reason that exists for restoring friendly relations among

Irishmen, exists for the re-establishing of friendship with any

outsider--England or another--with whom now or in the future we may be

at war. Friendliness between neighbours is one of the natural things of

life. In the case of individuals how beautifully it shows between two

dwellers in the same street or townland. They rejoice together in

prosperity; give mutual aid in adversity; in the ordinary daily round

work together in a spirit of comradeship; at all times they find a bond

of unity in their mutual interests. Consider, then, the sundering of

their friendship by some act of evil on either side. The old friendship

is turned to hate. Now the proximity that gave intimate pleasure to

their comradeship gives as keen an edge to their enmity; they meet one

another, cross one another, harass one another at every point. The

bitterness that is such a poison to life must be revolting to their best

instincts; deep in their hearts must be a yearning for the casting out

of hate and the return of old comradeship. Still the estranged brothers

are at daggers drawn. Sometimes the evil done is so great and the

bitterness so keen that the old spirit can apparently never be restored;

but while there is any hope whatever the true heart will keep it alive

deep down, for it must be cherished and kept in mind if the whole beauty

of life is to be renewed and preserved for ever. It is so with nations

as with individuals. Once this is recognised we must be on guard against

a new error, which is an old error in new form, the taking of means for

end. The end of general peace is to give all nations freedom in

essentials, to realise the deeper purpose, possibilities, fulness and

beauty of life; it is not to have a peace at any price, peace with a

certain surrender, the meaner peace that is akin to slavery. No, its

message is to guard one nation from excess that has plunged another into

evil, to leave the way open to a final peace, not base but honourable;

it is to preserve the divine balance of the soul. It may be further

urged that we are engaged in a great fight; that to try to rouse in men

the more generous instincts will but weaken their hands by removing a

certain driving bitterness that gives strength to their fight. Whatever

it removes it will not be their strength. In a war admittedly between

brothers, a civil war, where different conceptions of duty force men

asunder, father is up against son, and brother against brother; yet they

are not weakened in their contest by ties of blood and the deeper-lying

harmony of things that in happier times prevail to the exclusion of

bitterness and hate. When, therefore, you teach a man his enemy is in a

deep sense his brother, you do not draw him from the fight, but you give

him a new conception of the goal to win and with a great dream inspire

him to persevere and reach the goal.

VI

If, then, beyond individual and national freedom there is this great

dream still to be striven for, let us not decry it as something too

sublime for earth. It must be our guiding star to lead us rightly as far

as we may go. We can travel rightly that part of the road we now tread

on only by shaping it true to the great end that ought to inspire us

all. We shall have many temptations to swerve aside, but the power of

mind that keeps our position clear and firm will react against every

destroying influence. In the first stage of the fight for internal

unity, when blind bigotry is furiously insisting that we but plan an

insidious scheme for the oppression of a minority, our firmness will

save us till our conception of the end grow on that minority and

convince all of our earnestness. Then the dream will inspire them, the

flag will claim them, and the first stage in the fight will be won. When

internal unity is accomplished, we are within reach of freedom. Yes, but

cries an objector, "Why plead for friendship with England, who will have

peace only on condition of her supremacy?" And an answer is needed. If

it takes two to make a fight, it also most certainly takes two to make a

peace, unless one accepts the position of serf and surrenders. But this

we do not fear; we can compel our freedom and we are confident of

victory. There is still the step to friendship. Many will be baffled by

the difficulty, that while we must keep alive our generous instincts, we

must be stern and resolute in the fight; while we desire peace we must

prosecute war; while we long for comradeship we must be breaking up

dangerous alliances: literary, political, trades and social unions

formed with England while she is asserting her supremacy must be broken

up till they can be reformed on a basis of independence, equality and

universal freedom. While we are prosecuting these vigorous measures it

may not seem the way to final friendship; but we must persist;

independence is first indispensable. Here again, however, while

insisting among our own ranks on our conception of the end, it will grow

on the mind of the enemy. They may put it by at first as a delusion or a

snare, but one intimate moment will come when it will light up for them,

and a new era is begun. In such a moment is evil abandoned, hate buried

and friendship reborn. There is one honest fear that our independence

would threaten their security: it will yet be replaced by the conviction

that there is a surer safeguard in our freedom than in our suppression;

the light will break through the clouds of suspicion and a star of stars

will glorify the earth. For this end our enemy must have an ideal as

high as our own; if thus an objector, he is right. But if in the gross

materialism and greed of empire that is now the ruling passion with the

enemy there is apparently little hope of a transformation that will make

them spiritual, high-minded and generous, we must not abandon our ideal:

while the meanness and tyranny of contemporary England stand forward

against our argument and leave our reasoning cold, we can find a more

subtle appeal in spirit, such an appeal as comes to us in a play of

Shakespeare's, a song of Shelley's, or a picture of Turner's. From the

heart of the enemy Genius cries, bearing witness to our common humanity,

and the yearning for such high comradeship is alive, and the dream

survives to light us on the forward path. We must travel that path

rightly. We can so travel whatever the enemy's mind. More difficult it

will be, but it can be done. That is the great significance and

justification of Nationalism: it is the unanswerable argument to

cosmopolitanism. If the greatness and beauty of life that ought to be

the dream of all nations is denied by all but one, that one may keep

alive the dream within her own frontier till its fascination will arrest

and inspire the world. If this ultimate dream is still floating far off,

in its pursuit there is for us achievement on achievement, and each

brave thing done is in itself a beauty and a joy for ever. For the good

fighter there is always fine recompense; a clear mind, warm blood, quick

imagination, grasp of life and joy in action, and at the end of day

always an eminence won. Yes, and from the height of that eminence will

come ringing down to the last doubter a last word: we may reach the

mountaintops in aspiring to the stars.

Principles of Freedom · 第 4 / 19 章