PRINCIPLES OF FREEDOM
by
TERENCE MACSWINEY
Late Lord Mayor of Cork
1921
[Illustration: TERENCE MACSWINEY
(Late Lord Mayor of Cork)]
[Illustration]
TO
THE SOLDIERS OF FREEDOM
IN EVERY LAND
PREFACE
It was my intention to publish these articles in book form as soon as
possible. I had them typed for the purpose. I had no time for revision
save to insert in the typed copy words or lines omitted from the
original printed matter. I also made an occasional verbal alteration in
the original. One article, however, that on "Intellectual Freedom,"
though written in the series in the place in which it now stands, was
not printed with them. It is now published for the first time.
RELIGION
I wish to make a note on the article under this heading to avoid a
possible misconception amongst people outside Ireland. In Ireland there
is no religious dissension, but there is religious insincerity. English
politicians, to serve the end of dividing Ireland, have worked on the
religious feelings of the North, suggesting the danger of Catholic
ascendancy. There is not now, and there never was, any such danger, but
our enemies, by raising the cry, sowed discord in the North, with the
aim of destroying Irish unity. It should be borne in mind that when the
Republican Standard was first raised in the field in Ireland, in the
Rising of 1798, Catholics and Protestants in the North were united in
the cause. Belfast was the first home of Republicanism in Ireland. This
is the truth of the matter. The present-day cleavage is an unnatural
thing created by Ireland's enemies to hold her in subjection and will
disappear entirely with political Freedom.
It has had, however, in our day, one unhappy effect, only for a time
fortunately, and this is disappearing. I refer to the rise of
Hibernianism. The English ruling faction having, for their own political
designs, corrupted the Orangemen with power and flattery, enabled them
to establish an ascendancy not only over Ulster, but indirectly by their
vote over the South. This becoming intolerable, some sincere but
misguided Catholics in the North joined the organisation known as THE
ANCIENT ORDER OF HIBERNIANS. This was, in effect, a sort of Catholic
Freemasonry to counter the Orange Freemasonry, but like Orangeism, it
was a political and not a religious weapon.
Further, as a political weapon, it extended all through Ireland during
the last years of the Irish Parliamentary Movement. In Cork, for
example, it completely controlled the city life for some years, but the
rapid rise of the Republican Movement brought about the equally rapid
fall of Hibernianism. At the present moment it has as little influence
in the public life of Cork as Sir Edward Carson himself. The great bulk
of its one-time members have joined the Republican Movement. This
demonstrates clearly that anything in the nature of a sectarian movement
is essentially repugnant to the Irish people. As I have pointed out, the
Hibernian Order, when created, became at once a political weapon, but
Ireland has discarded that, and other such weapons, for those with which
she is carving out the destinies of the Republic. For a time, however,
Hibernianism created an unnatural atmosphere of sectarian rivalry in
Ireland. That has now happily passed away. At the time, however, of the
writing of the article on Religion it was at its height, and this fact
coloured the writing of the article. On re-reading it and considering
the publication of the present work I was inclined to suppress it, but
decided that it ought to be included because it bears directly on the
evil of materialism in religious bodies, which is a matter of grave
concern to every religious community in the world.
T. MacS.
CONTENTS
CHAPTER
I. THE BASIS OF FREEDOM
II. SEPARATION
III. MORAL FORCE
IV. BROTHERS AND ENEMIES
V. THE SECRET OF STRENGTH
VI. PRINCIPLE IN ACTION
VII. LOYALTY
VIII. WOMANHOOD
IX. THE FRONTIER
X. LITERATURE AND FREEDOM--THE
PROPAGANDIST PLAYWRIGHT
XI. LITERATURE AND FREEDOM--ART FOR
ART'S SAKE
XII. RELIGION
XIII. INTELLECTUAL FREEDOM
XIV. MILITARISM
XV. THE EMPIRE
XVI. RESISTANCE IN ARMS--FOREWORD
XVII. RESISTANCE IN ARMS--THE TRUE
MEANING OF LAW
XVIII. RESISTANCE IN ARMS--OBJECTIONS
XIX. THE BEARNA BAOGHAIL--CONCLUSION
+PRINCIPLES OF FREEDOM+
CHAPTER I
THE BASIS OF FREEDOM
I
Why should we fight for freedom? Is it not strange, that it has become
necessary to ask and answer this question? We have fought our fight for
centuries, and contending parties still continue the struggle, but the
real significance of the struggle and its true motive force are hardly
at all understood, and there is a curious but logical result. Men
technically on the same side are separated by differences wide and deep,
both of ideal and plan of action; while, conversely, men technically
opposed have perhaps more in common than we realise in a sense deeper
than we understand.
II
This is the question I would discuss. I find in practice everywhere in
Ireland--it is worse out of Ireland--the doctrine, "The end justifies
the means."
One party will denounce another for the use of discreditable tactics,
but it will have no hesitation in using such itself if it can thereby
snatch a discreditable victory. So, clear speaking is needed: a fight
that is not clean-handed will make victory more disgraceful than any
defeat. I make the point here because we stand for separation from the
British Empire, and because I have heard it argued that we ought, if we
could, make a foreign alliance to crush English power here, even if our
foreign allies were engaged in crushing freedom elsewhere. When such a
question can be proposed it should be answered, though the time is not
ripe to test it. If Ireland were to win freedom by helping directly or
indirectly to crush another people she would earn the execration she has
herself poured out on tyranny for ages. I have come to see it is
possible for Ireland to win her independence by base methods. It is
imperative, therefore, that we should declare ourselves and know where
we stand. And I stand by this principle: no physical victory can
compensate for spiritual surrender. Whatever side denies that is not my
side.
What, then, is the true basis to our claim to freedom? There are two
points of view. The first we have when fresh from school, still in our
teens, ready to tilt against everyone and everything, delighting in
saying smart things--and able sometimes to say them--talking much and
boldly of freedom, but satisfied if the thing sounds bravely. There is
the later point of view. We are no longer boys; we have come to review
the situation, and take a definite stand in life. We have had years of
experience, keen struggles, not a little bitterness, and we are
steadied. We feel a heart-beat for deeper things. It is no longer
sufficient that they sound bravely; they must ring true. The schoolboy's
dream is more of a Roman triumph--tramping armies, shouting multitudes,
waving banners--all good enough in their way. But the dream of men is
for something beyond all this show. If it were not, it could hardly
claim a sacrifice.
III
A spiritual necessity makes the true significance of our claim to
freedom: the material aspect is only a secondary consideration. A man
facing life is gifted with certain powers of soul and body. It is of
vital importance to himself and the community that he be given a full
opportunity to develop his powers, and to fill his place worthily. In a
free state he is in the natural environment for full self-development.
In an enslaved state it is the reverse. When one country holds another
in subjection that other suffers materially and morally. It suffers
materially, being a prey for plunder. It suffers morally because of the
corrupt influences the bigger nation sets at work to maintain its
ascendancy. Because of this moral corruption national subjection should
be resisted, as a state fostering vice; and as in the case of vice, when
we understand it we have no option but to fight. With it we can make no
terms. It is the duty of the rightful power to develop the best in its
subjects: it is the practice of the usurping power to develop the
basest. Our history affords many examples. When our rulers visit Ireland
they bestow favours and titles on the supporters of their regime--but it
is always seen that the greatest favours and highest titles are not for
the honest adherent of their power--but for him who has betrayed the
national cause that he entered public life to support. Observe the men
who might be respected are passed over for him who ought to be despised.
In the corrupt politician there was surely a better nature. A free state
would have encouraged and developed it. The usurping state titled him
for the use of his baser instincts. Such allurement must mean
demoralisation. We are none of us angels, and under the best of
circumstances find it hard to do worthy things; when all the temptation
is to do unworthy things we are demoralised. Most of us, happily, will
not give ourselves over to the evil influence, but we lose faith in the
ideal. We are apathetic. We have powers and let them lie fallow. Our
minds should be restless for noble and beautiful things; they are
hopeless in a land everywhere confined and wasted. In the destruction
of spirit entailed lies the deeper significance of our claim to
freedom.
IV
It is a spiritual appeal, then, that primarily moves us. We are urged to
action by a beautiful ideal. The motive force must be likewise true and
beautiful. It is love of country that inspires us; not hate of the enemy
and desire for full satisfaction for the past. Pause awhile. We are all
irritated now and then by some mawkish interpretation of our motive
force that makes it seem a weakly thing, invoked to help us in evading
difficulties instead of conquering them. Love in any genuine form is
strong, vital and warm-blooded. Let it not be confused with any flabby
substitute. Take a parallel case. Should we, because of the mawkishness
of a "Princess Novelette," deride the beautiful dream that keeps ages
wondering and joyous, that is occasionally caught up in the words of
genius, as when Shelley sings: "I arise from dreams of thee"? When
foolish people make a sacred thing seem silly, let us at least be sane.
The man who cries out for the sacred thing but voices a universal need.
To exist, the healthy mind must have beautiful things--the rapture of a
song, the music of running water, the glory of the sunset and its
dreams, and the deeper dreams of the dawn. It is nothing but love of
country that rouses us to make our land full-blooded and beautiful where
now she is pallid and wasted. This, too, has its deeper significance.
V
If we want full revenge for the past the best way to get it is to remain
as we are. As we are, Ireland is a menace to England. We need not debate
this--she herself admits it by her continued efforts to pacify us in her
own stupid way. Would she not ignore us if it were quite safe so to do?
On the other hand, if we succeed in our efforts to separate from her,
the benefit to England will be second only to our own. This might strike
us strangely, but 'tis true, not the less true because the English
people could hardly understand or appreciate it now. The military
defence of Ireland is almost farcical. A free Ireland could make it a
reality--could make it strong against invasion. This would secure
England from attack on our side. No one is, I take it, so foolish as to
suppose, being free, we would enter quarrels not our own. We should
remain neutral. Our common sense would so dictate, our sense of right
would so demand. The freedom of a nation carries with it the
responsibility that it be no menace to the freedom of another nation.
The freedom of all makes for the security of all. If there are tyrannies
on earth one nation cannot set things right, but it is still bound so to
order its own affairs as to be consistent with universal freedom and
friendship. And, again, strange as it may seem, separation from England
will alone make for final friendship with England. For no one is so
foolish as to wish to be for ever at war with England. It is
unthinkable. Now the most beautiful motive for freedom is vindicated.
Our liberty stands to benefit the enemy instead of injuring him. If we
want to injure him, we should remain as we are--a menace to him. The
opportunity will come, but it would hardly make us happy. This but makes
clear a need of the human race. Freedom rightly considered is not a
mere setting-up of a number of independent units. It makes for harmony
among nations and good fellowship on earth.
VI
I have written carefully that no one may escape the conclusion. It is
clear and exacting, but in the issue it is beautiful. We fight for
freedom--not for the vanity of the world, not to have a fine conceit of
ourselves, not to be as bad--or if we prefer to put it so, as big as our
neighbours. The inspiration is drawn from a deeper element of our being.
We stifle for self-development individually and as a nation. If we don't
go forward we must go down. It is a matter of life and death; it is out
soul's salvation. If the whole nation stand for it, we are happy; we
shall be grandly victorious. If only a few are faithful found they must
be the more steadfast for being but a few. They stand for an individual
right that is inalienable. A majority has no right to annul it, and no
power to destroy it. Tyrannies may persecute, slay, or banish those who
defend it; the thing is indestructible. It does not need legions to
protect it nor genius to proclaim it, though the poets have always
glorified it, and the legions will ultimately acknowledge it. One man
alone may vindicate it, and because that one man has never failed it has
never died. Not, indeed, that Ireland has ever been reduced to a single
loyal son. She never will be. We have not survived the centuries to be
conquered now. But the profound significance of the struggle, of its
deep spiritual appeal, of the imperative need for a motive force as
lofty and beautiful, of the consciousness that worthy winning of freedom
is a labour for human brotherhood; the significance of it all is seen in
the obligation it imposes on everyone to be true, the majority
notwithstanding. He is called to a grave charge who is called to resist
the majority. But he will resist, knowing his victory will lead them to
a dearer dream than they had ever known. He will fight for that ideal in
obscurity, little heeded--in the open, misunderstood; in humble places,
still undaunted; in high places, seizing every vantage point, never
crushed, never silent, never despairing, cheering a few comrades with
hope for the morrow. And should these few sink in the struggle the
greatness of the ideal is proven in the last hour; as they fall their
country awakens to their dream, and he who inspired and sustained them
is justified; justified against the whole race, he who once stood alone
against them. In the hour he falls he is the saviour of his race.