Restoration. Now, as a matter of fact, there is something arbitrary
about any date. The influences at work during the previous period went
steadily on. The heathen raged, and the people imagined a vain thing.
The great proletariat hated witches as much as ever. But the justices of
the peace and the itinerant judges were getting over their fear of
popular opinion and were refusing to listen to the accusations that were
brought before them. The situation was in some respects the same as it
had been in the later seventies and throughout the eighties. Yet there
were certain features that distinguished the period. One of them was the
increased use of exorcism. The expelling of evil spirits had been a
subject of great controversy almost a century before. The practice had
by no means been forgotten in the mean time, but it had gained little
public notice. Now the dispossessors of the Devil came to the front
again long enough to whet the animosity between Puritans and Anglicans
in Lancashire. But this never became more than a pamphlet controversy.
The other feature of the period was far more significant. The last
executions for witchcraft in England were probably those at Exeter in
1682.[2] For a whole generation the courts had been frowning on witch
prosecution. Now there arose in England judges who definitely nullified
the law on the statute-book. By the decisions of Powell and Parker, and
most of all by those of Holt, the statute of the first year of James I
was practically made obsolete twenty-five or fifty years before its
actual repeal in 1736. We shall see that the gradual breaking down of
the law by the judges did not take place without a struggle. At the
famous trial in Hertford in 1712 the whole subject of the Devil and his
relation to witches came up again in its most definite form, and was
fought out in the court room and at the bar of public opinion. It was,
however, but the last rallying and counter-charging on a battle-field
where Webster and Glanvill had led the hosts at mid-day. The issue,
indeed, was now very specific. Over the abstract question of witchcraft
there was nothing new to be said. Here, however, was a specific
instance. What was to be done with it? Over that there was waged a merry
war. Of course the conclusion was foregone. It had indeed been
anticipated by the action of the bench.
We shall see that with the nullification of the law the common people
began to take the law into their own hands. We shall note that, as a
consequence, there was an increase in the number of swimming ordeals and
other illegal procedures.
The story of the Lancashire demonomania is not unlike the story of
William Somers in Nottingham a century before. In this case there was no
John Darrel, and the exorcists were probably honest but deluded men. The
affair started at the village of Surey, near to the superstition-brewing
Pendle Forest. The possessed boy, Richard Dugdale, was a gardener and
servant about nineteen years of age.[3] In April, 1689, he was seized
with fits in which he was asserted to speak Latin and Greek and to
preach against the sins of the place. Whatever his pretensions were, he
seemed a good subject for exorcism. Some of the Catholics are said to
have tampered with him, and then several Puritan clergymen of the
community took him in hand. For eight months they held weekly fasts for
his recovery; but their efforts were not so successful as they had
hoped. They began to suspect witchcraft[4] and were about to take steps
towards the prosecution of the party suspected.[5] This came to
nothing, but Dugdale at length grew better. He was relieved of his fits;
and the clergymen, who had never entirely given up their efforts to cure
him, hastened to claim the credit. More than a dozen of the dissenting
preachers, among them Richard Frankland, Oliver Heywood,[6] and other
well known Puritan leaders in northern England, had lent their support
to Thomas Jollie, who had taken the leading part in the praying and
fasting. From London, Richard Baxter, perhaps the best known Puritan of
his time, had sent a request for some account of the wonder, in order to
insert it in his forthcoming book on the spirit world. This led to a
plan for printing a complete narrative of what had happened; but the
plan was allowed to lapse with the death of Baxter.[7] Meantime,
however, the publication in London of the Mathers' accounts of the New
England trials of 1692[8] caused a new call for the story of Richard
Dugdale. It was prepared and sent to London; and there in some
mysterious way the manuscript was lost.[9] It was, however, rewritten
and appeared in 1697 as _The Surey Demoniack, or an Account of Strange
and Dreadful Actings in and about the Body of Richard Dugdale_. The
preface was signed by six ministers, including those already named; but
the book was probably written by Thomas Jollie and John Carrington.[10]
The reality of the possession was attested by depositions taken before
two Lancashire justices of the peace. The aim of the work was, of
course, to add one more contemporary link to the chain of evidence for
the supernatural. It was clear to the divines who strove with the
possessed boy that his case was of exactly the same sort as those in the
New Testament. Moreover, his recovery was a proof of the power of
prayer.
Now Non-Conformity was strong in Lancashire, and the Anglican church as
well as the government had for many years been at no little pains to put
it down. Here was a chance to strike the Puritans at one of their
weakest spots, and the Church of England was not slow to use its
opportunity. Zachary Taylor, rector of Wigan and chaplain to the Bishop
of Chester, had already familiarized himself with the methods of the
exorcists. In the previous year he had attacked the Catholics of
Lancashire for an exorcism which they claimed to have accomplished
within his parish.[11] Pleased with his new role, he found in Thomas
Jollie a sheep ready for the shearing.[12] He hastened to publish _The
Surey Impostor_,[13] in which, with a very good will, he made an assault
upon the reality of Dugdale's fits, charged that he had been
pre-instructed by the Catholics, and that the Non-Conformist clergymen
were seeking a rich harvest from the miracles they should work.
Self-glorification was their aim. He made fun of the several divines
engaged in the affair, and accused them of trickery and presumption in
their conduct of the case.[14]
Of course Taylor was answered, and with a bitterness equal to his own.
Thomas Jollie replied in _A Vindication of the Surey Demoniack_. "I will
not foul my Paper," wrote the mild Jollie, "and offend my reader with
those scurrilous and ridiculous Passages in this Page. O, the
Eructations of an exulcerated Heart! How desperately wicked is the Heart
of Man!"[15]
We shall not go into the details of the controversy, which really
degenerated into a sectarian squabble.[16] The only discussion of the
subject that approached fairness was by an anonymous writer,[17] who
professed himself impartial and of a different religious persuasion from
Jollie. To be sure, he was a man who believed in possession by spirits.
It may be questioned, too, whether his assumption of fair dealing
towards the Church of England was altogether justified. But, at any
rate, his work was free from invective and displayed moderation. He felt
that the Dissenting clergymen were probably somewhat deluded. But they
had acted, he believed, under good motives in attempting to help one who
had appealed to them. Some of them were not only "serious good Men," but
men well known in the nation. This, indeed, was true. The Dissenters had
laid themselves open to attack, and doubtless some of them saw and
regretted their mistake. At least, it seems not without significance
that neither Oliver Heywood nor Richard Frankland nor any other of the
Dissenters was sure enough of his ground to support Jollie in the
controversy into which he had been led.[18]
We have gone into some detail about the Dugdale affair because of its
importance in its time, and because it was so essentially characteristic
of the last era of the struggle over the power of the Devil. There were
cases of possession not only in Lancashire but in Somersetshire and in
and around London. Not without a struggle was His Satanic Majesty
surrendering his hold.
We turn from this controversy to follow the decisions of those eminent
judges who were nullifying the statute against witches. We have already
mentioned three names, those of Holt, Powell, and Parker. This is not
because they were the only jurists who were giving verdicts of
acquittal--we know that there must have been others--but because their
names are linked with significant decisions. Without doubt Chief Justice
Holt did more than any other man in English history to end the
prosecution of witches. Justice Powell was not so brave a man, but he
happened to preside over one of the most bitterly contested of all
trials, and his verdict served to reaffirm the precedents set by Holt.
It was Justice Parker's fortune to try the last case of witchcraft in
England.
Holt became chief justice of the king's bench on the accession of
William and Mary. Not one of the great names in English judicial rolls,
his decided stand against superstition makes him great in the history of
witchcraft. Where and when he had acquired his skeptical attitude we do
not know. The time was past when such an attitude was unusual. In any
case, from the moment he assumed the chief justiceship he set himself
directly against the punishment of witchcraft. As premier of the English
judiciary his example meant quite as much as his own rulings. And their
cumulative effect was not slight. We know of no less than eleven trials
where as presiding officer he was instrumental in securing a verdict of
acquittal. In London, at Ipswich, at Bury, at Exeter, in Cornwall, and
in other parts of the realm, these verdicts were rendered, and they
could not fail to influence opinion and to affect the decisions of other
judges. Three of the trials we shall go over briefly--those at Bury,
Exeter, and Southwark.
In 1694 he tried Mother Munnings at Bury St. Edmunds,[19] where his
great predecessor Hale had condemned two women. Mother Munnings had
declared that a landlord should lie nose upward in the church-yard
before the next Saturday, and, sure enough, her prophecy had come true.
Nevertheless, in spite of this and other testimony, she was acquitted.
Two years later Holt tried Elizabeth Horner at Exeter, where Raymond had
condemned three women in 1682. Bishop Trelawny of Exeter had sent his
sub-dean, Launcelot Blackburne (later to be Archbishop of York), to look
into the case, and his report adds something to the account which
Hutchinson has given us.[20] Elizabeth was seen "three nights together
upon a large down in the same place, as if rising out of the ground." It
was certified against her by a witness that she had driven a red-hot
nail "into the witche's left foot-step, upon which she went lame, and,
being search'd, her leg and foot appear'd to be red and fiery." These
testimonies were the "most material against her," as well as the
evidence of the mother of some possessed children, who declared that her
daughter had walked up a wall nine feet high four or five times
backwards and forwards, her face and the fore part of her body parallel
to the ceiling, saying that Betty Horner carried her up. In closing the
narrative the archdeacon wrote without comment: "My Lord Chief Justice
by his questions and manner of hemming up the evidence seem'd to me to
believe nothing of witchery at all, and to disbelieve the fact of
walking up the wall which was sworn by the mother." He added, "the jury
brought her in not guilty."
The case of Sarah Moordike of London _versus_ Richard Hathaway[21] makes
even clearer the attitude of Holt. Sarah Moordike, or Morduck, had been
accused years before by a Richard Hathaway of causing his illness. On
several occasions he had scratched her. Persecuted by the rabble, she
had betaken herself from Southwark to London. Thither Richard Hathaway
followed her and soon had several churches praying for his recovery. She
had appealed to a magistrate for protection, had been refused, and had
been tried at the assizes in Guildford, where she was acquitted. By this
time, however, a good many people had begun to think Hathaway a cheat.
He was arrested and put under the care of a surgeon, who watched him
closely and soon discovered that the fasts which were a feature of his
pretended fits were false. This was not the first time that he had been
proved an impostor. On an earlier occasion he had been trapped into
scratching a woman whom he erroneously supposed to be Sarah Morduck. In
spite of all exposures, however, he stuck to his pretended fits and was
at length brought before the assizes at Southwark on the charge of
attempting to take away the life of Sarah Moordike for being a witch. It
is refreshing to know that a clergyman, Dr. Martin, had espoused the
cause of the witch and had aided in bringing Hathaway to judgment. Chief
Justice Holt and Baron Hatsell presided over the court,[22] and there
seems to have been no doubt about the outcome. The jury "without going
from the bar" brought Hathaway in guilty.[23] The verdict was
significant. Pretenders had got themselves into trouble before, but were
soon out. The Boy of Bilston had been reproved; the young Robinson, who
would have sent to the gallows a dozen fellow-creatures, thought it hard
that he was kept a few months confined in London.[24] A series of cases
in the reign of Charles I had shown that it was next to impossible to
recover damages for being slandered as a witch, though in the time of
the Commonwealth one woman had come out of a suit with five shillings to
her credit. Of course, when a man of distinction was slandered,
circumstances were altered. At some time very close to the trial of
Hathaway, Elizabeth Hole of Derbyshire was summoned to the assizes for
accusing Sir Henry Hemloke, a well known baronet, of witchcraft.[25]
Such a charge against a man of position was a serious matter. But the
Moordike-Hathaway case was on a plane entirely different from any of
these cases. Sarah Morduck was not a woman of position, yet her accuser
was punished, probably by a long imprisonment. It was a precedent that
would be a greater safeguard to supposed witches than many acquittals.
Justice Powell was not to wield the authority of Holt: yet he made one
decision the effects of which were far-reaching. It was in the trial of
Jane Wenham at Hertford in 1712. The trial of this woman was in a sense
her own doing. She was a widow who had done washing by the day. For a
long time she had been suspected of witchcraft by a neighboring farmer,
so much so that, when a servant of his began to act queerly, he at once
laid the blame on the widow. Jane applied to Sir Henry Chauncy, justice
of the peace, for a warrant against her accuser. He was let off with a
fine of a shilling, and she was instructed by Mr. Gardiner, the
clergyman, to live more peaceably.[26] So ended the first act. In the
next scene of this dramatic case a female servant of the Reverend Mr.
Gardiner's, a maid just getting well of a broken knee, was discovered
alone in a room undressed "to her shift" and holding a bundle of sticks.
When asked to account for her condition by Mrs. Gardiner, she had a
curious story to tell. "When she was left alone she found a strange
Roaming in her head, ... her Mind ran upon Jane Wenham and she thought
she must run some whither ... she climbed over a Five-Bar-Gate, and ran
along the Highway up a Hill ... as far as a Place called Hackney-Lane,
where she look'd behind her, and saw a little Old Woman Muffled in a
Riding-hood." This dame had asked whither she was going, had told her to
pluck some sticks from an oak tree, had bade her bundle them in her
gown, and, last and most wonderful, had given her a large crooked
pin.[27] Mrs. Gardiner, so the account goes, took the sticks and threw
them into the fire. Presto! Jane Wenham came into the room, pretending
an errand. It was afterwards found out that the errand was fictitious.
All this raised a stir. The tale was absolutely original, it was no less
remarkable. A maid with a broken knee had run a half-mile and back in
seven minutes, very good time considering the circumstances. On the next
day the maid, despite the knee and the fits she had meantime contracted,
was sent out on an errand. She met Jane Wenham and that woman quite
properly berated her for the stories she had set going, whereupon the
maid's fits were worse than ever. Then, while several people carefully
watched her, she repeated her former long distance run, leaping over a
five-bar gate "as nimbly as a greyhound."
Jane Wenham was now imprisoned by the justice of the peace, who
collected with all speed the evidence against her. In this he was aided
by the Reverend Francis Bragge, rector of Walkerne, and the Reverend
Mr. Strutt, vicar of Audley. The wretched woman asked the justice to
let her submit to the ordeal of water,[28] but he refused, pronouncing
it illegal and unjustifiable. Meantime, the Rev. Mr. Strutt used the
test of the Lord's Prayer,[29] a test that had been discarded for half a
century. She failed to say the prayer aright, and alleged in excuse that
"she was much disturbed in her head," as well she might be. But other
evidence came in against her rapidly. She had been caught stealing
turnips, and had quite submissively begged pardon, saying that she had
no victuals that day and no money to buy any.[30] On the very next day
the man who gave this evidence had lost one of his sheep and found
another "taken strangely, skipping and standing upon its head."[31]
There were other equally silly scraps of testimony. We need not go into
them. The two officious clergymen busied themselves with her until one
of them was able to wring some sort of a confession from her. It was a
narrative in which she tried to account for the strange conduct of Anne
Thorne and made a failure of it.[32] A few days later, in the presence
of three clergymen and a justice of the peace, she was urged to repeat
her confession but was "full of Equivocations and Evasions," and when
pressed told her examiners that they "lay in wait for her Life."
Bragge and Strutt had shown a great deal of energy in collecting
evidence. Yet, when the case came to trial, the woman was accused only
of dealing with a spirit in the shape of a cat.[33] This was done on the
advice of a lawyer. Unfortunately we have no details about his reasons,
but it would look very much as if the lawyer recognized that the
testimony collected by the ministers would no longer influence the
court, and believed that the one charge of using a cat as a spirit might
be substantiated. The assizes were largely attended. "So vast a number
of People," writes an eye-witness, "have not been together at the
Assizes in the memory of Man."[34] Besides the evidence brought in by
the justice of the peace, who led the prosecution with vigor, the Rev.
Mr. Bragge, who was not to be repressed because the charges had been
limited, gave some most remarkable testimony about the stuffing of Anne
Thorne's pillow. It was full of cakes of small feathers fastened
together with some viscous matter resembling much the "ointment made of
dead men's flesh" mentioned by Mr. Glanvill. Bragge had done a piece of
research upon the stuff and discovered that the particles were arranged
in geometrical forms with equal numbers in each part.[35] Justice Powell
called for the pillow, but had to be content with the witness's word,
for the pillow had been burnt. Arthur Chauncy, who was probably a
relative of the justice of the peace, offered to show the judge pins
taken from Anne Thorne. It was needless, replied the judge, he supposed
they were crooked pins.[36] The leaders of the prosecution seem to have
felt that the judge was sneering at them throughout the trial. When Anne
Thorne was in a fit, and the Reverend Mr. Chishull, being permitted to
pray over her, read the office for the visitation of the sick, Justice
Powell mockingly commented "That he had heard there were Forms of
Exorcism in the Romish Liturgy, but knew not that we had any in our
Church."[37] It must have been a great disappointment to these Anglican
clergymen that Powell took the case so lightly. When it was testified
against the accused that she was accustomed to fly, Powell is said to
have said to her, "You may, there is no law against flying."[38] This
indeed is quite in keeping with the man as described by Swift: "an old
fellow with grey hairs, who was the merriest old gentleman I ever saw,
spoke pleasing things, and chuckled till he cried again."
In spite of Powell's obvious opinion on the trial, he could not hinder a
conviction. No doubt the jury were greatly swayed by the crowds. The
judge seems to have gone through the form of condemning the woman, but
took pains to see that she was reprieved.[39] In the mean time her
affair, like that of Richard Dugdale, had become a matter of sectarian
quarrel. It was stated by the enemies of Jane Wenham that she was
supported in prison by the Dissenters,[40] although they said that up to
this time she had never been a church-going woman. It was the Dugdale
case over again, save that the parties were reversed. Then Puritans had
been arrayed on the side of superstition; now some of the Anglicans seem
to have espoused that cause.[41] Of course the stir produced was
greater. Mistress Jane found herself "the discourse of the town" in
London, and a pamphlet controversy ensued that was quite as heated as
that between Thomas Jollie and Zachary Taylor. No less than ten
brochures were issued. The justice of the peace allowed his story of the
case to be published and the Reverend Mr. Bragge rushed into print with
a book that went through five editions. Needless to say, the defenders
of Jane Wenham and of the judge who released her were not hesitant in
replying. A physician who did not sign his name directed crushing
ridicule against the whole affair,[42] while a defender of Justice
Powell considered the case in a mild-mannered fashion: he did not deny
the possibility of witchcraft, but made a keen impeachment of the
trustworthiness of the witnesses against the woman.[43]
But we cannot linger over the details of this controversy. Justice
Powell had stirred up a hornets' nest of opposition, but it meant
little.[44] The insects could buzz; but their stingers were drawn.
The last trial for witchcraft was conducted in 1717 at Leicester by
Justice Parker.[45] Curiously enough, the circumstances connected with
it make it evident that crudest forms of superstition were still alive.
Decency forbids that we should narrate the details of the methods used
to demonstrate the guilt of the suspected parties. No less than
twenty-five people banded themselves against "Old woman Norton and
daughter" and put them through tests of the most approved character. It
need hardly be said that the swimming ordeal was tried and that both
creatures "swam like a cork." The persecutors then set to work to "fetch
blood of the witches." In this they had "good success," but the witches
"would be so stubborn, that they were often forced to call the constable
to bring assistance of a number of persons to hold them by force to be
blooded."[46] The "old witch" was also stripped and searched "publickly
before a great number of good women." The most brutal and illegal of all
forms of witch procedure had been revived, as if to celebrate the last
appearance of the Devil. But the rest of the story is pleasanter. When
the case came before the grand jury at the assizes, over which Justice
Parker was presiding, "the bill was not found."
With this the story of English trials comes to an end. The statute of
James I had been practically quashed, and, though it was not to be taken
from the law books for nineteen years, it now meant nothing. It was very
hard for the great common people to realize what had happened. As the
law was breaking down they had shown an increasing tendency to take
justice into their own hands. In the case with which we have just been
dealing we have seen the accusers infringing the personal rights of the
individual, and calling in the constables to help them in their utterly
unlawful performances. This was not new. As early as 1691, if Hutchinson
may be trusted, there were "several tried by swimming in Suffolk, Essex,
Cambridgeshire, and Northamptonshire and some were drowned." It would be
easy to add other and later accounts,[47] but we must be content with
one.[48] The widow Coman, in Essex, had recently lost her husband; and
her pastor, the Reverend Mr. Boys, went to cheer her in her melancholy.
Because he had heard her accounted a witch he questioned her closely and
received a nonchalant admission of relations with the Devil. That
astounded him. When he sought to inquire more closely, he was put off.
"Butter is eight pence a pound and Cheese a groat a pound," murmured the
woman, and the clergyman left in bewilderment. But he came back in the
afternoon, and she raved so wildly that he concluded her confession was
but "a distraction in her head." Two women, however, worried from her
further and more startling confessions. The minister returned, bringing
with him "Mr. Goldsmith and Mr. Grimes," two of the disbelieving "sparks
of the age." The rest of the story may be told as it is given in another
account, a diary of the time. "July 3d, 1699, the widow Coman was put
into the river to see if she would sinke, ... and she did not sinke but
swim, ... and she was tryed again July 19, and then she swam again. July
24 the widow was tryed a third time by putting her into the river and
she swam. December 27. The widow Coman that was counted a witch was
buried." The intervening links need hardly be supplied, but the Reverend
Mr. Boys has given them: "whether by the cold she got in the water, or
by some other means, she fell very ill and dyed."
It must have been very diverting, this experimentation by water, and it
had become so popular by the beginning of the eighteenth century that
Chief Justice Holt[49] is said to have ruled that in the future, where
swimming had fatal results, those responsible would be prosecuted for
murder. Such a declaration perhaps caused some disuse of the method for
a time, but it was revived in the second third of the eighteenth
century.
Popular feeling still arrayed itself against the witch. If the
increasing use of the swimming ordeal was the answer to the
non-enforcement of the Jacobean statute, it was the answer of the
ignorant classes. Their influence was bound to diminish. But another
possible consequence of the breaking down of the law may be suggested.
Mr. Inderwick, who has looked much into English witchcraft, says that
"from 1686 to 1712 ... the charges and convictions of malicious injury
to property in burning haystacks, barns, and houses, and malicious
injuries to persons and to cattle increased enormously."[50] This is
very interesting, if true, and it seems quite in accord with the history
of witchcraft that it should be true. Again and again we have seen that
the charge of witchcraft was a weapon of prosecutors who could not prove
other suspected crimes. As the charges of witchcraft fell off,
accusations for other crimes would naturally be multiplied; and, now
that it was no longer easy to lay everything to the witch of a
community, the number of the accused would also grow.
We are now at the end of the witch trials. In another chapter we shall
trace the history of opinion through this last period. With the
dismissal of the Norton women at Leicester, the courts were through with
witch trials.
[1] See below, pp. 342-343.
[2] We are assuming that the cases at Northampton in 1705 and at
Huntingdon in 1716 have no basis of fact. At Northampton two women,
according to the pamphlet account, had been hanged and burnt; at
Huntingdon, according to another account, a woman and her daughter. It
is possible that these pamphlets deal with historical events; but the
probabilities are all against that supposition. For a discussion of the
matter in detail see below, appendix A, Sec. 10.
[3] For his early history see _The Surey Demoniack, ... or, an Account
of Satan's ... Actings, In and about the Body of Richard Dugdale...._
(London, 1697).
[4] The Catholics do not seem, so far as the account goes, to have said
anything about witchcraft.
[5] _The Surey Demoniack_, 49; Zachary Taylor, _The Surey Impostor,
being an answer to a ... Pamphlet, Entituled The Surey Demoniack_
(London, 1697), 21-22.
[6] "N. N.," _The Lancashire Levite Rebuked, or a Vindication of the
Dissenters from Popery...._ (London, 1698), 3-4; see also the preface of
_The Surey Demoniack_.
[7] _Ibid._
[8] _The Wonders of the Invisible World: being an Account of the Tryals
of ... Witches ... in New England_ (London, 1693), by Cotton Mather, and
_A Further Account of the Tryals of the New-England Witches_ (London,
1693), by Increase Mather. See preface to _The Surey Demoniack_.
[9] Thomas Jollie told a curious tale about how the manuscript had been
forcibly taken from the man who was carrying it to the press by a group
of armed men on the Strand. See _ibid._
[10] Alexander Gordon in his article on Thomas Jollie, _Dict. Nat.
Biog._, says that the pamphlet was drafted by Jollie and expanded by
Carrington. Zachary Taylor, in his answer to it (_The Surey Impostor_),
constantly names Mr. Carrington as the author. "N. N.," in _The
Lancashire Levite Rebuked_, also assumes that Carrington was the author.
[11] _The Devil Turned Casuist, or the Cheats of Rome Laid open in the
Exorcism of a Despairing Devil...._ By Zachary Taylor, ... (London,
1696).
[12] It is interesting that Zachary Taylor's father was a
Non-Conformist; see _The Lancashire Levite Rebuked_, 2.
[13] London, 1697.
[14] _The Devil Turned Casuist._
[15] _A Vindication of the Surey Demoniack_, 17.
[16] Taylor replied to Jollie's _Vindication of the Surey Demoniack_ in
1698 with a pamphlet entitled _Popery, Superstition, Ignorance and
Knavery ... very fully proved ... in the Surey Imposture_. Then came
_The Lancashire Levite Rebuked_, by the unknown writer, "N. N.," whose
views we give in the text. Taylor seems to have answered in a letter to
"N. N." which called forth a scathing reply (1698) in _The Lancashire
Levite Rebuked, or a Farther Vindication of the Dissenters...._ Taylor's
reply, which came out in 1699, was entitled _Popery, Superstition,
Ignorance, and Knavery Confess'd and fully Proved on the Surey
Dissenters...._
[17] "N. N." _The Lancashire Levite Rebuked_. The Rev. Alexander Gordon,
in his article on Zachary Taylor, _Dict. Nat. Biog._, says that
Carrington probably wrote this book. This seems impossible. The author
of the book, in speaking of Mr. Jollie, Mr. R. Fr. [Frankland], and Mr.
O. H. [Oliver Heywood], refers to Mr. C. as having "exposed himself in
so many insignificant Fopperies foisted into his Narrative"--proof
enough that Carrington did not write _The Lancashire Levite Rebuked_.
[18] Several dissenting clergymen had opposed the publication of _The
Surey Demoniack_, and had sought to have it suppressed. See _The
Lancashire Levite Rebuked_, 2.
[19] For an account of this case see Francis Hutchinson, _Historical
Essay on Witchcraft_ (London, 1718), 43. Hutchinson had made an
investigation of the case when in Bury, and he had also Holt's notes of
the trial.
[20] Hutchinson had Holt's notes on this case, as on the preceding;
_ibid._, 45. Blackburne's letter is printed in _Notes and Queries_, 1st
series, XI, 498-499, and reprinted in Brand, _Popular Antiquities_
(1905), II, 648-649.
[21] See _The Tryal of Richard Hathaway, ... For endeavouring to take
away the Life of Sarah Morduck, For being a Witch ..._ (London, 1702),
and _A Full and True Account of the Apprehending and Taking of Mrs.
Sarah Moordike, ... accused ... for having Bewitched one Richard
Hetheway ..._; see also Hutchinson, _op. cit._, 224-228.
[22] _Ibid._, 226.
[23] A somewhat similar case at Hammersmith met with the same treatment,
if the pamphlet account may be trusted. Susanna Fowles pretended to be
possessed in such a way that she could not use the name of God or
Christ. The application of a red-hot iron to her head in the midst of
her fits was drastic but effectual. She cried out "Oh Lord," and so
proved herself a "notorious Lyar." She was sent to the house of
correction, where, reports the unfeeling pamphleteer, "She is now
beating hemp." Another pamphlet, however, gives a very different
version. According to this account, Susan, under Papist influences,
pretended to be possessed in such a way that she was continually
blaspheming. She was indicted for blasphemy, fined, and sentenced to
stand in the pillory. (For the graphic titles of these contradictory
pamphlets and of a folio broadside on the same subject, see appendix A,
Sec. 7).
[24] Probably not by any court verdict, but through the privy council.
[25] See J. C. Cox, _Three Centuries of Derbyshire Annals_ (London,
1890), II, 90.
[26] _Jane Wenham_ (broadside); see also _A Full and Impartial Account
of the Discovery of Sorcery and Witchcraft, Practis'd by Jane Wenham
..._ (London, 1712).
[27] This narrative is given in great detail in _A Full and Impartial
Account_. It is of course referred to in nearly all the other pamphlets.
[28] Jane Wenham (broadside) see also _A Full and Impartial Account_,
12.
[29] Jane Wenham (broadside); see also _A Full and Impartial Account_,
10.
[30] Jane Wenham (broadside); see also _A Full and Impartial Account_,
14.
[31] _Ibid._, 14.
[32] It was suggested by some who did not believe Jane guilty, that she
confessed from unhappiness and a desire to be out of the world,
_Witchcraft Farther Display'd. Containing (I) An Account of the
Witchcraft practis'd by Jane Wenham, ... An Answer to ... Objections
against the Being and Power of Witches ..._ (London, 1712), 37.
[33] _A Full and Impartial Account_, 24.
[34] _An Account of the Tryal, Examination and Condemnation of Jane
Wenham._
[35] _A Full and Impartial Account_, 27.
[36] _A Full and Impartial Account_, 26.
[37] _Ibid._, 25.
[38] For this story I have found no contemporary testimony. The earliest
source that I can find is Alexander Chalmers's _Biographical Dictionary_
(London, 1812-1827), XXV, 248 (_s. v._ Powell).
[39] After her release she was taken under the protection of Colonel
Plummer of Gilston, who had followed the trial. Hutchinson, _Historical
Essay on Witchcraft_, 130. On his death she was supported by the Earl
and Countess of Cowper, and lived until 1730. Robert Clutterbuck,
_History and Antiquities of the County of Hertford_ (London, 1815-1827),
II, 461, note.
[40] _Witchcraft Farther Displayed_, introduction.
[41] See the dedication to Justice Powell in _The Case of the
Hertfordshire Witchcraft Consider'd_ (London, 1712).
[42] _A Full Confutation of Witchcraft: More particularly of the
Depositions against Jane Wenham.... In a Letter from a Physician in
Hertfordshire, to his Friend in London_ (London, 1712).
[43] _The Case of the Hertfordshire Witchcraft Consider'd._ For more as
to these discussions see below, ch. XIV.
[44] It seems, however, that the efforts of Lady Frances ---- to bring
about Jane's execution in spite of the judge were feared by Jane's
friends. See _The Impossibility of Witchcraft, ... In which the
Depositions against Jane Wenham ... are Confuted ..._ (London, 1712), 2d
ed. (in the Bodleian), 36.
[45] See Brit. Mus., Add. MSS., 35,838, f. 404.
[46] They could "get no blood of them by Scratching so they used great
pins and such Instruments for that purpose."
[47] See _Hist. MSS. Comm. Reports, Various_, I, 160; see also C. J.
Bilson, _County Folk Lore, Leicestershire and Rutland_ (Folk Lore Soc.,
1895), 51-52.
[48] _The Case of Witchcraft at Coggeshall, Essex, in the year 1699.
Being the narrative of the Rev. J. Boys ..._ (London, 1901).
[49] By some Parker is given the credit. I cannot find the original
authority.
[50] Inderwick, _Sidelights on the Stuarts_, 174, 175.
CHAPTER XIV.
THE CLOSE OF THE LITERARY CONTROVERSY.
In the last chapter we mentioned the controversy over Jane Wenham. In
attempting in this chapter to show the currents and cross-currents of
opinion during the last period of witch history in England, we cannot
omit some account of the pamphlet war over the Hertfordshire witch. It
will not be worth while, however, to take up in detail the arguments of
the upholders of the superstition. The Rev. Mr. Bragge was clearly on
the defensive. There were, he admitted sadly, "several gentlemen who
would not believe that there are any witches since the time of our
Saviour Jesus Christ." He struck the same note when he spoke of those
who disbelieved "on the prejudices of education only." With great
satisfaction the clergyman quoted the decision of Sir Matthew Hale in
1664.[1]
The opinions of the opposition are more entertaining, if their works did
not have so wide a sale. The physician who wrote to his friend in London
poked fun at the witchmongers. It was dangerous to do so, he admitted,
"especially in the Country, where to make the least Doubt is a Badge of
Infidelity."[2] As for him, he envied the privileges of the town. He
proceeded to take up the case of Anne Thorne. Her seven-minute mile run
with a broken knee was certainly puzzling. "If it was only a violent
Extention of the Rotula, something might be allow'd: but it is hard to
tell what this was, your Country Bone-Setters seldom plaguing their
heads with Distinctions."[3] The "Viciousness of Anne Thorn's
opticks,"[4] the silly character of the clergyman's evidence, and the
spiritual juggles at exorcism,[5] all these things roused his merriment.
As for Jane's confession, it was the result of ensnaring questions.[6]
He seemed to hold the clergy particularly responsible for witch cases
and advised them to be more conversant with the history of diseases and
to inquire more narrowly into the physical causes of things.
A defender of Justice Powell, probably Henry Stebbing, later an eminent
divine but now a young Cambridge master of arts, entered the
controversy. He was not altogether a skeptic about witchcraft in
general, but his purpose was to show that the evidence against Jane
Wenham was weak. The two chief witnesses, Matthew Gilston and Anne
Thorne, were "much disturbed in their Imaginations." There were many
absurdities in their stories. He cited the story of Anne Thorne's mile
run in seven minutes. Who knew that it was seven minutes? There was no
one timing her when she started. How was it known that she went half a
mile? And, supposing these narratives were true, would they prove
anything? The writer took up piece after piece of the evidence in this
way and showed its absurdity. Some of his criticisms are amusing--he
attacked silly testimony in such a solemn way--yet he had, too, his
sense of fun. It had been alleged, he wrote, that the witch's flesh,
when pricked, emitted no blood, but a thin watery matter. "Mr. Chauncy,
it is like, expected that Jane Wenham's Blood shou'd have been as rich
and as florid as that of Anne Thorne's, or of any other Virgin of about
16. He makes no difference, I see, between the Beef and Mutton Regimen,
and that of Turnips and Water-gruel."[7] Moreover, he urges, it is well
known that fright congeals the blood.[8]
We need not go further into this discussion. Mr. Bragge and his friends
re-entered the fray at once, and then another writer proved with
elaborate argument that there had never been such a thing as witchcraft.
The controversy was growing dull, but it had not been without value. It
had been, on the whole, an unconventional discussion of the subject and
had shown very clearly the street-corner point of view. But we must turn
to the more formal treatises. Only three of them need be noticed, those
of Richard Baxter, John Beaumont, and Richard Boulton. All of these
writers had been affected by the accounts of the Salem witchcraft in New
England. The opinions of Glanvill and Matthew Hale had been carried to
America and now were brought back to fortify belief in England. Richard
Baxter was most clearly influenced by the accounts of what had happened
in the New World. The Mathers were his friends and fellow Puritans, and
their testimony was not to be doubted for a minute. But Baxter needed no
convincing. He had long preached and written about the danger of
witches. In a sermon on the Holy Ghost in the fifties he had shown a
wide acquaintance with foreign works on demonology.[9] In a _Defence of
the Christian Religion_,[10] written several years later, he recognized
that the malice of the accusers and the melancholy of the accused were
responsible for some cases, but such cases were exceptions. If any one
doubted that there were _bona fide_ cases, let him talk to the judges
and ministers yet living in Suffolk, Norfolk, and Essex. They could tell
him of many of the confessions made in the Hopkins period. Baxter had
not only talked on witchcraft with Puritan ministers, but had
corresponded as well with Glanvill, with whom, although Glanvill was an
Anglican, he seems to have been on very friendly terms.[11] Nor is it
likely that in the many conversations he held with his neighbor, Sir
Matthew Hale,[12] the evidence from witchcraft for a spiritual world had
been neglected. The subject must have come up in his conversations with
another friend, Robert Boyle.[13] Boyle's interest in such matters was
of course a scientific one. Baxter, like Glanvill, looked at them from a
religious point of view. In the classic _Saint's Everlasting Rest_ he
drew his fourth argument for the future happiness and misery of man
from the Devil's compact with witches.[14] To this point he reverted in
his _Dying Thoughts_. His _Certainty of the World of Spirits_, in which
he took up the subject of witchcraft in more detail, was written but a
few months before his death. "When God first awakened me, to think with
preparing seriousness of my Condition after Death, I had not any
observed Doubts of the Reality of Spirits.... But, when God had given me
peace of Conscience, Satan Assaulted me with those worse Temptations....
I found that my Faith of Supernatural Revelation must be more than a
Believing Man and that if it had not a firm foundation, ... even sure
Evidence of Verity, ... it was not like ... to make my Death to be safe
and comfortable.... I tell the Reader, that he may see why I have taken
this Subject as so necessary, why I am ending my Life with the
publication of these Historical Letters and Collections, which I dare
say have such Evidence as will leave every Sadduce that readeth them,
either convinced, or utterly without excuse."[15]
By the "Collection" he meant, of course, the narratives brought out in
his _Certainty of the World of Spirits_--published in 1691. It is
unnecessary to review its arguments here. They were an elaboration of
those already used in earlier works. Too much has been made of this
book. Baxter had the fever for publication. It was a lean year when he
dashed off less than two works. His wife told him once that he would
write better if he wrote less. Probably she was thinking of his style,
and she was doubtless right. But it was true, too, of his thinking; and
none of his productions show this more than his hurried book on, spirits
and witches.[16]
Beaumont and Boulton may be passed over quickly. Beaumont[17] had read
widely in the witch literature of England and other countries;[18] he
had read indeed with some care, as is evidenced by the fact that he had
compared Hopkins's and Stearne's accounts of the same events and found
them not altogether consistent. Nevertheless Beaumont never thought of
questioning the reality of witchcraft phenomena, and his chief aim in
writing was to answer _The World Bewitched_, the great work of a Dutch
theologian, Balthazar Bekker, "who laughs at all these things of this
Nature as done by Humane contrivance."[19] Bekker's bold book was
indeed gaining wide notice; but this reply to it was entirely
commonplace. Richard Boulton, sometime of Brasenose College, published
ten years later, in 1715, _A Compleat History of Magic_. It was a book
thrown together in a haphazard way from earlier authors, and was written
rather to sell than to convince. Seven years later a second edition was
brought out, in which the writer inserted an answer to Hutchinson.
Before taking up Hutchinson's work we shall turn aside to collect those
stray fragments of opinion that indicate in which direction the wind was
blowing. Among those who wrote on nearly related topics, one
comparatively obscure name deserves mention. Dr. Richard Burthogge
published in 1694 an _Essay upon Reason and the Nature of Spirits_, a
book which was dedicated to John Locke. He touched on witchcraft in
passing. "Most of the relations," he wrote, "do, upon impartial
Examination, prove either Impostures of Malicious, or Mistakes of
Ignorant and Superstitious persons; yet some come so well Attested that
it were to bid defiance to all Human Testimony to refuse them
belief."[20]
This was the last stand of those who still believed. Shall we, they
asked, discredit all human testimony? It was practically the belief of
Bishop William Lloyd of Worcester, who, while he urged his clergy to
give up their notions about witches, was inclined to believe that the
Devil still operates in the Gentile world and among the Pagans.[21]
Joseph Addison was equally unwilling to take a radical view. "There
are," he wrote in the _Spectator_ for July 14, 1711, "some opinions in
which a man should stand neuter.... It is with this temper of mind that
I consider the subject of witchcraft.... I endeavour to suspend my
belief till I hear more certain accounts.... I believe in general that
there is, and has been, such a thing as witchcraft; but at the same time
can give no credit to any particular instance of it."[22] The force of
credulity among the country people he fully recognized. His Sir Roger de
Coverley, who was a justice of the peace, and his chaplain were, he
said, too often compelled to put an end to the witch-swimming
experiments of the people.
If this was belief, it was at least a harmless sort. It was almost
exactly the position of James Johnstone, former secretary for Scotland,
who, writing from London to the chancellor of Scotland, declared his
belief in the existence of witches, but called attention to the fact
that the parliaments of France and other judicatories had given up the
trying of them because it was impossible to distinguish possession from
"nature in disorder."[23]
But there were those who were ready to assert a downright negative. The
Marquis of Halifax in the _Political, Moral and Miscellaneous Thoughts
and Reflections_ which he wrote (or, at least, completed) in 1694, noted
"It is a fundamental ... that there were witches--much shaken of
late."[24] Secretary of State Vernon and the Duke of Shrewsbury were
both of them skeptical about the confessions of witches.[25] Sir
Richard Steele lampooned the belief. "Three young ladies of our town,"
he makes his correspondent relate, "were indicted for witchcraft. One by
spirits locked in a bottle and magic herbs drew hundreds of men to her;
the second cut off by night the limbs of dead bodies and, muttering
words, buried them; the third moulded pieces of dough into the shapes of
men, women, and children and then heated them." They "had nothing to say
in their own defence but downright denying the facts, which," the writer
remarks, "is like to avail very little when they come upon their
trials." "The parson," he continued, "will believe nothing of all this;
so that the whole town cries out: 'Shame! that one of his cast should be
such an atheist.'"[26]
The parson had at length assimilated the skepticism of the jurists and
the gentry. It was, as has been said, an Anglican clergyman who
administered the last great blow to the superstition. Francis
Hutchinson's _Historical Essay on Witchcraft_, published in 1718 (and
again, enlarged, in 1720), must rank with Reginald Scot's _Discoverie_
as one of the great classics of English witch literature. Hutchinson had
read all the accounts of trials in England--so far as he could find
them--and had systematized them in chronological order, so as to give a
conspectus of the whole subject. So nearly was his point of view that of
our own day that it would be idle to rehearse his arguments. A man with
warm sympathies for the oppressed, he had been led probably by the case
of Jane Wenham, with whom he had talked, to make a personal
investigation of all cases that came at all within the ken of those
living. Whoever shall write the final story of English witchcraft will
find himself still dependent upon this eighteenth-century historian.
Hutchinson's work was the last chapter in the witch controversy. There
was nothing more to say.
[1] _Witchcraft Farther Displayed._
[2] _A Full Confutation of Witchcraft_, 4.
[3] _Ibid._, 11.
[4] _Ibid._, 38.
[5] _Ibid._, 5.
[6] _Ibid._, 23-24.
[7] _The Case of the Hertfordshire Witchcraft Consider'd_, 72.
[8] If certain phrases may be trusted, this writer was interested in the
case largely because it had become a cause of sectarian combat and he
hoped to strike at the church.
[9] See Baxter's _Works_ (London, 1827-1830), XX, 255-271.
[10] See _ibid._, XXI, 87.
[11] W. Orme in his _Life of Richard Baxter_ (London, 1830), I, 435,
says that the Baxter MSS. contain several letters from Glanvill to
Baxter.
[12] _See Memoirs of Richard Baxter_ by Dr. Bates (in _Biographical
Collections, or Lives and Characters from the Works of the Reverend Mr.
Baxter and Dr. Bates_, 1760), II, 51, 73.
[13] _Ibid._, 26; see also Baxter's _Dying Thoughts_, in _Works_, XVIII,
284, where he refers to the Demon of Mascon, a story for which Boyle, as
we have seen, had stood sponsor in England.
[14] Ch. VII, sect. iv, in _Works_, XXII, 327.
[15] _Certainty of the World of Spirits_ (London, 1691), preface.
[16] Two other collectors of witch stories deserve perhaps a note here,
for each prefaced his collection with a discussion of witchcraft. The
London publisher Nathaniel Crouch, who wrote much for his own press
under the pseudonym of "R. B." (later expanded to "Richard Burton"),
published as early as 1688 (not 1706, as says the _Dict. Nat. Biog._)
_The Kingdom of Darkness: or The History of Daemons, Specters, Witches,
... Containing near Fourscore memorable Relations, ... Together with a
Preface obviating the common Objections and Allegations of the Sadduces
[sic] and Atheists of the Age, ... with Pictures._ Edward Stephens,
first lawyer, then clergyman, but always a pamphleteer, brought out in
1693 _A Collection of Modern Relations concerning Witches and
Witchcraft_, to which was prefaced Sir Matthew Hale's _Meditations
concerning the Mercy of God in preserving us from the Malice and Power
of Evil Angels_ and a dissertation of his own on _Questions concerning
Witchcraft_.
[17] _An Historical, Physiological, and Theological Treatise of Spirits,
Apparitions, Witchcraft and other Magical Practices_ (London, 1705).
Dedicated to "John, Earl of Carbury."
[18] See for example, _ibid._, 63, 70, 71, 75, 130-135, 165, 204, 289,
306.
[19] Balthazar Bekker's _De Betoverde Weereld_ (Leeuwarden and
Amsterdam, 1691-1693), was a most telling attack upon the reality of
witchcraft, and, through various translations, was read all over Europe.
The first part was translated and published in London in 1695 as _The
World Bewitched_, and was republished in 1700 as _The World Turn'd
upside down_.
[20] _Essay upon Reason and the Nature of Spirits_, 195.
[21] G. P. R. James, ed., _Letters Illustrative of the Reign of William
III, ... addressed to the Duke of Shrewsbury, by James Vernon, Esq._
(London, 1841), II, 302-303.
[22] _Spectator_, no. 117.
[23] _Hist. MSS. Comm. Reports_, XIV, 3, p. 132.
[24] H. C. Foxcroft, ed., _Life and Letters of Sir George Savile,
Marquis of Halifax_ (London, 1898), II, 493.
[25] G. P. R. James, ed., _op. cit._, II, 300. Shrewsbury's opinion may
be inferred from Vernon's reply to him.
[26] See the _Tatler_, no. 21, May 28, 1709.
APPENDICES.
A.--PAMPHLET LITERATURE.
Sec. 1.--Witchcraft under Elizabeth (see ch. II).
A large part of the evidence for the trials of Elizabeth's reign is
derived from the pamphlets issued soon after the trials. These pamphlets
furnish a peculiar species of historical material, and it is a species
so common throughout the history of English witchcraft that it deserves
a brief examination in passing. The pamphlets were written of course by
credulous people who easily accepted what was told them and whose own
powers of observation were untrained. To get at the facts behind their
marvellous accounts demands the greatest care and discrimination. Not
only must the miraculous be ruled out, but the prejudices of the
observer must be taken into account. Did the pamphleteer himself hear
and see what he recorded, or was his account at second hand? Did he
write soon after the events, when they were fresh in his memory? Does
his narrative seem to be that of a painstaking, careful man or
otherwise? These are questions to be answered. In many instances,
however, the pamphlets were not narrative in form, but were merely
abstracts of the court proceedings and testimony. In this case, too,
care must be taken in using them, for the testimony damaging to the
accused was likely to be accented, while the evidence on the other side,
if not suppressed, was not emphasized. In general, however, these
records of depositions are sources whose residuum of fact it is not
difficult to discover. Both in this and in the narrative material the
most valuable points may be gleaned from the incidental references and
statements. The writer has made much use of this incidental matter. The
position of the witch in her community, the real ground of the feeling
against her upon the part of her neighbors, the way in which the alarm
spread, the processes used to elicit confession--inferences of this
sort may, the writer believes, be often made with a good deal of
confidence. We have taken for granted that the pamphlets possess a
substratum of truth. This may not always be the case. The pamphleteer
was writing to sell. A fictitious narrative of witchcraft or of a witch
trial was almost as likely to sell as a true narrative. More than once
in the history of witch literature absolutely imaginary stories were
foisted upon the public. It is necessary to be constantly on guard
against this type of pamphlet. Fortunately nine-tenths of the witch
accounts are corroborated from other sources. The absence of such
corroboration does not mean that an account should be barred out, but
that it should be subjected to the methods of historical criticism, and
that it should be used cautiously even if it pass that test. Happily for
us, the plan of making a witch story to order does not seem to have
occurred to the Elizabethan pamphleteers. So far as we know, all the
pamphlets of that time rest upon actual events. We shall take them up
briefly in order.
The first was _The examination and confession of certaine Wytches at
Chensforde in the Countie of Essex before the Quenes maiesties Judges,
the XXVI daye of July Anno 1566_. The only original copy of this
pamphlet is in the Lambeth Palace library at London and its binding
bears the initials of R. B. [Richard Bancroft]. The versified
introduction is signed by John Phillips, who presumably was the author.
The pamphlet--a black letter one--was issued, in three parts, from the
press of William Powell at London, two of them on August 13, the third
on August 23, 1566. It has since been reprinted by H. Beigel for the
Philobiblon Society, London, 1864-1865. It gives abstracts of the
confessions and an account of the court interrogatories. There is every
reason to believe that it is in the main an accurate account of what
happened at the Chelmsford trials in 1566. Justice Southcote, Dr. Cole,
Master Foscue, and Attorney-General Gerard are all names we can
identify. Moreover, the one execution narrated is confirmed by the
pamphlet dealing with the trials at Chelmsford in 1579.
The second pamphlet, also in black letter, deals with the Abingdon cases
of 1579. It is entitled _A Rehearsall both straung and true of hainous
and horrible actes committed by Elizabeth Stile, alias Rockingham,
Mother Dutten, Mother Devell, Mother Margaret. Fower notorious Witches
apprehended at Winsore in the Countie of Barks, and at Abington
arraigned, condemned and executed on the 28 daye of Februarie last anno
1579_. This pamphlet finds confirmation by a reference in the privy
council records to the same event (_Acts P. C._, n. s., XI, 22).
Reginald Scot, in his _Discoverie of Witchcraft_, 17, 543, mentions
another, a book of "Richard Gallis of Windesor" "about certaine witches
of Windsore executed at Abington." This would seem to have been a
different account of the Abingdon affair, because Scot also on p. 51
speaks of some details of the Abingdon affair as to be found "in a
little pamphlet of the acts and hanging of foure witches in anno 1579."
It is perhaps the one described by Lowndes, _Bibliographer's Manual of
English Literature_ (p. 2959) under the title _The horrible Acts of
Eliz. Style, alias Rockingham, Mother Dutton, Mother Dovell, and Mother
Margaret, 4 Witches executed at Abingdon, 26 Feb. upon Richard Galis_
(London, 1579) or that mentioned in the Stationers' _Registers_, II
(London, 1875), 352, under date of May 4, 1579, as _A brief treatise
conteyninge the most strange and horrible crueltye of Elizabeth Sule_
[sic] _alias Bockingham_ [sic] _and hir confederates executed at
Abingdon upon Richard Galis etc._
The second Chelmsford trials were also in 1579. The pamphlet account was
called _A Detection of damnable driftes, practised by three Witches
arraigned at Chelmsforde in Essex at the last Assizes there holden,
whiche were executed in Aprill 1579_. There are three references in this
pamphlet to people mentioned in the earlier Chelmsford pamphlet, so that
the two confirm each other.
The third Chelmsford trials came in 1589 and were narrated in a pamphlet
entitled _The apprehension and confession of three notorious Witches
arraigned and by Justice condemnede in the Countye of Essex the 5 day of
Julye last past_. Joan Cunny was convicted, largely on the evidence of
the two bastard sons of one of her "lewde" daughters. The eldest of
these boys, who was not over ten or twelve, told the court that he had
seen his grandmother cause an oak to be blown up by the roots during a
calm. The charges against Joan Upney concerned chiefly her dealings
with toads, those against Joan Prentice, who lived in an Essex
almshouse, had to do with ferrets. The three women seem to have been
brought first before justices of the peace and were then tried together
and condemned by the "judge of the circuit." This narrative has no
outside confirmation, but the internal evidence for its authenticity is
good. Three men mentioned as sheriff, justice, and landowner can all be
identified as holding those respective positions in the county.
The narrative of the St. Oses case appeared in 1582. It was called _A
True and just Recorde of the Information, Examination and Confession of
all the Witches taken at St. Oses in the countie of Essex: whereof some
were executed, and other some entreated according to the determination
of Lawe.... Written orderly, as the cases were tryed by evidence, by W.
W._ The pamphlet is merely a record of examinations. It is dedicated to
Justice Darcy; and from slips, where the judge in describing his action
breaks into the first person, it is evident that it was written by the
judge himself. Scot, who wrote two years later, had read this pamphlet,
and knew of the case (_Discoverie_, 49, 542). There are many references
to the case by later writers on witchcraft.
Eleven years later came the trials which brought out the pamphlet: _The
most strange and admirable discoverie of the three Witches of Warboys,
arraigned, convicted and executed at the last assises at Huntingdon ..._,
London, 1593. Its contents are reprinted by Richard Boulton, in
his _Compleat History of Magick, Sorcery, and Witchcraft_ (London,
1715), I, 49-152. There can be no doubt as to the historical character
of this pamphlet. The Throckmortons, the Cromwells, and the Pickerings
were all well known in Huntingdonshire. An agreement is still preserved
in the archives of the Huntingdon corporation providing that the
corporation shall pay L40 to Queen's College, Cambridge, in order that a
sermon shall be preached on witchcraft at Huntingdon each Lady day. This
was continued for over two hundred years. One of the last sermons on
this endowment was preached in 1795 and attacked the belief in
witchcraft. The record of the contract is still kept in Queen's College,
Brit. Mus. MSS., 5,849, fol. 254. For mention of the affair see Darrel,
_Detection of that sinnful ... discours of Samuel Harshnet_, 36, 39,
110; also Harsnett, _Discovery of the Fraudulent Practises_, 93, 97.
Several Jacobean writers refer to the case. What seems to be another
edition is in the Bodleian: _A True and Particular Observation of a
notable Piece of Witchcraft_--which is the inside heading of the first
edition. The text is the same, but there are differences in the paging.
Perhaps the most curious of all Elizabethan witch pamphlets is entitled
_The most wonderfull and true Storie of a certaine Witch named Alse
Gooderidge of Stapenhill, who was arraigned and convicted at Darbie, at
the Assizes there. As also a true Report of the strange Torments of
Thomas Darling, a boy of thirteen years of age, that was possessed by
the Devill, with his horrible Fittes and terrible apparitions by him
uttered at Burton upon Trent, in the Countie of Stafford, and of his
marvellous deliverance_, London, 1597. There are two copies of this--the
only ones of which the writer knows--in Lambeth Palace library. They are
exactly alike, page for page, except for the last four lines of the last
page, where the wording differs. The pamphlet is clearly one written by
John Denison as an abstract of an account by Jesse Bee. Harsnett,
_Discovery of the Fraudulent Practices of John Darrel_, 266-269, tells
how these two books were written. Denison is quoted as to certain
insertions made in his manuscript after it left his hands, insertions
which are to be found, he says, on pages 15 and 39. The insertions
complained of by Denison are indeed to be found on the pages indicated
of _The most wonderfull and true Storie of ... Alse Gooderidge_, thus
establishing his authorship of the pamphlet. The account by Bee, of
which this is an abstract, I have not seen. Alse Gooderidge was put
through many examinations and finally died in prison. "She should have
been executed, but that her spirit killed her in prison." John Darrel
was one of those who sought to help the boy who had been bewitched by
Alice. Darrel, however, receives only passing mention from the author of
this pamphlet. The narrative does not agree very well in matters of
detail with the Darrel tracts, although in the main outlines it is
similar to them. It is very crudely put together, and, while it was
doubtless a sincere effort to present the truth, must not be too
implicitly depended upon.
Two pamphlets are hidden away in the back of the _Triall of Maist.
Dorrel_ (see below, Sec. 2). The first (pp. 92-98) deals with the trial of
Doll Bartham of Shadbrook in Suffolk. She was tried by the chief justice
and hanged the 12th of July, 1599. The second (pp. 99-103) narrates the
trial of Anne Kerke before "Lorde Anderson," the 30th of December, 1599.
She also went to the gallows.
There are other pamphlets referred to in Lowndes, etc., which we have
been unable to find. One of them is _The Arraignment and Execution of 3
detestable Witches, John Newell, Joane his wife, and Hellen Calles; two
executed at Barnett, and one at Braynford, 1 Dec. 1595_. A second bears
the title _The severall Facts of Witchcrafte approved on Margaret
Haskett of Stanmore_. 1585. Black letter. Another pamphlet in the same
year deals with what is doubtless the same case. It is _An Account of
Margaret Hacket, a notorious Witch, who consumed a young Man to Death,
rotted his Bowells and back bone asunder, who was executed at Tiborn, 19
Feb. 1585_. London, 1585. A fourth pamphlet is _The Examination and
Confession of a notorious Witch named Mother Arnold, alias Whitecote,
alias Glastonbury, at the Assise of Burntwood in July, 1574: who was
hanged for Witchcraft at Barking_. 1575.
The title _The case of Agnes Bridges and Rachel Pinder_, created by
Hazlitt, _Collections and Notes_, 1867-1876, out of the mention by
Holinshed of a printed account, means but _The discloysing_, etc. (see
p. 351). The case--see Holinshed, _Chronicles_ (London, 1808), IV, 325,
and Stow, Annales (London, 1631), p. 678, who put the affair in
1574--was not of witchcraft, but of pretended possession. See above, p.
59.
To this period must belong also _A true report of three Straunge
Witches, lately found at Newnham Regis_, mentioned by Hazlitt
(_Handbook_, p. 230). I have not seen it; but the printer is given as
"J. Charlewood," and Charlewood printed between 1562 and 1593. The
_Stationers' Registers_, 1570-1587 (London; Shakespeare Soc., 1849), II,
32, mention also the licensing in 1577 of _The Booke of
Witches_--whatever that may have been.
Among pamphlets dealing with affairs nearly related to witchcraft may be
mentioned the following:
_A short treatise declaringe the detestable wickednesse of magicall
sciences, as Necromancie, Coniuration of Spirites, Curiouse Astrologie
and such lyke.... Made by Francis Coxe._ [London, 1561.] Black letter.
Coxe had been pardoned by the Queen.
_The Examination of John Walsh, before Master Thomas Williams,
Commissary to the Reverend father in God, William, bishop of Excester,
upon certayne Interrogatories touchyng Wytch-crafte and Sorcerye, in the
presence of divers gentlemen and others, the XX of August, 1566._ 1566.
Black letter. John Ashton (_The Devil in Britain and America_, London,
1896, p. 202) has called this the "earliest English printed book on
witchcraft pure and simple"; but it did not deal with witches and it was
preceded by the first Chelmsford pamphlet.
_The discloysing of a late counterfeyted possession by the devyl in two
maydens within the Citie of London._ [1574.] Black letter. The case is
that of Agnes Bridges and Rachel Pinder, mentioned above (pp. 59, 351).
_The Wonderfull Worke of God shewed upon a Chylde, whose name is William
Withers, being in the Towne of Walsam ... Suffolk, who, being Eleven
Yeeres of age, laye in a Traunce the Space of Tenne Days ... and hath
continued the Space of Three Weeks_, London, 1581. Written by John
Phillips. This pamphlet is mentioned by Sidney Lee in his article on
John Phillips in the _Dict. Nat. Biog._
_A Most Wicked worke of a Wretched Witch (the like whereof none can
record these manie yeares in England) wrought on the Person of one
Richard Burt, servant to Maister Edling of Woodhall in the Parrish of
Pinner in the Countie of Myddlesex, a myle beyond Harrow. Latelie
committed in March last, An. 1592 and newly recognized acording to the
truth. By G. B. maister of Artes._ [London, 1593.] See Hazlitt,
Collections and Notes, 1867-1877. The pamphlet may be found in the
library of Lambeth Palace. The story is a curious one; no action seems
to have been taken.
_A defensative against the poyson of supposed prophecies, not hitherto
confuted by the penne of any man; which being eyther uppon the warrant
and authority of old paynted bookes, expositions of dreames, oracles,
revelations, invocations of damned spirits ... have been causes of great
disorder in the commonwealth and chiefly among the simple and unlearned
people._ Henry Howard, afterwards Earl of Northampton, was the author of
this "defensative." It appeared about 1581-1583, and was revised and
reissued in 1621.
Three Elizabethan ballads on witches are noted by Hazlitt,
_Bibliographical Collections and Notes_, 2d series (London, 1882): _A
warnynge to wytches_, published in 1585, _The scratchinge of the
wytches_, published in 1579, and _A lamentable songe of Three Wytches of
Warbos, and executed at Huntingdon_, published in 1593. Already in
1562-3 "a boke intituled _A poosye in forme of a visyon, agaynste wytche
Crafte, and Sosyrye_," written "in myter" by John Hall, had been
published (_Stationers' Registers_, 1557-1570, p. 78).
Some notion of the first step in the Elizabethan procedure against a
witch may be gathered from the specimens of "indictments" given in the
old formula book of William West, _Simboleography_ (pt. ii, first
printed in 1594). Three specimens are given; two are of indictments "For
killing a man by witchcraft upon the statute of Anno 5. of the Queene,"
the third is "For bewitching a Horse, whereby he wasted and became
worse." As the documents in such bodies of models are usually genuine
papers with only a suppression of the names, it is probable that the
dates assigned to the indictments noted--the 34th and 35th years of
Elizabeth--are the true ones, and that the initials given, "S. B. de C.
in comit. H. vidua," "Marg' L. de A. in com' E. Spinster," and "Sara B.
de C. in comitatu Eb. vidua," are those of the actual culprits and of
their residences. Yorkshire is clearly one of the counties meant. It
was, moreover, West's own county.
Sec. 2.--The Exorcists (see ch. IV).
The account of Elizabethan exorcism which we have given is necessarily
one-sided. It deals only with the Puritan movement--if Darrel's work may
be so called--and does not treat the Catholic exorcists. We have omitted
the performances of Father Weston and his coadjutors because they had
little or no relation to the subject of witchcraft. Those who wish to
follow up this subject can find a readable discussion of it by T. G. Law
in the _Nineteenth Century_ for March, 1894, "Devil Hunting in
Elizabethan England."
It is a rather curious fact that the Puritan exorcist has never, except
for a few pages by S. R. Maitland, in his _Puritan Thaumaturgy_ (London,
1842), been made a study. Without doubt he, his supporters, and his
enemies were able between them to make a noise in their own time. To be
convinced of that one need only read the early seventeenth-century
dramatists. It may possibly be that Darrel was not the mere impostor his
enemies pictured him. Despite his trickery it may be that he had really
a certain hypnotic control over William Somers and perhaps over
Katherine Wright.
Whatever else Darrel may have been, he was a ready pamphleteer. His
career may easily be traced in the various brochures put forth, most of
them from his own pen. Fortunately we have the other side presented by
Samuel Harsnett, and by two obscure clergymen, John Deacon and John
Walker. The following is a tentative list of the printed pamphlets
dealing with the subject:
_A Breife Narration of the possession, dispossession, and repossession
of William Sommers: and of some proceedings against Mr. John Dorrel
preacher, with aunsweres to such objections.... Together with certaine
depositions taken at Nottingham ..., 1598._ Black letter. This was
written either by Darrel or at his instigation.
_An Apologie, or defence of the possession of William Sommers, a yong
man of the towne of Nottingham.... By John Darrell, Minister of Christ
Jesus...._ [1599?] Black letter. This work is undated, but, to judge
from the preface, it was probably written soon after both Darrel and
More were imprisoned. It is quite clear too that it was written before
Harsnett's _Discovery of the Fraudulent Practices of John Darrel_, for
Darrel says that he hears that the Bishop of London is writing a book
against him.
_The Triall of Maist. Dorrel, or A Collection of Defences against
Allegations.... 1599._ This seems written by Darrel himself; but the
Huth catalogue (V, 1643) ascribes it to James Bamford.
_A brief Apologie proving the possession of William Sommers. Written by
John Dorrel, a faithful Minister of the Gospell, but published without
his knowledge.... 1599._
_A Discovery of the Fraudulent Practises of John Darrel, Bacheler of
Artes ..._, London, 1599. The "Epistle to the Reader" is signed "S. H.,"
_i. e._, Samuel Harsnett, then chaplain to the Bishop of London. The
book is an exposure, in 324 pages, of Darrel's various impostures, and
is based mainly on the depositions given in his trial at Lambeth.
_A True Narration of the strange and grevous Vexation by the Devil of
seven persons in Lancashire ..., 1600._ Written by Darrel. Reprinted in
1641 with the title _A True Relation of the grievous handling of William
Somers of Nottingham_. It is again reprinted in the _Somers Tracts_,
III, and is the best known of the pamphlets.
_A True Discourse concerning the certaine possession and dispossession
of 7 persons in one familie in Lancashire, which also may serve as part
of an Answere to a fayned and false Discoverie.... By George More,
Minister and Preacher of the Worde of God ..., 1600._ More was Darrel's
associate in the Cleworth performances and suffered imprisonment with
him.
_A Detection of that sinnful, shamful, lying, and ridiculous discours of
Samuel Harshnet._ 1600. This is Darrel's most abusive work. He takes up
Harsnett's points one by one and attempts to answer them.
_Dialogicall Discourses of Spirits and Divels by John Deacon [and] John
Walker, Preachers_, London, 1601.
_A Summarie Answere to al the Material Points in any of Master Darel his
bookes, More especiallie to that one Booke of his, intituled, the
Doctrine of the Possession and Dispossession of Demoniaks out of the
word of God. By John Deacon [and] John Walker, Preachers_, London, 1601.
The "one Booke" now answered is a part of Darrel's _A True Narration_.
The _Discourses_ are dedicated to Sir Edmund Anderson and other men
eminent in the government and offer in excuse that "the late bred
broyles ... doe mightilie over-runne the whole Realme."
_A Survey of Certaine Dialogical Discourses, written by John Deacon and
John Walker ... By John Darrell, minister of the gospel ..., 1602._
_The Replie of John Darrell, to the Answer of John Deacon, and John
Walker concerning the doctrine of the Possession and Dispossession of
Demoniakes ..., 1602._
Harsnett's second work must not be omitted from our account. In his
famous _Declaration of Egregious Popish Impostures_, 1603 and 1605, he
shows to even better advantage than in the earlier work his remarkable
talents as an exposer and gives freer play to his wicked humor.
_A True and Breife Report of Mary Glover's Vexation, and of her
deliverance by the meanes of fastinge and prayer.... By John Swan,
student in Divinitie ..., 1603._
This narrates another exorcism in which a number of clergymen
participated. Swan, the author, in his dedication to the king, takes up
the cudgels vigorously against Harsnett. Elizabeth Jackson was accused
of having bewitched her, and was indicted. Justice Anderson tried the
case and showed himself a confirmed believer in witchcraft. But the king
was of another mind and sent, to examine the girl, a physician, Dr.
Edward Jorden, who detected her imposture and explained it in his
pamphlet, _A briefe discourse of a disease called the Suffocation of the
Mother, Written uppon occasion which hath beene of late taken thereby,
to suspect possession of an evill spirit...._ (London, 1603). He was
opposed by the author of a book still unprinted, "Mary Glover's late
woefull case ... by Stephen Bradwell.... 1603" (Brit. Mus., Sloane,
831). But see also below, appendix C, under 1602-1603.
One other pamphlet dealing with this same episode must be mentioned.
Hutchinson, _Historical Essay on Witchcraft_, and George Sinclar,
_Satan's Invisible World Discovered_ (Edinburgh, 1685), had seen an
account by the Rev. Lewis Hughes (in his _Certaine Grievances_) of the
case of Mother Jackson, who was accused of bewitching Mary Glover.
Although Hughes's tale was not here published until 1641-2, the events
with which it deals must all have taken place in 1602 or 1603. Sir John
Crook is mentioned as recorder of London and Sir Edmund Anderson as
chief justice. "R. B.," in _The Kingdom of Darkness_ (London, 1688),
gives the story in detail, although misled, like Hutchinson, into
assigning it to 1642.
It remains to mention certain exorcist pamphlets of which we possess
only the titles:
_A history of the case of Catherine Wright._ No date; written presumably
by Darrel and given by him to Mrs. Foljambe, afterwards Lady Bowes. See
C. H. and T. Cooper, _Athenae Cantabrigienses_ (Cambridge, 1858-1861),
II, 381.
Darrel says that there was a book printed about "Margaret Harrison of
Burnham-Ulpe in Norfolk and her vexation by Sathan." See _Detection of
that sinnfull ... discours of Samuel Harshnet_, 36, and _Survey of
Certaine Dialogical Discourses_, 54.
_The strange Newes out of Sommersetshire, Anno 1584, tearmed, a
dreadfull discourse of the dispossessing of one Margaret Cooper at
Ditchet, from a devill in the likenes of a headlesse beare._ Referred to
by Harsnett, _Discovery of the Fraudulent Practises of John Darrel_, 17.
A ballad seems to have been written about the Somers case. Extracts from
it are given by Harsnett, _ibid._, 34, 120.
Sec. 3.--James I and Witchcraft and Notable Jacobean Cases (see chs. V,
VI).
_The Most Cruell and Bloody Murther committed by an Innkeepers Wife
called Annis Dell, and her Sonne George Dell, Foure Yeares since....
With the severall Witch-crafts and most damnable practices of one Iohane
Harrison and her Daughter, upon several persons men and women at
Royston, who were all executed at Hartford the 4 of August last past
1606._ So far as the writer knows, there is no contemporary reference to
confirm the executions mentioned in this pamphlet. The story itself is a
rather curious one with a certain literary flavor. This, however, need
not weigh against it. It seems possible rather than probable that the
narrative is a fabrication.
_The severall notorious and lewd Cosenages of Iohn West and Alice West,
falsely called the King and Queene of Fayries ... convicted ... 1613_,
London, 1613. This might pass in catalogues as a witch pamphlet. It is
an account of two clever swindlers and of their punishment.
_The Witches of Northamptonshire._
_Agnes Browne_ } _Arthur Bill_ }
_Joane Vaughan_} _Hellen Jenkenson_} _Witches._
_Mary Barber_ }
_Who were all executed at Northampton the 22. of July last. 1612._
Concerning this same affair there is an account in MS., "A briefe
abstract of the arraignment of nine witches at Northampton, July 21,
1621" (Brit. Mus., Sloane, 972). This narrative has, in common with the
printed narrative, the story of Mistress Belcher's and Master Avery's
sufferings from witchcraft. It mentions also Agnes Brown and Joan Brown
(or Vaughan) who, according to the other account, were hanged. All the
other names are different. But it is nevertheless not hard to reconcile
the two accounts. The "briefe abstract" deals with the testimony taken
before the justices of the peace on two charges; the _Witches of
Northamptonshire_ with the final outcome at the assizes. Three of those
finally hanged were not concerned in the first accusations and were
brought in from outlying districts. On the other hand, most of those who
were first accused by Belcher and Avery seem not to have been indicted.
_The Wonderfull Discoverie of Witches in the countie of Lancaster. With
the Arraignement and Triall of Nineteene notorious Witches, at the
Assizes and generall Gaole deliverie, holden at the Castle of Lancaster,
upon Munday, the seventeenth of August last, 1612. Before Sir James
Altham, and Sir Edward Bromley.... Together with the Arraignement and
Triall of Jennet Preston, at the Assizes holden at the Castle of Yorke,
the seven and twentieth day of Julie last past.... Published and set
forth by commandement of his Majesties Justices of Assize in the North
Parts. By Thomas Potts, Esq._ London, 1613. Reprinted by the Chetham
Soc, J. Crossley, ed., 1845. Thomas Potts has given us in this book the
fullest of all English witch accounts. No other narrative offers such an
opportunity to examine the character of evidence as well as the court
procedure. Potts was very superstitious, but his account is in good
faith.
_Witches Apprehended, Examined and Executed, for notable villanies by
them committed both by Land and Water. With a strange and most true
trial how to know whether a woman be a Witch or not._ London, 1613.
Bodleian.
_A Booke of the Wytches Lately condemned and executed at Bedford,
1612-1613._ I have seen no copy of this pamphlet, the title of which is
given by Edward Arber, _Transcript of the Registers of the Company of
Stationers of London, 1554-1640_ (London, 1875-1894), III, 234b.... The
story is without doubt the same as that told in the preceding pamphlet.
We have no absolutely contemporary reference to this case. Edward
Fairfax, who wrote in 1622, had heard of the case--probably, however,
from the pamphlet itself. But we can be quite certain that the narrative
was based on an actual trial and conviction. Some of the incidental
details given are such as no fabricator would insert.
In the MS., "How to discover a witch," Brit. Mus., Add. MSS., 36,674, f.
148, there is a reference to a detail of Mother Sutton's ordeal not
given in the pamphlet I have used.
_A Treatise of Witchcraft.... With a true Narration of the Witchcrafts
which Mary Smith, wife of Henry Smith, Glover, did practise ... and
lastly, of her death and execution ... By Alexander Roberts, B. D. and
Preacher of Gods Word at Kings-Linne in Norffolke._ London, 1616. The
case of Mary Smith is taken up at p. 45. This account was dedicated to
the "Maior" and aldermen, etc., of "Kings Linne" and was no doubt
semi-official. It is reprinted in Howell, _State Trials_, II.
_The Wonderful Discoverie of the Witchcrafts of Margaret and Phillip
Flower, daughters of Joan Flower neere Bever Castle: executed at
Lincolne, March 11, 1618. Who were specially arraigned and condemned
before Sir Henry Hobart and Sir Edward Bromley, Judges of Assize, for
confessing themselves actors in the destruction of Henry, Lord Rosse,
with their damnable practises against others the Children of the Right
Honourable Francis Earle of Rutland. Together with the severall
Examinations and Confessions of Anne Baker, Joan Willimot, and Ellen
Greene, Witches in Leicestershire_, London, 1619. For confirmation of
the Rutlandshire witchcraft see _Cal. St. P., Dom., 1619-1623_, 129;
_Hist. MSS. Comm. Reports, Rutland_, IV, 514. See also _Gentleman's
Magazine_, LXXIV, pt. ii, 909: "On the monument of Francis, sixth earl
of Rutland, in Bottesford church, Leicestershire, it is recorded that by
his second lady he had 'two Sons, both which died in their infancy by
wicked practices and sorcery.'"
Another pamphlet seems to have been issued about the affair: _Strange
and wonderfull Witchcrafts, discovering the damnable Practises of seven
Witches against the Lives of certain noble Personages and others of this
Kingdom; with an approved Triall how to find out either Witch or any
Apprentise to Witchcraft, 1621._ Another edition in 1635; see Lowndes.
_The Wonderfull discoverie of Elizabeth Sawyer ... late of Edmonton, her
conviction, condemnation and Death.... Written by Henry Goodcole,
Minister of the word of God, and her continuall Visiter in the Gaole of
Newgate.... 1621._ The Reverend Mr. Goodcole wrote a plain,
unimaginative story, the main facts of which we cannot doubt. They are
supported moreover by Dekker and Ford's play, _The Witch of Edmonton_,
which appeared within a year. Goodcole refers to the "ballets" written
about this case.
_The Boy of Bilson: or A True Discovery of the Late Notorious Impostures
of Certaine Romish Priests in their pretended Exorcisme, or expulsion of
the Divell out of a young Boy, named William Perry...._ London, 1622.
Preface signed by Ryc. Baddeley. This is an account of a famous
imposture. It is really a pamphlet against the Catholic exorcists. On
pp. 45-54 is given a reprint of the Catholic account of the affair; on
pp. 55-75 the exposure of the imposture is related. We can confirm this
account by Arthur Wilson, _Life and Reign of James I_, 107-111, and by
John Webster, _Displaying of Supposed Witchcraft_, 274.
_A Discourse of Witchcraft As it was acted in the Family of Mr. Edward
Fairfax of Fuystone in the County of York, in the year 1621._ Edited by
R. Monckton Milnes (the later Lord Houghton) for vol. V of _Miscellanies
of the Philobiblon Soc._ (London, 1858-1859, 299 pages). The editor says
the original MS. is still in existence. Edward Fairfax was a natural
brother of Sir Thomas Fairfax of Denton. He translated into English
verse Tasso's _Jerusalem Delivered_, and accomplished other poetic
feats. His account of his children's bewitchment and of their trances is
very detailed. The book was again published at Harrogate in 1882, under
the title of _Daemonologia: a Discourse on Witchcraft_, with an
introduction and notes by William Grainge.
Sec. 4.--Matthew Hopkins (see ch. VIII).
_A Most certain, strange and true Discovery of a Witch, Being overtaken
by some of the Parliament Forces, as she was standing on a small
Planck-board and sayling on it over the River of Newbury, Together with
the strange and true manner of her death._ 1643. The tale told here is a
curious one. The soldiers saw a woman crossing the river on a plank,
decided that she was a witch, and resolved to shoot her. "She caught
their bullets in her hands and chew'd them." When the "veines that
crosse the temples of the head" were scratched so as to bleed, she lost
her power and was killed by a pistol shot just below the ear. It is not
improbable that this distorted tale was based on an actual happening in
the war. See _Mercurius Civicus_, September 21-28, 1643.
_A Confirmation and Discovery of Witch-craft ... together with the
Confessions of many of those executed since May 1645.... By John Stearne
..._ London, 1648.
_The Examination, Confession, Triall, and Execution of Joane Williford,
Joan Cariden and Jane Hott: who were executed at Feversham, in Kent ...
all attested under the hand of Robert Greenstreet, Maior of Feversham._
London, 1645. This pamphlet has no outside evidence to confirm its
statements, but it has every appearance of being a true record of
examinations.
_A true and exact Relation of the severall Informations, Examinations,
and Confessions of the late Witches arraigned and executed in the County
of Essex. Who were arraigned and condemned at the late Sessions, holden
at Chelmesford before the Right Honorable Robert, Earle of Warwicke, and
severall of his Majesties Justices of Peace, the 29 of July 1645...._
London, 1645. Reprinted London, 1837; also embodied in Howell, _State
Trials_. This is a very careful statement of the court examinations,
drawn up by "H. F." In names and details it has points of coincidence
with the _True Relation_ about the Bury affair; see next paragraph
below. It is supported, too, by Arthur Wilson's account of the affair;
see Francis Peck, _Desiderata Curiosa_ (ed. of London, 1779), II, 476.
_A True Relation of the Araignment of eighteene Witches at St.
Edmundsbury, 27th August 1645.... As also a List of the names of those
that were executed._ London, 1645. There is abundance of corroborative
evidence for the details given in this pamphlet. It fits in with the
account of the Essex witches; its details are amplified by Stearne,
_Confirmation of Witchcraft_, Clarke, _Lives of sundry Eminent Persons_,
John Walker, _Suffering of the Clergy ... in the Grand Rebellion_
(London, 1714), and others. The narrative was written in the interim
between the first and second trials at Bury.
_Strange and fearfull newes from Plaisto in the parish of Westham neere
Bow foure miles from London_, London, 1645. Unimportant.
_The Lawes against Witches and Conjuration, and Some brief Notes and
Observations for the Discovery of Witches. Being very Usefull for these
Times wherein the Devil reignes and prevailes.... Also The Confession of
Mother Lakeland, who was arraigned and condemned for a Witch at Ipswich
in Suffolke.... By authority._ London, 1645. The writer of this pamphlet
acknowledges his indebtedness to Potts, _Discoverie of Witches in the
countie of Lancaster_ (1613), and to Bernard, _Guide to Grand Jurymen_
(1627). These books had been used by Stearne and doubtless by Hopkins.
This pamphlet expresses Hopkins's ideas, it is written in Hopkins's
style--so far as we know it--and it may have been the work of the
witchfinder himself. That might explain, too, the "by authority" of the
title.
_Signes and Wonders from Heaven.... Likewise a new discovery of Witches
in Stepney Parish. And how 20. Witches more were executed in Suffolk
this last Assise. Also how the Divell came to Soffarn to a Farmers house
in the habit of a Gentlewoman on horse backe._ London, [1645]. Mentions
the Chelmsford, Suffolk, and Norfolk trials.
_The Witches of Huntingdon, their Examinations and Confessions ..._,
London, 1646. This work is dedicated to the justices of the peace for
the county of Huntingdon; the dedication is signed by John Davenport.
Three of the witches whose accusations are here presented are mentioned
by Stearne (_Confirmation of Witchcraft_, 11, 13, 20-21, 42).
_The Discovery of Witches: in answer to severall Queries, lately
Delivered to the Judges of Assize for the County of Norfolk. And now
published by Matthew Hopkins, Witchfinder. For the Benefit of the Whole
Kingdome...._ London, 1647. Hopkins's and Stearne's accounts fit into
each other and are the two best sources for ch. VIII.
_The [D]Ivell in Kent, or His strange Delusions at Sandwitch_, London,
1647. Has nothing to do with witches; shows the spirit of the times.
_A strange and true Relation of a Young Woman possest with the Devill.
By name Joyce Dovey dwelling at Bewdley neer Worcester ... as it was
certified in a Letter from Mr. James Dalton unto Mr. Tho. Groome,
Ironmonger over against Sepulchres Church in London.... Also a Letter
from Cambridge, wherein is related the late conference between the Devil
(in the shape of a Mr. of Arts) and one Ashbourner, a Scholler of S.
Johns Colledge ... who was afterwards carried away by him and never
heard of since onely his Gown found in the River_, London, 1647. In the
first narrative a woman after hearing a sermon fell into fits. The
second narrative was probably based upon a combination of facts and
rumor.
_The Full Tryals, Examination and Condemnation of Four Notorious
Witches, At the Assizes held in Worcester on Tuseday the 4th of March
... As also Their Confessions and last Dying Speeches at the place of
Execution, with other Amazing Particulars ..._, London, printed by "I.
W.," no date. Another edition of this pamphlet (in the Bodleian) bears
the date 1700 and was printed for "J. M." in Fleet street. This is a
most interesting example of a made-to-order witch pamphlet. The preface
makes one suspect its character: "the following narrative coming to my
hand." The accused were Rebecca West, Margaret Landis, Susan Cook, and
Rose Hallybread. Now, all these women were tried at Chelmsford in 1645,
and their examinations and confessions printed in _A true and exact
Relation_. The wording has been changed a little, several things have
been added, but the facts are similar; see _A true and exact
Relation_,10, 11, 13-15, 27. When the author of the Worcester pamphlet
came to narrate the execution he wandered away from his text and
invented some new particulars. The women were "burnt at the stak." They
made a "yelling and howling." Two of them were very "stubborn and
refractory." _Cf._ below, Sec. 10.
_The Devill seen at St. Albans, Being a true Relation How the Devill was
seen there in a Cellar, in the likenesse of a Ram; and how a Butcher
came and cut his throat, and sold some of it, and dressed the rest for
himselfe, inviting many to supper_ ..., 1648. A clever lampoon.
Sec. 5.--Commonwealth and Protectorate (see ch. IX).
_The Divels Delusions or A faithfull relation of John Palmer and
Elizabeth Knott two notorious Witches lately condemned at the Sessions
of Oyer and Terminer in St. Albans ..._, 1649. The narrative purports to
be taken from a letter sent from St. Alban's. It deals with the
practices of two good witches who were finally discovered to be black
witches. The tale has no outside confirmation.
_Wonderfull News from the North, Or a True Relation of the Sad and
Grievous Torments Inflicted upon the Bodies of three Children of Mr.
George Muschamp, late of the County of Northumberland, by Witchcraft,
... As also the prosecution of the sayd Witches, as by Oaths, and their
own Confessions will appear and by the Indictment found by the Jury
against one of them, at the Sessions of the Peace held at Alnwick, the
24 day of April 1650_, London, 1650. Preface signed: "Thine, Mary
Moore." This pamphlet bears all through the marks of a true narrative.
It is written evidently by a friend of the Mistress Muschamp who had
such difficulty in persuading the north country justices, judges, and
sheriffs to act. The names and the circumstances fit in with other known
facts.
_The strange Witch at Greenwich haunting a Wench_, 1650. Unimportant.
_A Strange Witch at Greenwich_, 1650.
The last two pamphlets are mentioned by Lowndes. The second pamphlet I
have not seen; as, however, Lowndes cites the title of the first
incorrectly, it is very possible that he has given two titles for the
same pamphlet.
_The Witch of Wapping, or an Exact and Perfect Relation of the Life and
Devilish Practises of Joan Peterson, who dwelt in Spruce Island, near
Wapping; Who was condemned for practising Witchcraft, and sentenced to
be Hanged at Tyburn, on Munday the 11th of April 1652_, London, 1652.
_A Declaration in Answer to several lying Pamphlets concerning the Witch
of Wapping, ... shewing the Bloudy Plot and wicked Conspiracy of one
Abraham Vandenhemde, Thomas Crompton, Thomas Collet, and others_,
London, 1652. This pamphlet is described above, pp. 214-215.
_The Tryall and Examinations of Mrs. Joan Peterson before the Honourable
Bench at the Sessions house in the Old Bayley yesterday._ [1652]. This
states the case against Mistress Joan in the title, but (unless the
British Museum copy is imperfect) gives no details.
_Doctor Lamb's Darling, or Strange and terrible News from Salisbury;
Being A true, exact, and perfect Relation of the great and wonderful
Contract and Engagement made between the Devil, and Mistris Anne
Bodenham; with the manner how she could transform herself into the shape
of a Mastive Dog, a black Lyon, a white Bear, a Woolf, a Bull, and a
Cat.... The Tryal, Examinations, and Confession ... before the Lord
Chief Baron Wild.... By James [Edmond?] Bower, Cleric_, London, 1653.
This is the first account of the affair and is a rather crude one.
_Doctor Lamb Revived, or, Witchcraft condemn'd in Anne Bodenham ... who
was Arraigned and Executed the Lent Assizes last at Salisbury, before
the Right Honourable the Lord Chief Baron Wild, Judge of the Assize....
By Edmond Bower, an eye and ear Witness of her Examination and
Confession_, London, 1653. Bower's second and more detailed account. It
is dedicated to the judge by the writer, who had a large part in the
affair and frequently interviewed the witch. He does not present a
record of examinations, but gives a detailed narrative of the entire
affair. He throws out hints about certain phases of the case and rouses
curiosity without satisfying it. His story of Anne Bodenham is, however,
clear and interesting. The celebrated Aubrey refers to the case in his
_Remaines of Gentilisme and Judaisme_, 261. His account, which tallies
well with that of Bower, he seems to have derived from Anthony Ettrick
"of the Middle Temple," who was a "curious observer of the whole
triall."
_A Prodigious and Tragicall History of the Arraignment, Tryall,
Confession, and Condemnation of six Witches at Maidstone, in Kent, at
the Assizes there held in July, Fryday 30, this present year, 1652.
Before the Right Honourable, Peter Warburton.... Collected from the
Observations of E. G. Gent, a learned person, present at their
Conviction and Condemnation, and digested by H. F. Gent._, London, 1652.
It is a pity that the digesting was not omitted. The account, however,
is trustworthy. Mention is made of this trial by Elias Ashmole in his
_Diary_ (London, 1717) and by _The Faithful Scout_, July 30-August 7,
1652.
_The most true and wonderfull Narration of two women bewitched in
Yorkshire: Who camming to the Assizes at York to give in Evidence
against the Witch after a most horrible noise to the terror and
amazement of all the beholders, did vomit forth before the Judges, Pins,
wool.... Also a most true Relation of a young Maid ... who ... did ...
vomit forth wadds of straw, with pins a crosse in them, iron Nails,
Needles, ... as it is attested under the hand of that most famour
Phisitian Doctor Henry Heers, ... 1658._ In the Bodleian. The writer of
this pamphlet had little information to give and seems to have got it at
second or third hand.
_A more Exact Relation of the most lamentable and horrid Contract which
Lydia Rogers, living in Pump-Ally in Wapping, made with the Divel....
Together with the great pains and prayers of many eminent Divines, ...
1658._ In the Bodleian. This is a "Relation of a woman who heretofore
professing Religion in the purity thereof fel afterwards to be a
sectary, and then to be acquainted with Astrologers, and afterwards with
the Divel himself." A poor woman "naturally inclin'd to melancholy"
believed she had made a contract with the Devil. "Many Ministers are
dayly with her."
_The Snare of the Devill Discovered: Or, A True and perfect Relation of
the sad and deplorable Condition of Lydia the Wife of John Rogers House
Carpenter, living in Greenbank in Pumpe alley in Wappin.... Also her
Examination by Mr. Johnson the Minister of Wappin, and her Confession.
As also in what a sad Condition she continues...._ London, 1658. Another
tract against the Baptists. In spite of Lydia Rogers's supposed contract
with the Devil, she does not seem to have been brought into court.
_Strange and Terrible Newes from Cambridge, being A true Relation of the
Quakers bewitching of Mary Philips ... into the shape of a Bay Mare,
riding her from Dinton towards the University. With the manner how she
became visible again ... in her own Likeness and Shape, with her sides
all rent and torn, as if they had been spur-galled, ... and the Names of
the Quakers brought to tryal on Friday last at the Assises held at
Cambridge ..._, London, 1659. This is mentioned by John Ashton in the
bibliographical appendix to his _The Devil in Britain and America_.
_The Just Devil of Woodstock, or a true narrative of the severall
apparitions, the frights and punishments inflicted upon the Rumpish
commissioners sent thither to survey the manors and houses belonging to
His Majesty._ 1660. Wood, _Athenae Oxonienses_ (ed. of 1817), III, 398,
ascribes this to Thomas Widdowes. It was on the affair described in this
pamphlet that Walter Scott based his novel _Woodstock_. The story given
in the pamphlet may be found in Sinclar's _Satan's Invisible World
Discovered_. The writer has not seen the original pamphlet.
Sec. 6.--Charles II and James II (see ch. XI).
_The Power of Witchcraft, Being a most strange but true Relation of the
most miraculous and wonderful deliverance of one Mr. William Harrison of
Cambden in the County of Gloucester, Steward to the Lady Nowel ..._,
London, 1662.
_A True and Perfect Account of the Examination, Confession, Tryal,
Condemnation and Execution of Joan Perry and her two Sons ... for the
supposed murder of William Harrison, Gent ..._, London, 1676. These are
really not witchcraft pamphlets. Mr. Harrison disappears, three people
are charged with his murder and hanged. Mr. Harrison comes back from
Turkey in two years and tells a story of his disappearance which leads
to the supposition that he was transported thither by witchcraft.
_A Tryal of Witches at the assizes held at Bury St. Edmonds for the
County of Suffolk; on the tenth day of March, 1664_, London, 1682;
another edition, 1716. The writer of this tract writes in introducing
it: "This Tryal of Witches hath lain a long time in a private
Gentleman's Hands in the Country, it being given to him by the Person
that took it in the Court for his own satisfaction." This is the much
quoted case before Sir Matthew Hale. The pamphlet presents one of the
most detailed accounts of the court procedure in a witch case.
_The Lord's Arm Stretched Out in an Answer of Prayer or a True Relation
of the wonderful Deliverance of James Barrow, the Son of John Barrow of
Olaves Southwark_, London, 1664. This seems to be a Baptist pamphlet.
_The wonder of Suffolke, being a true relation of one that reports he
made a league with the Devil for three years, to do mischief, and now
breaks open houses, robs people daily, ... and can neither be shot nor
taken, but leaps over walls fifteen feet high, runs five or six miles in
a quarter of an hour, and sometimes vanishes in the midst of multitudes
that go to take him. Faithfully written in a letter from a solemn
person, dated not long since, to a friend in Ship-yard, near Temple-bar,
and ready to be attested by hundreds ..._, London, 1677. This is
mentioned in the _Gentleman's Magazine_, 1829, pt. ii, 584. I have not
seen a copy of the pamphlet.
_Daimonomageia: a small Treatise of Sicknesses and Diseases from
Witchcraft and Supernatural Causes.... Being useful to others besides
Physicians, in that it confutes Atheistical, Sadducistical, and
Sceptical Principles and Imaginations ..._, London, 1665. Though its
title-page bears no name, the author was undoubtedly that "William
Drage, D. P. [Doctor of Physic] at Hitchin," in Hertfordshire, to whose
larger treatise on medicine (first printed in 1664 as _A Physical
Nosonomy_, then in 1666 as _The Practice of Physick_, and again in 1668
as _Physical Experiments_) it seems to be a usual appendage. It is so,
at least, in the Cornell copy of the first edition and in the Harvard
copy of the third, and is so described by the _Dict. Nat. Biog._ and by
the British Museum catalogue.
_Hartford-shire Wonder. Or, Strange News from Ware, Being an Exact and
true Relation of one Jane Stretton ... who hath been visited in a
strange kind of manner by extraordinary and unusual fits ..._, London,
1669. The title gives the clue to this story. The narrator makes it
clear that a certain woman was suspected of the bewitchment.
_A Magicall Vision, Or a Perfect Discovery of the Fallacies of
Witchcraft, As it was lately represented in a pleasant sweet Dream to a
Holysweet Sister, a faithful and pretious Assertor of the Family of the
Stand-Hups, for preservation of the Saints from being tainted with the
heresies of the Congregation of the Doe-Littles_, London, 1673. I have
not seen this. It is mentioned by Hazlitt, _Bibliographical
Collections_, fourth series, _s. v._ Witchcraft.
_A Full and True Relation of The Tryal, Condemnation, and Execution of
Ann Foster ... at the place of Execution at Northampton. With the Manner
how she by her Malice and Witchcraft set all the Barns and Corn on Fire
... and bewitched a whole Flock of Sheep ..._, London, 1674. This
narrative has no confirmation from other sources, yet its details are so
susceptible of natural explanation that they warrant a presumption of
its truth.
_Strange News from Arpington near Bexby in Kent: Being a True Narrative
of a yong Maid who was Possest with several Devils ..._, London, 1679.
_Strange and Wonderful News from Yowell in Surry; Giving a True and Just
Account of One Elisabeth Burgess, Who was most strangely Bewitched and
Tortured at a sad rate_, London, 1681.
_An Account of the Tryal and Examination of Joan Buts, for being a
Common Witch and Inchantress, before the Right Honourable Sir Francis
Pemberton, Lord Chief Justice, at the Assizes ... 1682._ Single leaf.
The four brochures next to be described deal with the same affair and
substantially agree.
_The Tryal, Condemnation, and Execution of Three Witches, viz.
Temperance Floyd, Mary Floyd, and Susanna Edwards. Who were Arraigned at
Exeter on the 18th of August, 1682...._ London, 1682. Confirmed by the
records of the gaol deliveries examined by Mr. Inderwick (_Side-Lights
on the Stuarts_, p. 192).
_A True and Impartial Relation of the Informations against Three
Witches, viz. Temperance Lloyd, Mary Trembles, and Susanna Edwards, who
were Indicted, Arraigned, and Convicted at the Assizes holden ... at ...
Exon, Aug. 14, 1682. With their several Confessions ... as also Their
... Behaviour, at the ... Execution on the Twenty fifth of the said
Month_, London, 1682. This, the fullest account (40 pp.), gives
correctly the names of these three women, whom I still believe the last
put to death for witchcraft in England.
_Witchcraft discovered and punished. Or the Tryals and Condemnation of
three Notorious Witches, who were Tryed the last Assizes, holden at the
Castle of Exeter ... where they received sentence of Death, for
bewitching severall Persons, destroying Ships at Sea, and Cattel by
Land. To the Tune of Doctor Faustus; or Fortune my Foe._ In the
Roxburghe Collection at the British Museum. Broadside. A ballad of 17
stanzas (4 lines each) giving the story of the affair.
_The Life and Conversation of Temperance Floyd, Mary Lloyd and Susanna
Edwards ...; Lately Condemned at Exeter Assizes; together with a full
Account of their first Agreement with the Devil: With the manner how
they prosecuted their devilish Sorceries ..._, London, 1687.
_A Full and True Account of the Proceedings at the Sessions of Oyer and
Terminer ... which began at the Sessions House in the Old Bayley on
Thursday, June 1st, and Ended on Fryday, June 2nd, 1682. Wherein is
Contained the Tryal of many notorious Malefactors ... but more
especially the Tryall of Jane Kent for Witchcraft_. This pamphlet is a
brief summary of several cases just finished and has every evidence of
being a faithful account. It is to be found in the library of Lincoln's
Inn.
_Strange and Dreadful News from the Town of Deptford in the County of
Kent, Being a Full, True, and Sad Relation of one Anne Arthur._ 1684/5.
One leaf, folio.
_Strange newes from Shadwell, being a ... relation of the death of Alice
Fowler, who had for many years been accounted a witch._ London, 1685. 4
pp. In the library of the Earl of Crawford. I have not seen it.
_A True Account of a Strange and Wonderful Relation of one John Tonken,
of Pensans in Cornwall, said to be Bewitched by some Women: two of which
on Suspition are committed to Prison_, London, 1686. In the Bodleian.
This narrative is confirmed by Inderwick's records.
_News from Panier Alley; or a True Relation of Some Pranks the Devil
hath lately play'd with a Plaster Pot there_, London, 1687. In the
Bodleian. A curious tract. No trial.
Sec. 7.--The Final Decline, Miscellaneous Pamphlets (see ch. XIII).
_A faithful narrative of the ... fits which ... Thomas Spatchet ... was
under by witchcraft ..., 1693._ Unimportant.
_The Second Part of the Boy of Bilson, Or a True and Particular Relation
of the Imposter Susanna Fowles, wife of John Fowles of Hammersmith in
the Co. of Midd., who pretended herself to be possessed_, London, 1698.
_A Full and True Account Both of the Life: And also the Manner and
Method of carrying on the Delusions, Blasphemies, and Notorious Cheats
of Susan Fowls, as the same was Contrived, Plotted, Invented, and
Managed by wicked Popish Priests and other Papists._
_The trial of Susannah Fowles, of Hammersmith, for blaspheming Jesus
Christ, and cursing the Lord's Prayer ..._, London, 1698.
These three pamphlets tell the story of a woman who was "an impostor and
Notorious Lyar"; they have little to do with witchcraft. See above, ch.
XIII, note 23.
_The Case of Witchcraft at Coggeshall, Essex, in the year 1699. Being
the Narrative of the Rev. J. Boys, Minister of the Parish._ Printed from
his manuscript in the possession of the publisher (A. Russell Smith),
London, 1901.
_A True and Impartial Account of the Dark and Hellish Power of
Witchcraft, Lately Exercised on the Body of the Reverend Mr. Wood,
Minister of Bodmyn. In a Letter from a Gentleman there, to his Friend in
Exon, in Confirmation thereof_, Exeter, 1700.
_A Full and True Account of the Apprehending and Taking of Mrs. Sarah
Moordike, Who is accused for a Witch, Being taken near Paul's Wharf ...
for haveing Bewitched one Richard Hetheway.... With her Examination
before the Right Worshipful Sir Thomas Lane, Sir Owen Buckingham, and
Dr. Hambleton in Bowe-lane._ 1701. This account can be verified and
filled out from the records of the trial of Hathaway, printed in Howell,
_State Trials_, XIV, 639-696.
_A short Account of the Trial held at Surry Assizes, in the Borough of
Southwark; on an Information against Richard Hathway ... for Riot and
Assault_, London, 1702.
_The Tryal of Richard Hathaway, upon an Information For being a Cheat
and Impostor, For endeavouring to take away The Life of Sarah Morduck,
For being a Witch at Surry Assizes ..._, London, 1702.
_A Full and True Account of the Discovering, Apprehending and taking of
a Notorious Witch, who was carried before Justice Bateman in Well-Close
on Sunday, July the 23. Together with her Examination and Commitment to
Bridewel, Clerkenwel_, London, 1704. Signed at the end, "Tho. Greenwel."
Single page.
_An Account of the Tryals, Examination, and Condemnation of Elinor Shaw
and Mary Phillips ..., 1705._
_The Northamptonshire Witches ..., 1705._
The second of these is the completer account. They are by the same
author and are probably fabrications; see below, Sec. 10.
_The Whole Trial of Mrs. Mary Hicks and her Daughter Elizabeth ...,
1716._ See below, Sec. 10.
Sec. 8.--The Surey Pamphlets (see ch. XIII).
_The Devil Turned Casuist, or the Cheats of Rome Laid open in the
Exorcism of a Despairing Devil at the House of Thomas Pennington in
Oriel.... By Zachary Taylor, M. A., Chaplain to the Right reverend
Father in God, Nicholas, Lord Bishop of Chester, and Rector of Wigan_,
London, 1696.
_The Surey Demoniack, Or an Account of Satan's Strange and Dreadful
Actings, In and about the Body of Richard Dugdale of Surey, near Whalley
in Lancashire. And How he was Dispossest by Gods blessing on the
Fastings and Prayers of divers Ministers and People_, London, 1697.
Fishwick, _Notebook of Jollie_ (Chetham Soc.), p. xxiv says this was
written by Thomas Jollie and John Carrington. The preface is signed by
"Thomas Jolly" and five other clergymen. Probably Jollie wrote the
pamphlet and Carrington revised it. See above, ch. XIII, note 10. Jollie
disclaimed the sole responsibility for it. See his _Vindication_, 7.
Taylor in _The Surey Impostor_ assumes that Carrington wrote _The Surey
Demoniack_; see _e. g._ p. 21.
_The Surey Imposter, being an answer to a late Fanatical Pamphlet,
entituled The Surey Demoniack._ By Zachary Taylor. London, 1697.
_A Vindication of the Surey Demoniack as no Imposter: Or, A Reply to a
certain Pamphlet publish'd by Mr. Zach. Taylor, called The Surey
Imposter...._ By T. J., London, 1698. Written by Jollie.
_Popery, Superstition, Ignorance and Knavery very unjustly by a letter
in the general pretended; but as far as was charg'd very fully proved
upon the Dissenters that were concerned in the Surey Imposture._ 1698.
Written by Zachary Taylor.
_The Lancashire Levite Rebuked, or a Vindication of the Dissenters from
Popery, Superstition, Ignorance, and Knavery, unjustly Charged on them
by Mr. Zachary Taylor...._ London, 1698. Signed "N. N.;" see above ch.
XIII, note 17.
_The Lancashire Levite Rebuked, or a Farther Vindication_, 1698. This
seems to have been an answer to a "letter to Mr. N. N." which Taylor had
published. We have, however, no other mention of such a letter.
_Popery, Superstition, Ignorance, and Knavery, Confess'd and fully
Proved on the Surey Dissenters, from a Second Letter of an Apostate
Friend, to Zach. Taylor. To which is added a Refutation of T. Jollie's
Vindication ..._, London, 1699. Written by Zachary Taylor.
_A Refutation of Mr. T. Jolly's Vindication of the Devil in Dugdale; Or,
The Surey Demoniack_, London, 1699.
It is not worth while to give any critical appraisement of these
pamphlets. They were all controversial and all dealt with the case of
Richard Dugdale. Zachary Taylor had the best of it. The Puritan
clergymen who backed up Thomas Jollie in his claims seem gradually to
have withdrawn their support.
Sec. 9.--The Wenham Pamphlets (see ch. XIII).
_An Account of the Tryal, Examination, and Condemnation of Jane Wenham,
on an Indictment of Witchcraft, for Bewitching of Matthew Gilston and
Anne Thorne of Walcorne, in the County of Hertford.... Before the Right
Honourable Mr. Justice Powell, and is ordered for Execution on Saturday
come Sevennight the 15th._ One page.
_A Full and Impartial Account of the Discovery of Sorcery and
Witchcraft, Practis'd by Jane Wenham of Walkerne in Hertfordshire, upon
the bodies of Anne Thorn, Anne Street, &c.... till she ... receiv'd
Sentence of Death for the same, March 4, 1711-12_, London, 1712.
Anonymous, but confessedly written by Francis Bragge. 1st ed. in Cornell
library and Brit. Mus.; 2d ed. in Brit. Mus.; 3d ed. in Brit. Mus.
(Sloane, 3,943), and Bodleian; 4th ed. in Brit. Mus.; 5th ed. in Harvard
library: all published within the year.
_Witchcraft Farther Display'd. Containing (I) An Account of the
Witchcraft practis'd by Jane Wenham of Walkerne, in Hertfordshire, since
her Condemnation, upon the bodies of Anne Thorne and Anne Street....
(II) An Answer to the most general Objections against the Being and
Power of Witches: With some Remarks upon the Case of Jane Wenham in
particular, and on Mr. Justice Powel's procedure therein...._ London,
1712. Introduction signed by "F. B." [Francis Bragge], who was the
author.
_A Full Confutation of Witchcraft: More particularly of the Depositions
against Jane Wenham, Lately Condemned for a Witch; at Hertford. In which
the Modern Notions of Witches are overthrown, and the Ill Consequences
of such Doctrines are exposed by Arguments; proving that, Witchcraft is
Priestcraft.... In a Letter from a Physician in Hertfordshire, to his
Friend in London._ London, 1712.
_The Impossibility of Witchcraft, Plainly Proving, From Scripture and
Reason, That there never was a Witch; and that it is both Irrational and
Impious to believe there ever was. In which the Depositions against Jane
Wenham, Lately Try'd and Condemn'd for a Witch, at Hertford, are
Confuted and Expos'd_, London, 1712. 1st ed. in Brit. Mus.; 2d ed.,
containing additional material, in the Bodleian. The author of this
pamphlet in his preface intimates that its substance had earlier been
published by him in the _Protestant Post Boy_.
_The Belief of Witchcraft Vindicated: proving from Scripture, there have
been Witches; and from Reason, that there may be Such still. In answer
to a late Pamphlet, Intituled, The Impossibility of Witchcraft ..._, By
G. R., A. M., London, 1712.
_The Case of the Hertfordshire Witchcraft Consider'd. Being an
Examination of a Book entitl'd, A Full and Impartial Account ..._,
London, 1712. Dedicated to Sir John Powell. In the Cornell copy of this
booklet a manuscript note on the title-page, in an eighteenth century
hand, ascribes it to "The Rector of Therfield in Hertfordshire, or his
Curate," while at the end of the dedication what seems the same hand has
signed the names, "Henry Stebbing or Thomas Sherlock." But Stebbing was
in 1712 still a fellow at Cambridge, and Sherlock, later Bishop of
London, was Master of the Temple and Chaplain to Queen Anne. See _Dict.
Nat. Biog._
_A Defense of the Proceedings against Jane Wenham, wherein the
Possibility and Reality of Witchcraft are Demonstrated from
Scripture.... In Answer to Two Pamphlets, Entituled: (I) The
Impossibility of Witchcraft, etc. (II) A Full Confutation of
Witchcraft_, By Francis Bragge, A. B., ... London, 1712.
_The Impossibility of Witchcraft Further Demonstrated, Both from
Scripture and Reason ... with some Cursory Remarks on two trifling
Pamphlets in Defence of the existence of Witches_. By the Author of _The
Impossibility of Witchcraft_, 1712. In the Bodleian.
_Jane Wenham_. Broadside. The writer of this leaflet claims to have
transcribed his account from an account in "Judge Chancy's own hand".
Chauncy was the justice of the peace who with Bragge stood behind the
prosecution.
It is very hard to straighten out the authorship of these various
pamphlets. The Rev. Mr. Bragge wrote several. The Rev. Mr. Gardiner and
the Rev. Mr. Strutt, who were active in the case, may have written two
of them. The topographer Gough, writing about 1780, declared that the
late Dr. Stebbing had as a young man participated in the controversy.
Francis Hutchinson was an interested spectator, but probably did not
contribute to the literature of the subject.
A short secondary account is that of W. B. Gerish, _A Hertfordshire
Witch; or the Story of Jane Wenham, the "Wise Woman of Walkern_."
In the Brit. Mus., Sloane MSS., 3,943, there is a continuation of the
pamphlet discussion, based chiefly, however, upon Glanvill and other
writers.
Sec. 10.--Criticism of the Northampton and Huntingdon Pamphlets of 1705 and
1716 (see ch. XIII, note 10).
_An Account of The Tryals, Examination and Condemnation of Elinor Shaw
and Mary Phillips (Two notorious Witches) on Wednesday the 7th of March
1705, for Bewitching a Woman, and two children.... With an Account of
their strange Confessions._ This is signed, at the end, "Ralph Davis,
March 8, 1705." It was followed very shortly by a completer account,
written after the execution, and entitled:
_The Northamptonshire Witches, Being a true and faithful account of the
Births, Educations, Lives, and Conversations of Elinor Shaw and Mary
Phillips (The two notorious Witches) That were Executed at Northampton
on Saturday, March the 17th, 1705 ... with their full Confession to the
Minister, and last Dying Speeches at the place of Execution, the like
never before heard of.... Communicated in a Letter last Post, from Mr.
Ralph Davis of Northampton, to Mr. William Simons, Merchantt in London_,
London, 1705.
With these two pamphlets we wish to compare another, which was
apparently published in 1716 and was entitled: _The Whole Trial and
Examination of Mrs. Mary Hicks and her Daughter Elizabeth, But of Nine
Years of Age, who were Condemn'd the last Assizes held at Huntingdon
for Witchcraft, and there Executed on Saturday, the 28th of July 1716
... the like never heard before; their Behaviour with several Divines
who came to converse with 'em whilst under their sentence of Death; and
last Dying Speeches and Confession at the place of execution_, London,
1716. There is a copy in the Bodleian Library.
The two Northamptonshire pamphlets and the Huntingdonshire pamphlet have
been set by themselves because they appear to have been written by one
hand. Moreover, it looks very much as if they were downright
fabrications foisted upon the public by a man who had already in 1700
made to order an unhistorical pamphlet. To show this, it will be
necessary to review briefly the facts about the Worcester pamphlet
described above, Sec. 4. What seems to be the second edition of a pamphlet
entitled _The full Tryalls, Examinations and Condemnations of Four
Notorious Witches, At the Assizes held at Worcester on Tuseday the 4th
of March_, was published at London with the date 1700. It purports to
tell the story of one of the cases that came up during Matthew Hopkins's
career in 1645-1647. It has been universally accepted--even by Thomas
Wright, Ashton, W. H. D. Adams, and Inderwick. An examination shows,
however, that it was made over from the Chelmsford pamphlet of 1645. The
author shows little ingenuity, for he steals not only the confessions of
four witches at that trial, but their names as well. Rebecca West,
Margaret Landis, Susan Cock, and Rose Hallybread had all been hanged at
Chelmsford and could hardly have been rehanged at Worcester. Practically
all that the writer of the Worcester pamphlet did was to touch over the
confessions and add thrilling details about their executions.
Now, it looks very much as if the same writer had composed the
Northamptonshire pamphlets of 1705 and the Huntingdonshire pamphlets of
1716. The verbal resemblances are nothing less than remarkable. The
Worcester pamphlet, in its title, tells of "their Confessions and Last
Dying Speeches at the place of execution." The second of the two
Northamptonshire pamphlets (the first was issued before the execution)
speaks of "their full Confession to the Minister, and last Dying
Speeches at the place of Execution." The Huntingdonshire pamphlet closes
the title with "last Dying Speeches and Confession at the place of
Execution." The Worcester pamphlet uses the phrase "with other amazing
Particulars"; the Northamptonshire pamphlet the phrase "the particulars
of their amazing Pranks." The Huntingdon pamphlet has in this case no
similar phrase but the Huntingdon and Northamptonshire pamphlets have
another phrase in common. The Northamptonshire pamphlet says: "the like
never before heard of"; the Huntingdon pamphlet says: "the like never
heard before."
These resemblances are in the titles. The Northampton and the fabricated
Worcester pamphlets show other similarities in their accounts. The
Northampton women were so "hardened in their Wickedness that they
Publickly boasted that their Master (meaning the Devil) would not suffer
them to be Executed but they found him a Lyer." The Worcester writer
speaks of the "Devil who told them to the Last that he would secure them
from Publick Punishment, but now too late they found him a Lyer as he
was from the beginning of the World." In concluding their narratives the
Northamptonshire and Worcestershire pamphleteers show an interesting
similarity of treatment. The Northampton witches made a "howling and
lamentable noise" on receiving their sentences, the Worcester women made
a "yelling and howling at their executions."
These resemblances may be fairly characterized as striking. If it be
asked whether the phrases quoted are not conventional in witch
pamphlets, the answer must be in the negative. So far as the writer
knows, these phrases occur in no other of the fifty or more witch
pamphlets. The word "notorious," which occurs in the titles of the
Worcester and Northampton pamphlets, is a common one and would signify
nothing. The other phrases mentioned are characteristic and distinctive.
This similarity suggests that the three pamphlets were written by the
same hand. Since we know that one of the three is a fabrication, we are
led to suspect the credibility of the other two.
There are, indeed, other reasons for doubting the historicity of these
two. A close scrutiny of the Northampton pamphlet shows that the
witchcrafts there described have the peculiar characteristics of the
witchcrafts in the palmy days of Matthew Hopkins and that the wording of
the descriptions is much the same. The Northampton pamphlet tells of a
"tall black man," who appeared to the two women. A tall black man had
appeared to Rebecca West at Chelmsford in 1645. A much more important
point is that the prisoners at Northampton had been watched at night in
order to keep their imps from coming in. This night-watching was a
process that had never, so far as our records go, been used since the
Hopkins alarm, of which it had been the characteristic feature. Were
there no other resemblance between the Northampton cases and those at
Chelmsford, this similarity would alone lead us to suspect the
credibility of the Northampton pamphlet. Unfortunately the indiscreet
writer of the Northampton narrative lets other phrases belonging to 1645
creep into his account.
When the Northampton women were watched, a "little white thing about the
bigness of a Cat" had appeared. But a "white thing about the bignesse of
a Cat" had appeared to the watchers at Chelmsford in 1645. This is not
all. The Northampton witches are said to have killed their victims by
roasting and pricking images, a charge which had once been common, but
which, so far as the writer can recall, had not been used since the
Somerset cases of 1663. It was a charge very commonly used against the
Chelmsford witches whom Matthew Hopkins prosecuted. Moreover the
Northampton witches boasted that "their Master would not suffer them to
be executed." No Chelmsford witch had made that boast; but Mr. Lowes,
who was executed at Bury St. Edmunds (the Bury trial was closely
connected with that at Chelmsford, so closely that the writer who had
read of one would probably have read of the other), had declared that he
had a charm to keep him from the gallows.
It will be seen that these are close resemblances both in characteristic
features and in wording. But the most perfect resemblance is in a
confession. The two Northampton women describing their imps--creatures,
by the way, that had figured largely in the Hopkins trials--said that
"if the Imps were not constantly imploy'd to do Mischief, they [the
witches] had not their healths; but when they were imploy'd they were
very Heathful and Well." This was almost exactly what Anne Leech had
confessed at Chelmsford. Her words were: "And that when This Examinant
did not send and employ them abroad to do mischief, she had not her
health, but when they were imploy'd, she was healthfull and well."
We cannot point out the same similarity between the Huntingdonshire
witchcrafts of 1716 and the Chelmsford cases. The narrative of the
Huntingdon case is, however, somewhat remarkable. Mr. Hicks was taking
his nine-year-old daughter to Ipswich one day, when she, seeing a sail
at sea, took a "basin of water," stirred it up, and thereby provoked a
storm that was like to have sunk the ship, had not the father made the
child cease. On the way home, the two passed a "very fine Field of
Corn." "Quoth the child again, 'Father, I can consume all this Corn in
the twinkling of an Eye.' The Father supposing it not in her Power to do
so, he bid to shew her infernal skill." The child did so, and presently
"all the Corn in the Field became Stubble." He questioned her and found
that she had learned witchcraft from her mother. The upshot of it was
that at Mr. Hicks's instance his wife and child were prosecuted and
hanged. The story has been called remarkable. Yet it is not altogether
unique. In 1645 at Bury St. Edmunds just after the Chelmsford trial
there were eighteen witches condemned, and one of them, it will be
remembered, was Parson Lowes of Brandeston in Suffolk, who confessed
that "he bewitched a ship near Harwidge; so that with the extreme
tempestuous Seas raised by blusterous windes the said ship was cast
away, wherein were many passengers, who were by this meanes swallowed up
by the merciless waves." It will be observed that the two stories are
not altogether similar. The Huntingdon narrative is a better tale, and
it would be hardly safe to assert that it drew its inspiration from the
earlier story. Yet, when it is remembered how unusual is the story in
English witch-lore, the supposition gains in probability. There is a
further resemblance in the accounts. The Hicks child had bewitched a
field of corn. One of the Bury witches, in the narrative which tells of
parson Lowes, "confessed that She usually bewitcht standing corne,
whereby there came great loss to the owners thereof." The resemblance is
hardly close enough to merit notice in itself. When taken, however, in
connection with the other resemblances it gives cumulative force to the
supposition that the writer of the Huntingdon pamphlet had gone to the
narratives of the Hopkins cases for his sources.
There are, however, other reasons for doubting the Huntingdon story. A
writer in _Notes and Queries_, 2d series, V, 503-504, long ago
questioned the narrative because of the mention of a "Judge Wilmot," and
showed that there was no such judge on the bench before 1755. An
examination of the original pamphlet makes it clear, however, that in
this form the objection is worth nothing. The tract speaks only of a
"_Justice_ Wilmot," who, from the wording of the narrative, would seem
to have conducted the examination preliminary to the assizes as a
justice of the peace would. A justice of the peace would doubtless,
however, have belonged to some Huntingdonshire county family. Now, the
writer has searched the various records and histories of
Huntingdonshire--unfortunately they are but too few--and among the
several hundred Huntingdonshire names he has found no Wilmots (and, for
that matter, no Hickes either). This would seem to make the story more
improbable.
In an earlier number of _Notes and Queries_ (1st series, V, 514), James
Crossley, whose authority as to matters relating to witchcraft is of the
highest, gives cogent reasons why the Huntingdonshire narrative could
not be true. He recalls the fact that Hutchinson, who made a
chronological table of cases, published his work in 1718. Now Hutchinson
had the help of two chief-justices, Parker and King, and of Chief-Baron
Bury in collecting his cases; and yet he says that the last execution
for the crime in England was in 1682. Crossley makes the further strong
point that the case of Jane Wenham in 1712 attracted wide attention and
was the occasion of numerous pamphlets. "It is scarcely possible," he
continues, "that in four years after two persons, one only nine years
old, ... should have been tried and executed for witchcraft without
public attention being called to the circumstance." He adds that
neither the _Historical Register_ for 1716 nor the files of two London
newspapers for that year, though they enumerate other convictions on the
circuit, record the supposed cases.
It will be seen that exactly the same arguments apply to the Northampton
trials of 1705. Hutchinson had been at extraordinary pains to find out
not only about Jane Wenham, but about the Moordike case of 1702. It is
inconceivable that he should have quite overlooked the execution of two
women at Northampton.
We have observed that the Northampton, Huntingdon, and Worcester
pamphlets have curious resemblances in wording to one another
(resemblances that point to a common authorship), that the Worcester
narrative can be proved to be fictitious, and that the Huntingdon
narrative almost certainly belongs in the same category. We have shown,
further, that the Northampton and Huntingdon stories present features of
witchcraft characteristic of the Chelmsford and Bury cases of 1645, from
the first of which the material of the Worcester pamphlet is drawn; and
this fact points not only to the common authorship of the three tracts,
but to the imaginary character of the Huntingdon and Northampton cases.
Against these facts there is to be presented what at first blush seems a
very important piece of evidence. In the _Northamptonshire Historical
Collections_, 1st series (Northampton, 1896), there is a chapter on
witchcraft in Northamptonshire, copied from the _Northamptonshire
Handbook_ for 1867. That chapter goes into the trials of 1705 in detail,
making copious extracts from the pamphlets. In a footnote the writers
say: "To show that the burning actually took place in 1705, it may be
important to mention that there is an item of expense entered in the
overseers' accounts for St. Giles parish for faggots bought for the
purpose." This in itself seems convincing. It seems to dispose of the
whole question at once. There is, however, one fact that instantly casts
a doubt upon this seemingly conclusive evidence. In England, witches
were hanged, not burned. There are not a half-dozen recorded exceptions
to this rule. Mother Lakeland in 1645 was burned. That is easy to
explain. Mother Lakeland had by witchcraft killed her husband. Burning
was the method of execution prescribed by English law for a woman who
killed her husband. The other cases where burnings are said to have
taken place were almost certainly cases that came under this rule. But
it does not seem possible that the Northampton cases came under the
rule. The two women seem to have had no husbands. "Ralph Davis," the
ostensible writer of the account, who professed to have known them from
their early years, and who was apparently glad to defame them in every
possible way, accused them of loose living, but not of adultery, as he
would certainly have done, had he conceived of them as married. It is
hard to avoid the conclusion that they could not have been burned.
There is a more decisive answer to this argument for the authenticity of
the pamphlet. The supposed confirmation of it in the St. Giles parish
register is probably a blunder. The Reverend R. M. Serjeantson of St.
Peter's Rectory has been kind enough to examine for the writer the
parish register of St. Giles Church. He writes: "The St. Giles accounts
briefly state that _wood_ was bought from time to time--probably for
melting the lead. There is _no_ mention of _faggots_ nor witches in the
Church wardens' overseers-for-the-poor accounts. I carefully turned out
the whole contents of the parish chest." Mr. Serjeantson adds at the
close this extract: "1705 P'd for wood 5/ For taking up the old lead
5/." It goes without saying that Mr. Serjeantson's examination does not
prove that there never was a mention of the faggots bought for burning
witches; but, when all the other evidence is taken into consideration,
this negative evidence does establish a very strong presumption to that
effect. Certainly the supposed passage from the overseers' accounts can
no longer be used to confirm the testimony of the pamphlet. It looks
very much as if the compilers of the _Northamptonshire Handbook_ for
1867 had been careless in their handling of records.
It seems probable, then, that the pamphlet of 1705 dealing with the
execution of Mary Phillips and Elinor Shaw is a purely fictitious
narrative. The matter derives its importance from the fact that, if the
two executions in 1705 be disproved, the last known execution in England
is put back to 1682, ten years before the Salem affair in Massachusetts.
This would of course have some bearing on a recent contention (G. L.
Kittredge, "Notes on Witchcraft," Am. Antiq. Soc., _Proc._, XVIII), that
"convictions and executions for witchcraft occurred in England after
they had come to an end in Massachusetts."
B.--LIST OF PERSONS SENTENCED TO DEATH FOR WITCHCRAFT DURING THE REIGN
OF JAMES I.
1.--Charged with Causing Death.
1603. Yorkshire.
Mary Pannel.
1606. Hertford.
Johanna Harrison and her daughter.
1612. Northampton.
Helen Jenkinson, Arthur Bill, Mary Barber.
1612. Lancaster.
Chattox, Eliz. Device, James Device, Alice Nutter, Katherine
Hewitt, Anne Redfearne.
1612. York.
Jennet Preston.
1613. Bedford.
Mother Sutton and Mary Sutton.
1616. Middlesex.
Elizabeth Rutter.
1616. Middlesex.
Joan Hunt.
1619. Lincoln.
Margaret and Philippa Flower.
1621. Edmonton.
Elizabeth Sawyer.
2.--Not Charged with Causing Death (so far as shown by records).
1607. Rye, Kent.
Two women entertained spirits, "to gain wealth."
1612. Lancaster.
John and Jane Bulcock, making to waste away. It
was testified against them that at Malking Tower they
consented to murder, but this was apparently not in the
indictment. Acquitted, but later convicted.
Alizon Device, caused to waste away.
Isabel Robey, caused illness.
1616. Enfield, Middlesex.
Agnes Berrye, laming and causing to languish.
1616. King's Lynn.
Mary Smith, hanged for causing four people to languish.
1616. Leicester.
Nine women hanged for bewitching a boy. Six more
condemned on same charge, but pardoned by command
of king.
Mixed Cases.
1607. Bakewell.
Our evidence as to the Bakewell witches is too incomplete
to assure us that they were not accused of killing
by witchcraft.
1612. Northampton.
Agnes Brown and Joane Vaughan were indicted for
bewitching Master Avery and Mistress Belcher, "together
with the body of a young child to the death."
C.--LIST OF CASES OF WITCHCRAFT, 1558-1718, WITH REFERENCES TO SOURCES
AND LITERATURE.[1]
1558. John Thirkle, "taylour, detected of conjuringe," to be
examined. _Acts of Privy Council_, n. s., VII, 6.
---- Several persons in London charged with conjuration to
be sent to the Bishop of London for examination.
_Ibid._, 22.
1559. Westminster. Certain persons examined on suspicion,
including probably Lady Frances Throgmorton. _Cal.
St. P., Dom., 1547-1580_, 142.
c. 1559. Lady Chandos's daughter accused and imprisoned
with George Throgmorton. Brit Mus., Add. MSS.,
32,091, fol. 176.
1560. Kent. Mother Buske of St. John's suspected by the
church authorities. Visitations of Canterbury in
_Archaeologia Cantiana_, XXVI, 31.