Of the great veneration in which the Indians held Guarnacaba[122]
when he lived[123] and of that in which they hold him now, after
death. And how, through the disunion of the Indians, the Spaniards
entered Cuzco, and of the fidelity of the new cacique
Guarnacaba[124] to the Christians.
The city of Cuzco is the head and principal province of all the others,
and from here to the beach of San Mateo and, in the other direction, to
beyond the province of Collao, which is entirely a land of arrow-using
savages, all is subject to one single lord who was Atabalipa, and,
before him, to the other by-gone lords, and at present the lord of all
is this son of Guarnacaba. This Guarnacaba, who was so renowned and
feared, and is so even to this day, although he is dead, was very much
beloved by his vassals, and subjected great provinces, and made them
his tributaries. He was well obeyed and almost worshipped, and his body
is in the city of Cuzco, quite whole, enveloped in rich cloths and
lacking only the tip of the nose. There are other images of plaster of
clay which have only the hair and nails which were cut off in life and
the clothes that were worn, and these images are as much venerated by
those people as if they were their gods. Frequently they take the [body]
out into the plaza with music and dancing, and they always stay close to
it, day and night, driving away the flies. When some important lords
come to see the cacique, they go first to salute these figures, and they
then go to the cacique and hold, with him, so many ceremonies that it
would be a great prolixity to describe them. So many people assemble at
these feasts, which are held in that plaza, that their number exceeds
one hundred thousand souls. It turned out to be fortunate that they [the
Spaniards] had made that son of Guarnacaba lord, because all the
caciques and lords of the land and of remote provinces came to serve
him and, out of respect for him, to yield obedience to the Emperor. The
conquerors passed through great trials, because all the land is the most
mountainous and roughest that can be traversed on horseback, and it may
be believed that, had it not been for the discord which existed between
the people of Quito and those of Cuzco and its neighbourhood, the
Spaniards would never have entered Cuzco, nor would there have been
enough of them to get beyond Xauxa, and in order to enter they would
have had to go in a force of five hundred, and, to maintain themselves,
they would have needed many more, because the land is so large and so
rough that there are mountains and passes that ten men could defend
against ten thousand. And the Governor never thought of being able to go
with less than five hundred Christians to conquer, pacify, and make a
tributary of it. But as he learned of the great disunion that existed
between the people of that land [Cuzco] and those of Quito, it was
proposed that he should go with the few Christians that he had to
deliver them from subjection and servitude, and to put a stop to the
mischief and wrongs that those of Quito were doing in that land, and Our
Lord saw fit to favor him [in it]. Nor would the Governor ever have
ventured to make so long and toilsome a journey in this great
undertaking had it not been for the great confidence which he had in all
the Spaniards of his company through having tried them out and having
learned that they were dextrous and skilled in so many conquests and
accustomed to these lands and to the toils of war. All of this they
showed themselves to be in this journey through rains and snows, in
swimming across many rivers, in crossing great mountain chains and in
sleeping many nights in the open air without water to drink and without
anything on which to feed, and always, day and night, having to be armed
and on guard, in going, at the end of the war, to reduce many caciques
and lands which had rebelled, and in going from Xauxa to Cuzco, on which
journey they suffered, with their governor, so many trials and on which
they so often placed their lives in peril in rivers and mountains where
many horses were killed by falling headlong. This son of Guarnacaba has
much friendship and concord with the Christians, and for this reason, in
order to preserve him in the lordship, the Spaniards put themselves to
infinite pains and likewise bore themselves in all these undertakings so
valorously, and suffered so much, just as other Spaniards have been able
to do in the service of the Emperor, that, as a result, the very
Spaniards who have found themselves in this undertaking, marvel at what
they have done when once more they set themselves to think upon it, and
they do not know how they come to be alive as they have been able to
suffer so many trials and such prolonged hunger. But they hold that all
[their troubles] were put to a good use, and they would again offer
themselves, were it necessary, to enter upon the greatest wearinesses
for the conversion of those people and the exaltation of our holy
catholic faith. Of the greatness and situation of the aforesaid land, I
omit to speak, and it only remains to give thanks and praises to Our
Lord because, so obviously, he has wished to guide with his hand the
affairs of H. M. and of these kingdoms which, by his divine providence,
have been illumined and directed upon the true road of salvation. May he
bend his infinite goodness so that henceforth the [kingdoms] may go from
good to better by the intercession of his blessed Mother, the advocate
of all our steps who directs them to a good end.
This relation was finished in the city of Xauxa on the 15th day of the
month of July, 1534. And I, Pero Sancho, Scrivener general of these
kingdoms of New Castile and secretary of the governor Francisco Pizarro,
by his order and that of the officials of H. M. wrote it just as things
happened, and when it was finished I read it in the presence of the
governor and of the officials of H. M., and, as it was all true, they
said governor and officials of H. M. sign it with their hand.
FRANCISCO PIZARRO
ALVARO RIQUELME. ANTONIO NAVARRO.
GARCIA DE SALCEDO
_By order of the Governor and Officials._ SANCHO
NOTES
NOTES
[1] The modern Cajamarca; called by the Indians Casamarca.
[2] Properly Atahualpa.
[3] Thus the original. Something is lacking to complete the sense.--Note
by Icazbalceta.
[4] The _peso_ is about an ounce.
[5] Jauja.
[6] Properly Challcuchima or Calicuchima. This remarkable Indian general
was a son of Epiclachima, younger brother of Cacha, last Caran Scyri of
Quito. Cacha was conquered by Huayna Capac about 1487, and Calicuchima
entered the service of Atahualpa who was his kinsman through Paccha his
cousin, Huayna Capac's wife. (Velasco.)
[7] Something lacking in the text.
[8] _Caribes_, in Spanish, sometimes means the Carib people; here,
simply savages.
[9] In the text of Ramusio, _Se gli diede una storta col mangano al
collo_.
[10] This name is, of course, an error.
[11] Gucunacaba is Huayna Capac. He left three legitimate sons beside
Huascar, viz., Manco, Paullu, and Titu Atauchi. I do not know which of
them was Sancho's "Atabalipa" number two. See Sarmiento, 1907, p. xvii.
[12] Cuzcos = Incas.
[13] Probably Huascar.
[14] Huamachuco.
[15] Andamarca.
[16] Huaylas.
[17] Cajatambo.
[18] Icazbalceta suggests that this place is Cajamarquilla. I do not
agree with this opinion, because Cajamarquilla had long been in ruins
when the Spaniards arrived. (Cf. Hodge, 1897, pp. 304 ff.) It was
probably Chacamarca, (see below).
[19] San Miguel de Piura.
[20] San Miguel was founded first at another site which, on being found
to be unhealthy, was deserted; San Miguel was soon refounded at Piura.
(Cf. Prescott, Bk. III, Cap. III, Moses, 1914, vol. I, p. 99.) It is
possible that the "captain" mentioned here was no other than Sebastian
de Belalcazar or Benalcazar who later conquered Quito. (Cf. Moses, 1914,
I, p. 106.)
[21] This is obviously a mistake.
[22] Descriptions of Inca bridges will be found at:
Garcilasso, 1859, I, pp. 253 ff., 260.
Cieza de Leon, 1864, pp. 314-315.
Joyce, 1912, pp. 142-143.
Beuchat, 1912, pp. 608, 650.
Pinkerton, 1808-1814, XIV, p. 530. (Picture.)
[23] Pachacamac has often been described. See especially Uhle, 1903; and
Estete, 1872; and Markham, 1912, pp. 232 ff.
[24] Cajatambo.
[25] Pambo = Pombo = Pumpu.
[26] It is impossible to tell what the correct names of these personages
may have been.
[27] Pombo = Pambo = Pumpu.
[28] Chacamarca. See Raimondi's map, 1875.
[29] The Spanish here is very prolix. I have given an approximate and
shorter phraseology.
[30] This may be the "Tice" mentioned in Section II, under another name.
But all Sancho's proper names are in great confusion.
[31] It is barely possible that "Aticoc" may be an attempt at Titu
Atauchi.
[32] The candor or barefacedness with which the secretary, Sancho,
confesses and even applauds the bad faith of Pizarro in various places
in this narrative, which he wrote by order of Pizarro, is worthy of
admiration.--Note by Icazbalceta.
[33] The original: _che haurebbe dato rame che i Capitani etc., soldati
fossero venuti alla pase_. The significance of the word _rame_ is
obscure; as at times it means _money_, whence comes the vulgar phrase
_questo sa di rame_, in order to indicate that a thing is dear, it
appeared to me that I might adopt the interpretation which I give,
although I am not satisfied with it.--Note by Icazbalceta. The present
translator has translated the Spanish as given by Icazbalceta.
[34] The original; _veduto_ appears to me an error for
_venuto_.--Icazbalceta.
[35] Inca "roads" were designed for foot traffic, and steps were the
means used for going up slopes.
[36] Parcostambo.
[37] Vilcas.
[38] All within the parentheses is a reconstruction of the evident sense
rather than a translation.
[39] Cf. Bandelier, 1910, p. 61.
[40] _Serrata_ means either _espesura_ [thicket] or _angostura_ [cleft].
[41] Quizquiz, like Chalicuchima, had been a general of Atahualpa before
the coming of the Spaniards. He fought long against the invaders, but at
length his unavailing efforts caused him to be murdered by his own
followers. See Garcilasso, II, p. 509; Sarmiento, 171-173; Cieza de
Leon, Chr., Pt. II, pp. 164 and 227; Markham, 1912, pp. 247-251.
[42] Andahuaylas.
[43] Curamba.
[44] Andahuaylas.
[45] Vilcas.
[46] Curamba is the correct form for Airamba (given above).
[47] Vilcas, sometimes called Vilcashuaman, was a part of the territory
controlled by the Chanca before they were made subjects to Cuzco. The
conquest of the Chanca may have begun in the time of Rocca, but it had
its culmination in that of Viracocha. Tupac Yupanqui built numerous
temples and palaces there, and the region round about Vilcas was
traversed by important roads or trails. It is a place that is mentioned
by nearly all the early writers. Cf. Garcilasso, I, pp. 324-326, II, p.
58; Cieza de Leon, I, 312-315, II, 150-154; Joyce, 1912, p. 107;
Markham, 1912, p. 178.
[48] Sancho is vague in his use of the words _caballo_ and _ligero
caballo_. The latter means "light horse" or "light-armed cavalry." But
he uses the word _caballo_ when he means _caballero_. In the present
instance he really means _caballo_.
[49] The veracity of this story is certainly open to question.
[50] Here the text says _caballos_, although it is plain that
_caballeros_ is the word intended.
[51] See Squier, 1877, p. 177; Cieza, Tr. p. 355; Velasco, 1840, p. 22;
Joyce, 1912, pp. 210-212.
[52] This speech can hardly be regarded as verbatim, of course.
[53] Sancho's imagination was drawn upon throughout this section.
[54] Limatambo (correctly, Rimactampu).
[55] Xaquixaguana or Sacsahuana.
[56] The text has: "_y que riendo el Gobernador partirse sin aguardar a
que pasaran los indios amigos, ..._"
[57] _tuvieron tiempo de retraerse al monte_ really means, "they had
time to withdraw to the mountain," but the obvious sense is better
preserved in the translation I have given.
[58] Possibly this means Huascar, whom Atahualpa had caused to be put to
death.
[59] In Spanish they always say "el Cuzco." I believe that the reason
for this is that "Cuzco" comes from a Quichua word meaning "navel." If
this is so, "el Cuzco" has the significance of "the Navel" (of the
World). In English, of course, we use the word simply as a place-name.
[60] The official designation of the Emperor was: S. C. C. M., or
Sagrada Cesarea Catolica Majestad.
[61] The modern village of Limatambo. When I was there the fine walls so
often spoken of were in a bad condition from neglect on the part of the
natives. Yet, in spite of the refuse piled around them and the throngs
of pigs all about, one could see that the masonry was of the finest
Cyclopean type. Cf. Squier, 1877, p. 535; Markham, 1912, pp. 286 and
319; Cieza, Tr., p. 320; Sarmiento, pp. 119 and 209. Garcilasso tells us
that it was founded by Manco Capac and that it was the place where
Viracocha waited for the Chanca. Garcilasso, I, p. 80, and II, p. 52.
[62] Now called Zurite. It was the site of a palace of Viracocha, who
added it to his realm once more by a victory (won by Pachacutec) over
the Chanca. Cf. Sarmiento, p. 85; Garcilasso, I, p. 53; Cieza, Chr., p.
128; The "Finca de los Andenes" is doubtless the site of the palace.
[63] The truth of this statement is very questionable.
[64] Valverde.
[65] Pachacamac.
[66] In the days before the Incas the Creator-God (under the names of
Pachacamac, Viracocha, Irma, etc.) was worshipped without idols. He was
conceived as being superior to all other gods and as being invisible.
To judge from all accounts, his cult, at this stage, was an advanced
type of religion. Later, however, the custom of having idols sprang up.
As their attributes were the same, there can be but little doubt that
Pachacamac and Viracocha were the same deity. Pachacamac's chief shrine
was on the coast, at Pachacamac. Inca Pachacutec conquered Cuismancu,
lord of Pachacamac, about 1410, and built a Sun Temple there. The chief
temple to Viracocha was at Cacha south of Cuzco, and it was probably
erected by the Inca Viracocha to celebrate his defeat of the Chanca
confederacy. Both these temples (under Inca influence) had idols. Cf.
Blas Valera, 1879, pp. 137-140; Sarmiento, pp. 28-29; Garcilasso, II,
pp. 69, 185-193, 428, 460; Cieza, Tr., pp. 161-163, 251-254; Cobo, 1892,
III, pp. 320-323; Uhle, 1903; Markham, 1912, pp. 41, 97, 181, 233-234;
Joyce, 1912, pp. 150-152; Beuchat, 1912, pp. 615-616.
[67] Another obvious fabrication.
[68] Huayna Capac, ruled ca. 1500-1525.
[69] This was Manco Inca, a son of Huayna Capac by his third wife. Manco
died in 1544, leaving a grand-daughter, Coya Beatriz, who married Don
Martin Garcia Loyola. Their daughter, Lorenza, became Marquesa de
Oropesa.--Note by Sir C. R. M. Cf. Garcilasso, II, pp. 352 and 526.
[70] A half-brother only.
[71] The story of Manco Inca is one of the most pathetic in South
American history. Although our author describes some of the events in
the young Inca's life, I will give a brief resume of it here.
Manco was "crowned" with the _borla_ or fringe on March 24, 1534, at
Cuzco. To please him, Almagro the elder killed his two brothers (who
might have become his rivals) in order to get Manco on his side in the
quarrel which he had with the Pizarros as to which ought to control
Cuzco. After Almagro went to Chile, the _Villac Umu_ (High Priest) urged
his brother Manco to rise in revolt against the Spaniards, who were
divided among themselves. On April 18, 1536, Manco revolted at Yucay. He
laid siege to Cuzco with a very large force and attacked the small
Spanish garrison mercilessly, setting fire to the roofs of houses by
means of arrows tipped with blazing tow and otherwise harassing them.
The Inca and his forces were, for a time, successful. They captured the
great fortress of Sacsahuaman, which was, however, retaken by Juan
Pizarro and Gonzalo Pizarro. Disheartened by this, the Inca retired to
the fortress of Ollantaytampu, where he successfully combatted the
attempts of Hernando Pizarro to capture him. Later, Manco was forced by
Orgonez to withdraw to the mountainous region of Vilcapampa. The last
Inca capital was set up at Viticos, and there Manco held his court for
several years. He often raided the Spanish travellers between Cuzco and
Lima. His court became a place of refuge for all Spaniards who fell out
with their fellows. One of these refugees, Gomez Perez, either killed
Manco himself in a brawl over a game of quoits or helped to kill him as
the result of a plot. The Inca, at all events, was murdered by Spaniards
whom he had befriended. That was in 1544. In 1911 Professor Hiram
Bingham visited Vitcos the situation of which is clearly shown on the
map, dated 1907, that accompanies Sir Clements Markham's translation of
Sarmiento and Ocampo (Hakluyt, 2d Series, no. XXII, p. 203). Professor
Bingham's description of the site is adequate, and, I think, unique.
At about the same time as the siege of Cuzco, another Inca force, led by
Titu Yupanqui, marched on the newly founded Spanish capital (the Ciudad
de los Reyes or Lima). It was driven off by the Marques Francisco
Pizarro.
A brother of Manco, Paullu, was christened under the name of Don
Cristoval Paullu. He lived in the Colcampata palace (which had been the
great Pachacutec's), and the small church of San Cristoval was built
near at hand for his use. He died about 1550, being survived by Sayri
Tupac, Cusi Titu Yupanqui, and two other children of Manco (who all
lived on at Viticos) and by his own sons Carlos and Felipe. It was on
the occasion of a particular request made by the Viceroy, Don Andres
Hurtado de Mendoza, Marques de Canete, that Sayri Tupac's aunt, Princess
Beatriz, successfully urged him to come and live in Cuzco. Sayri Tupac
died in 1560. Cf. Cieza, Tr., pp. 304-307; Garcilasso, II, pp. 104-105,
526; Titu Cusi Yupanqui, apud Cieza's "War of Quito," pp. 164-166;
Montesinos, 1906, I, pp. 88-93; Cobo, 1892, III, pp. 203-210; Markham,
1892, pp. 93-96; Markham, 1912, pp. 254-259; Appleton's Cyclopaedia,
1888, IV, pp. 186 and 682; Cabildos de Lima, I, pp. 1 ff.; Bingham,
1912, entire.
[72] Manco Inca.
[73] Contrast this version with that given by Prescott in Book III,
Chapter 10. It is hardly necessary to say that Prescott's is the correct
one.
[74] Here, it is not difficult to read between the lines and see what
sort of treatment Manco got.
[75] Vicente de Valverde.
[76] An involved and unimportant clause here.
[77] This is all for the benefit of the Emperor, whose policy it was to
deal fairly by his new subjects.
[78] Vilcas.
[79] I do not know who is meant by this name.
[80] Llamas.
[81] Possibly these figures were the embalmed bodies of the coyacuna or
"queens" which, according to Garcilasso, were placed in Curicancha--the
Sun Temple.
[82] _en su mismo ser_.
[83] _Casa_ really means house.
[84] "Che vi corcorsero assai in tre anni," says the original, which can
only be translated as I have done it above. But when the secretary wrote
his relation, no such three years had gone by since the foundation of
Cuzco, but only four months, so it is necessary to suppose that the
Italian translator did not understand his original well, _or_ that it is
an interpolation made later on.--Note by Icazbalceta.
[85] The civilized inhabitants of the Chilca region came originally from
the interior, probably from the Yauyos region. This event occurred,
presumably, somewhere about 800-900 of our era, for, by the time the
Incas were founding Cuzco (ca. 1100), they found themselves strong
enough to make raids into the interior. Joyce points out that these
raids may have occurred even earlier, at a time when the Tiahuanacu
empire still flourished. At any rate, there was an important contact
with the interior cultures at an early date. The Chincha also were
constantly at war with the Chimu, Chuquimancu and Cuismancu who each
ruled large and civilized coast states. The Chincha were conquered by
the Inca either in the reign of Pachacutec or in that of Tupac Yupanqui
(more probably the former) somewhere about 1450. According to Estete,
their ruler (under Inca tutelage) in the time of the Conquest was
Tamviambea. The cultural development of the Chincha was, artistically
speaking, not so high as that of the Chimu. It was, however, in pre-Inca
times, relatively complex. They practised trephining successfully (an
art derived from their Yauyu ancestors), and they also frequently
indulged in the anterio-posterior type of cranial deformation. Their
general physical condition was good. They numbered about 25,000. Cf.
Cieza, Tr., p. 228; Garcilasso, II, pp. 146-149; Joyce, 1912, pp. 95,
187; Markham, 1912, pp. 237-239; Tello, 1912; Hrdlicka, 1914, pp. 22-24;
Lafone-Quevedo, 1912, p. 115.
[86] This may have been the chief Taurichumbi mentioned by Estete. Cf.
Markham, 1912, p. 239.
[87] This was before Alvarado and Pizarro met and came to an agreement.
[88] Possibly Riobamba, Tumebamba, or some other place in the "Kingdom"
of Quito.
[89] Probably Sana.
[90] Properly Colla-suyu and Cunti-suyu, i.e. the Southern province and
the Western province of Ttahuan-tin-suyu.
[91] Jauja (or Xauxa) was the predecessor of la Ciudad de los Reyes. A
letter to Charles V, dated July 20, 1534, describes it thus: "Esta
Cibdad es la mexor y mayor quen la Tierra se ha vista, e aun en
_Indias_; e decimos a Vuestra Magestad ques tan hermosa e de tan buenos
edyficios quen _Espana_ seria muy de ver; tiene las calles por mucho
concierto empedradas de guixas pequenas; todas las mas de las casas son
de senores prencipales fechas de canteria; esta en una ladera de un
cerro, en el qual sobrel pueblo esta una fortaleza muy bien obrada de
canteria tan de ver, que por espanoles que an andado Reinos extranos,
dizen no aber visto otro edyficio igual al della; ..." Cf. Cabildos,
III, pp. 4-5.
[92] The Italian is: "_Il quale tuttavia piu veniua ponendo amore a gli
Spagnuoli._"--Note by Icazbalceta.
[93] Huanuco.
[94] Pachacamac.
[95] Prescott places the total at 500 of which 230 were cavalry. Cf.
Prescott, Bk. III, Cap. 9.
[96] It seems to me that, even in the days of the Chimu and the Inca,
the poorer people must have lived in this sort of hut-like houses, and
that only the great dwelt in the "palaces" whose ruins are so
remarkable. Such a state of things would explain the apparent
impossibility of a large population existing in the dwellings we now
see. Cf. Hodge, 1897.
[97] This montana is to-day the richest and most valuable part of Peru.
[98] According to Garcilasso, Lib. II, Cap. 11, the Peruvian empire was
divided into four parts, Cuzco being considered the centre. They called
the northern part Chinchasuya, the southern Coyasuya, the western
Cuntisuya, and the eastern Antisuyu.--Note by Icazbalceta.
[99] Lake Titicaca contains several islands, notably Titicaca and Coati.
[100] An obscure passage translated merely in most general terms.
[101] _Agras_ I take to mean fields from its similarity to the Latin
word, _ager_.
[102] Llamas.
[103] At this point Ramusio gives a fanciful view of the city of Cuzco,
which has no real interest whatever.--Note by Icazbalceta.
[104] _Cacique_ is really a West Indies word. The early Spanish writers
are wont to apply it to any sort of native official. Here, no doubt, the
correct term would be the Quichua word _Curaca_. Officials thus
designated under the Inca dominion were the hereditary chiefs of
formerly independent tribes and territories--roughly analogous to the
mediatized princes of Europe. Though made vassals of the Inca, the
_curacas_ were often continued in the command of their former subjects
and were intrusted with the governorship of provinces over which they
were formerly sovereigns. The _curacas_ ranked immediately below the
Inca caste, and ruled what was known as a _hunu_. Sometimes a _curaca_
was made an Inca-by-privilege as a reward of services.
[105] Huayna Capac.
[106] The marble was really granite. No marble was used by the Incas.
[107] This reference to windows is important. At the outset we must
remind ourselves that Sancho may have confused _windows_ and _niches_.
It is entirely possible, however, that windows may formerly have been
present in those walls of Sacsahuaman. As is well known, windows and
niches were distinguishing features of Inca architecture during the
later period of that dynasty. Sites like Pissac, Limatambo, Yucay,
Quente, Vilcabamba (alias Machu Pichu, a post-conquest site in part),
and Huaman-marca in the Amaybamba Valley all present one or both of
these features, and all present unmistakable signs of recent
construction, say from the reign of Viracocha (circa 1425-50) onward.
The importance of this mention of windows (or niches) lies in this: It
gives strong evidence in support of my belief that the walls of
Sacsahuaman which are toward Cuzco were of Inca construction. Garcilasso
(II, pp. 305 ff.) attempts to give the credit for the whole of
Sacsahuaman to Inca Yupanqui, and ignores the fact that the cyclopean
walls on the north side of the hill undoubtedly date, as do "the seats
of the Inca" close at hand, from the days of Tiahuanaco. When we see the
statement made that the fortress of Sacsahuaman was of Inca construction
we must remember that really only the southern walls and a few buildings
behind them were built under the Incas.
[108] That is, the joints do not come above one another, but are
alternated, as in brick-work.
[109] There are really six walls on the south and three on the north.
Cf. Garcilasso, II, 305.
[110] This is a poor attempt to describe the entrant and re-entrant
angles that make the cyclopean walls so remarkable from a military point
of view. See the plan by Squier and Davis, Garcilasso, II, p. 305.
[111] Orejon, lit. "large-ear"; i.e. a member of the Inca clan
privileged to distend his ears by means of ear-plugs. This myth of the
founding of Cuzco by a man from the sea is not found elsewhere.
[112] Llamas.
[113] Titicaca.
[114] Cobo describes the Temple of the Sun on Titicaca and that of the
Moon on Coati as being, together, the third most important sanctuary in
the Inca dominion. The other two, of course, were the temples in Cuzco
and Pachacamac. For a detailed description of the temples in Lake
Titicaca see Cobo, IV, pp. 54-63 and Bandelier, 1910. The structures at
that point are all of late-Inca construction and seem to have been built
after the Inca conceived the idea of making himself out to be the "Son
of the Sun." They were perhaps built with a view to lending colour to
the myth.
[115] Correctly, Chuqui-apu.
[116] The original _una seriola_ is a word whose meaning I have not been
able to find. It is found again a little below. The method the Indians
had for washing the earth and getting the gold can be seen in Oviedo,
Historia General de las Indias, Parte I, lib. 6, Cap. 8.--Note by
Icazbalceta.
[117] Huayna Capac.
[118] A braza is six feet.
[119] It says this in the original, but it is an error, for it will be
seen that the number must have been much greater.--Note by Icazbalceta.
[120] As the text of this passage is obscure I give it here: _...
profundos como de la altura de un hombre, en cuanto pueda el de abajo
dar la tierra al de arriba; y cuando los cavan tanto que ya el de arriba
no puede alcanzarla, lo dejan asi, y se van a hacer otros pozos ..._
[121] Here is another rather obscure passage: "_... pero e pui ricche
... sono le prime che non hanno caricho da lauar la terra & per rispetto
del freddo & delle mine que vi e non lo cauano. &c._" Oviedo (Hist.
General, Parte I, lib. 6, Cap. 8); Acosta (Hist. nat. y mor. de las
Ind., lib. 4, Cap. 4); y Garcilasso (Com. Real., Parte I, lib. 8, Cap.
24) distinguish three sorts of gold mines. In the first class are
counted those which produce pure gold in rather large grains, so that
they can be collected without further operations. These are, perhaps,
the sort that the secretary Sancho says are the richest, although he has
not spoken of them before. In the second class are included those which
produce gold in dust or in very small grains mixed with earth which it
is necessary to remove by means of washing, and these are those which
Sancho mentions. The third class of mines, which this man does not
mention, are those which yield gold mingled with stones and other
metals, just as silver is commonly found. These mines, although at times
very rich, failed to be worked because of the expenses which labour
caused.--Note by Icazbalceta.
[122] Huayna Capac.
[123] The text says _vino_--"came." I think, however, that it must be a
misprint for _vivo_--"lived."
[124] This means, of course, Manco Inca.
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BIBLIOGRAPHY OF WORKS CONSULTED IN THE COURSE OF THIS TRANSLATION OF
PEDRO SANCHO
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Transcriber's Note:
Variant spellings of proper names in the main body of the text, as
noted in the Preface, have been retained. Minor typographical errors
have been corrected without note, whilst significant amendments have
been listed below:
p. 7, 'Miguel de Astete' amended to _Miguel de Estete_;
p. 170, 'as it they were' amended to _as if they were_;
p. 179, 'Quitu' amended to _Quito_;
p. 179, 'His three left three' amended to _He left three_;
p. 180, 'Cajarmaquilla' amended to _Cajamarquilla_;
p. 183, 'Atalhualpa' amended to _Atahualpa_;
p. 190, 'Cabildo' amended to _Cabildos_;
p. 192, 'The curacus ranked' amended to _The curacas ranked_.
End of Project Gutenberg's An Account of the Conquest of Peru, by Pedro Sancho