There were two apparent ways out of the dilemma, and one was as

eminently unsatisfactory as the other. The first was to quit printing

and publishing. The second was to submit to the censorship. James

hit upon a more ingenious solution. He turned the _Courant_ over to

sixteen-year-old Benjamin. Benjamin's indentures as apprentice to

James had five years to run, and in order to forestall any objection

on the part of the authorities that an apprentice was not competent to

manage the paper, the indentures were ostentatiously canceled and a

new document drawn up as a private and confidential (but none the less

binding) memorandum which in theory was no one's affair save James's

and Benjamin's. The half-sheet issue of the _Courant_ for February

4-11, 1723, identified it as "printed and sold by Benjamin Franklin in

Queen Street, where Advertisements are taken in." Benjamin Franklin's

name thus first appeared in an imprint. It remained on the tail-board

of the _Courant_ until the paper's discontinuance in 1726, long after

Benjamin had left Boston.

The gratifying tableau of two stalwart brothers battling loyally side

by side for freedom of the press, however, was not the whole picture.

James and Benjamin had differences, and Benjamin later admitted

that he himself was "perhaps ... too saucy and provoking," and that

James, despite "the blows his passion too often urged him to bestow

upon me," was "otherwise not an ill-natur'd man." Benjamin, at all

events, decided to take advantage of the freedom accorded him by the

cancellation of his indentures, which act he later conceded to have

been "not fair" and "one of the first errata of my life." James spread

the tidings of this perfidy throughout Boston, and every local printing

establishment thereupon became a closed shop to Benjamin Franklin.

If James assumed that Benjamin would thus be forced to return to his

own shop, he reckoned without his Benjamin. For not long thereafter,

with the connivance of a friend, John Collins, Benjamin was smuggled

aboard a New York-bound sloop, and three days later, thanks to a fair

wind, he was in a city which was not yet a metropolis judged even

by easy colonial standards. He called on "old Mr. William Bradford"

(aged sixty), who had nothing to offer, but who suggested that his son

Andrew, then flourishing (after a fashion) in Philadelphia, might have

a position for him, since Andrew's "principal hand," Aquila Rose, had

just died.

Franklin set out by water by way of Perth Amboy. It is interesting to

note, in view of the dispute regarding the earliest New Jersey imprint

... that the trip from New York to the New Jersey port took thirty

hours. All in good time he reached Philadelphia.

Washington did not cut down a cherry tree and then inform his father

that he could not tell a lie; Wellington did not say "Up, Guards, and

at 'em!" or Pershing, "Lafayette, we are here." The dear old legends

explode all about us; it is gratifying to recall that there is one at

least the accuracy of which is unimpeachable. Walking up Market Street,

Philadelphia, Benjamin Franklin did pass the home of his wife-to-be

with a roll under each arm and munching a third, and his wife-to-be did

see him and note that he made "a most awkward, ridiculous appearance."

Andrew Bradford had nothing to offer--the vacancy left by the death of

Aquila Rose had already been filled. But Franklin was not yet done with

the ghostly trail of Aquila. At Andrew Bradford's suggestion he waited

on Samuel Keimer, who had recently set up as a printer despite a meager

endowment of equipment, native ability, or acquired skill. He found

Keimer "composing an Elegy on Aquila Rose" directly from the type.

So there being no copy (recorded Franklin), but one pair of cases,

and the Elegy likely to require all the letters, no one could help

him. I endeavor'd to put his press (which he had not yet us'd, and of

which he understood nothing) into order fit to be work'd with; and,

promising to come and print off his Elegy as soon as he should have

got it ready, I return'd to Bradford's, who gave me a little job to

do for the present, and there I lodged and dieted. A few days after,

Keimer sent for me to print off the Elegy. And now he had got another

pair of cases, and a pamphlet to reprint, on which he set me to work.

This broadside poem, therefore, was the first piece of Philadelphia

printing with which Franklin's name is clearly identified. The

"pamphlet to reprint" may have been _A Letter to a Friend in Ireland_,

_The Doctrine of Absolute Reprobation Refuted_, _A Letter from One

in the Country to His Friend in the City_, _A Parable_, or (and this

would certainly have been Franklin's choice) _The Curiosities of

Common Water_, all of which Keimer imprints of 1723 are listed in the

short-title check list which follows the Curtis catalogue. No more

specifically is it possible to identify the "little job" which Andrew

Bradford gave him.

It is not likely that Franklin would have long continued with Keimer

(who was "an odd fish; ignorant of common life, fond of rudely opposing

receiv'd opinions, slovenly to extream dirtiness, enthusiastic in some

points of religion, and a little knavish withal") even if a roundabout

coincidence had not brought him to the attention o£ the governor of

the province, Sir William Keith, whose quarrel with William Bradford

had been one of the impulses that had established the latter as New

York's first printer. Keimer "star'd like a pig poison'd" one day when

no less a worthy than Sir William entered the shop in search of the new

assistant from Boston. Governor and assistant adjourned to a tavern,

where the former disclosed a grandiose idea for setting the newcomer

up in a shop of his own. He must first, of course, go to London to

buy equipment, and to this end the governor loaded him down with

enthusiasm and letters of credit. After a short visit to Boston, where

all "made me welcome, except my brother," who "receiv'd me not very

frankly, look'd me all over, and turn'd to his work again", Franklin

sailed for London, which he reached the day before Christmas, 1724--to

learn, to his intense mortification, that Sir William's letters of

credit were worthless, since that gentleman's prowess as a promiser and

his shortcomings as a performer were rather more familiar in the old

country than in the new.

Franklin, however, had little difficulty in extricating himself from

the crisis into which he was precipitated on his arrival in London

by the non-negotiability of Sir William Keith's commercial paper.

"I immediately got into work at Palmer's," he says, "then a famous

printing house in Bartholomew Close, and here I continu'd near a year."

Samuel Palmer, declares John Clyde Oswald in _Benjamin Franklin,

Printer_ (New York, 1917), "was more than an ordinary printer. He had

visited America, was letter-founder as well as printer, and was engaged

in the writing of 'A History of Printing,' only a third of which he had

completed when he died in 1732."

Franklin identifies only one of the jobs on which he worked at

Palmer's. "I was employed," continues the _Autobiography_, "in

composing for the second edition of Wollaston's _Religion of Nature_."

The name of William Wollaston (1659-1724) now survives mainly by virtue

of this adventitious association with a nineteen-year-old immigrant

compositor. _The Religion of Nature Delineated_ first appeared in 1722

in a small privately printed edition. Presumably this first edition

is now rare, but no collector is impressed thereby, preferring above

it that on which Franklin worked (the third in strict sequence, but

the second published edition), which, happily, is relatively common.

It bears the imprint: "London: Printed by S. Palmer, and sold by

B. Lintott, W. and J. Innys, J. Osborn, J. Batley, and T. Longman.

1725." The printer from America pondered over the copy as he set it,

and out of his ruminations came a pamphlet reply to the recently

deceased author: _A Dissertation on Liberty And Necessity, Pleasure

and Pain_ (London, 1725). Franklin printed one hundred copies, gave a

few to friends, and then, repenting of his materialistic agnosticism,

"burnt the rest except one copy"; pride of authorship would not wholly

down. That copy may be one of the four known to survive today, all in

institutional collections.

Receiving a better offer from John Watts, who conducted a larger

printing establishment, Franklin went thither, remaining six months,

when he accepted the proposal of a Philadelphia merchant then in London

that he return and act "as his clerk, keep his books, in which he

would instruct me, copy his letters, and attend the store." In leaving

London, therefore, Franklin supposed that he thereby "took leave of

printing forever."

Man proposes. Franklin and his new employer reached Philadelphia; the

store was duly opened and its new clerk installed; four months later

the employer died. The establishment was taken over by the executors

and Franklin was out of work. Keimer wanted him back as foreman of his

new and larger shop, but Franklin, who knew well his Keimer, first

sought a place at his new trade of clerk and salesman. Nothing offered,

so he reluctantly accepted Keimer's bid. The affiliation did not last

long. Franklin and Keimer quarreled over "a trifle" that represented

the culmination of a long series of abuses:

A great noise happening near the courthouse, I put my head out of the

window to see what was the matter. Keimer, being in the street, look'd

up and saw me, call'd out to me in a loud voice and angry tone to mind

my business, adding some reproachful words, that nettled me the more

for their publicity, all the neighbors who were looking out on the

same occasion, being witness how I was treated. He came up immediately

into the printing-house, continu'd the quarrel, high words pass'd

on both sides, he gave me the quarter's warning we had stipulated,

expressing a wish that he had not been oblig'd to so long a warning.

I told him that his wish was unnecessary, for I would leave him that

instant; and so, taking my hat, walk'd out of doors.

Had affairs not fallen out thus ludicrously, then some other incident

would have "snapt our connections." If no "great noise" had occurred

near the courthouse (what, one wonders, was the cause of the

disturbance?), there would still have been a subsequent great noise

in Keimer's shop, and the hireling would have spoken his piece to the

overlord and walked out of the identical door to the fulfillment of his

high destiny.

Franklin was of more than half a mind to return to Boston, in which

event Philadelphia would one day have been compelled to seek another

patron saint. Fortunately for Philadelphia, while working at Keimer's,

Franklin had struck up a friendship with Hugh Meredith, a fellow

craftsman, who suggested a partnership. A secret agreement was drawn

up, and pending the completion of arrangements for launching the

venture, Franklin sought temporary work at Bradford's. Keimer meanwhile

was negotiating with the provincial government of New Jersey for the

printing of an issue of paper money at Burlington, and urged Franklin

to accompany him if he was awarded the job. The plan went through, and

the pair were in Burlington three months. "There is not a single piece

of this paper money known to exist today," says Dr. Campbell, "and of

the New Jersey Laws that they printed at the same time there are only

two known copies...."

In the summer of 1728 the new firm of B. Franklin and H. Meredith came

into existence. They had scarce "opened our letters" (their cases, that

is, not the morning mail) when a friend "brought a countryman to us,

whom he had met in the street inquiring for a printer." The identity

of this bucolic, casual, but superlatively important patron of the

typographic arts is unknown and probably forever unknowable, for he

could hardly have been aware that he was the instrument of Providence

chosen to motivate the first imprint issued by Franklin as a master

printer. Dr. Campbell surmised the job was "probably stationery or a

small handbill." Whatever it was, it has probably vanished beyond hope

of recall, or at least beyond hope of positive identification.

Almost on the heels of this first customer came another--none other

than Samuel Keimer, whose general ineffectualness and chronic state

of panic provide much of the comic relief in the history of early

American printing. Keimer had been working off and on for three years

on William Sewell's _History of the Rise, Increase, and Progress of the

Christian People Called Quakers: The Third Edition, Corrected_. The end

was not in sight, and Keimer, evidently in a condition of acute mental

distress, rushed to the new shop for assistance. Franklin and Meredith

composed and printed "forty sheets," totaling nearly a third of the

seven hundred pages--the first known job to issue from their shop, even

though it did not bear their imprint. Sewell's _History_ is doubly a

Franklin item, as Franklin must have worked on the book while he was

still in Keimer's employ.

Thanks to the diligence of its proprietors--or of one of them, for

Meredith "was often seen drunk in the streets, and playing at low games

in alehouses"--the new shop prospered. But about the middle of 1730 it

encountered a hazard which its sponsors had not foreseen. Meredith's

father had advanced one hundred pounds to put the enterprise on its

feet and had promised another hundred. When the time came for him to

meet his obligation, he could not, and "the New Printing-Office near

the Market" was faced with a creditor's suit. This crisis confirmed

young Meredith's conviction that he was not cut out for the printing

business; moreover, he was anxious to join a company of fellow Welshmen

who were planning a settlement in North Carolina. Two of Franklin's

friends offered to come to the aid of the senior partner, and the

difficulty was amicably adjusted. Thus was the "B. Franklin" imprint

born. It appeared for the first time not on anything in English, but at

the bottom of the title-page of _Mystische und Sehr Geheyme Sprueche_,

by Conrad Beissel, whose religio-communistic Ephrata colony, itself to

become one day an important printing center, had been organized only a

few years before.

Shortly before the dissolution of the firm of Franklin and Meredith

there had been another odd run-in with Keimer. Franklin was already

planning a newspaper, and "foolishly" imparted the secret to a friend

who forthwith made it known to Keimer. Toward the end of 1728 the

not-to-be-anticipated Keimer issued the first number of _The Universal

Instructor in all Arts and Sciences: and Pennsylvania Gazette_. It was

Keimer's inescapable genius to start what he could not finish, and he

was soon glad to dispose of the paper to Franklin and Meredith, whose

control dates from October 2, 1729. One of Franklin's first acts as a

newspaper publisher--his memory must have harked back to the old Boston

days--was to shorten the too comprehensive title to _The Pennsylvania

Gazette_.

Probably some three months after the departure of Meredith, Franklin

initiated a new partnership. He married. "Partnership" is no romantic

figure of speech. The name of Deborah Read has an honored place on

the roster of women who helped to make American printing. By her

husband's own testimony, her share in the work of the establishment

included, in some measure, the "folding and stitching" of pamphlets,

and it is not unlikely that her hands had a busy share in the

preparation of some of the series of pamphlets with which, more

than with any other, Franklin's name is most clearly associated as

author-printer-publisher--the _Poor Richard_ almanacs.

The importance of the almanac in the colonial scheme has already

been stressed. Franklin was naturally alert to this importance; in

fact, as soon as the house of Franklin and Meredith was in existence

he had commissioned Thomas Godfrey to compile an almanac. Godfrey was

"a self-taught mathematician, great in his way," but "he knew little

out of his way," and there was considerable of the prima donna in his

make-up. He prepared almanacs for 1730, 1731, and 1732, and then, in

an outburst of temperament, transferred his skill to the shelter of

Andrew Bradford. The fortunate result, certainly not anticipated by

Thomas Godfrey in his dudgeon, was, as Paul Leicester Ford defines it,

the birth of American humor. Franklin initiated the _Poor Richard_

series, compiling the bulk of the contents himself, but attributing

their authorship to Richard Saunder or Saunders, whose almanacs

had enjoyed enormous popularity in England and were still enjoying

it, though Saunders had been gone this many a year. A _Poor Robin_

series of almanacs was also popular in England, and James Franklin a

few years earlier had begun a series of Rhode Island almanacs under

this title. _Poor Richard_ was an immediate success, and though the

first number was not advertised in _The Pennsylvania Gazette_ until

December 19, 1732, which was rather late in the year for a new almanac,

three printings were necessary to supply the demand. _Poor Richard_

thereafter issued regularly every December under Franklin's own

editorship until 1757 (for 1758).

_Poor Richard's_ rich wisdom has become part of common speech wherever

English or any other language is spoken. Everyone from China to Peru

knows that God helps those that help themselves, that three removes are

as bad as a fire, that

_Vessels large may venture more,

But little boats should keep near shore._

A recent commentator--Carl L. Becker in the _Dictionary of American

Biography_--says of the _Poor Richard_ almanacs:

Nothing better exhibits the man, or better illustrates his ingenuity

as an advertiser.... "Richard Saunders," the Philomath of the

_Almanack_, was the Sir Roger de Coverley of the masses, pilfering the

world's store of aphorisms, and adapting them to the circumstances and

the understanding of the poor. "Necessity never made a good bargain."

"It is hard for an empty sack to stand upright." "Many dishes make

diseases." "The used key is always bright." The _Almanack_ was

immediately successful and commonly sold about ten thousand copies.

"As Poor Richard says" became a current phrase, used to give weight to

any counsel of thrift. The work made Franklin's name a household word

throughout the colonies.... The introduction to the last _Almanack_

(Father Abraham's speech at the auction) spread the fame of Poor

Richard in Europe. It was printed in broadsides and posted on walls in

England, and, in translation, distributed by the French clergy among

their parishioners. It has been translated into fifteen languages, and

reprinted at least four hundred times.

Franklin's rise to the position of the most important printer in the

colonies after the well-entrenched Bradfords was now rapid. Before long

he was official printer to Pennsylvania, New Jersey, and Delaware. Of

the bulk of his non-governmental productions, Ford writes that while

generally "of little moment," still "there can be no doubt that as

a whole they contain more of genuine merit than those of any other

printer of the same or previous periods in the colonies, the amount

of doctrinal and polemical theology being a minimum, and bearing a

less proportion to the whole mass than can be found in the books of

contemporary American printers." In 1735 appeared over Franklin's

imprint James Logan's _Cato's Moral Distichs Englished in Couplets_.

Nine years later Franklin sponsored Samuel Richardson's _Pamela_--not

only the first American edition, but the first novel to be printed

in America, "Price 6 s." In the same year, 1744, he issued what is

generally regarded as the typographical masterpiece of his press, _M.

T. Cicero's Cato Major, or His Discourse of Old-Age: With Explanatory

Notes_ (also Englished by James Logan), referring to it in a four-page

foreword of his own composition as "this first Translation of a Classic

in this Western World." This was a wide error, for George Sandys had

translated Ovid on the banks of the James River a life-span earlier,

and the translation had been printed in London in 1626; moreover,

Franklin forgot those _Moral Distichs_ of Cato and James Logan which he

himself had issued in 1735.

In 1748, Franklin formed a partnership with an alert young Scotchman

whom he had engaged five years before, and the "Franklin and Hall"

imprint thereupon replaced (with a few exceptions) the familiar "B.

Franklin." A few earlier connections must be mentioned. Franklin's name

is found on several German titles in combination with that of Gotthard

Armbruester and with that of Johannes Böhm, and, apparently once only,

with that of Johannes Wüster, but these seem to have been purely

partnerships of convenience, and suggest no such dual affiliations as

those with Meredith and Hall. The Hall partnership lasted eighteen

years, and during that period Franklin's connection with printing

and publishing became less and less important as the crisis in

international affairs that was bringing on the American Revolution

grew more and more acute. But the printer in him could not wholly be

suppressed. When he went to Paris in 1776 as representative of the

colonies, he established a little press for his own amusement at his

home in Passy, then a suburb, now as much a part of the metropolis as

Greenwich Village is of New York. It was not quite such a toy as Robert

Louis Stevenson and his stepson Lloyd Osbourne were one day to set up

in Switzerland, the main difference being that the Stevenson-Osbourne

combination knew nothing about printing and was joyously aware of it,

whereas Franklin, with just as joyous awareness, knew as much about it

as any man of his time. One factor the two private presses of Passy

and Davos-Platz have in common--their productions are excessively rare

and costly collector's playthings. The story of the French venture

is authoritatively set forth in Luther S. Livingston's _Franklin and

His Press at Passy_, issued by the Grolier Club of New York in 1914.

Livingston listed thirty-two entries, and since his monograph was

published six others have come to light, according to Will Ransom's

_Private Presses and Their Books_ (New York, 1929).

The output of Franklin's press from 1729 to the termination of the Hall

partnership (1766) is statistically impressive. The following summary

is tabulated from the short-title check list of all Franklin imprints

known in 1918 which Dr. Campbell appended to the Curtis catalogue

(excluding _The Pennsylvania Gazette_ and the numerous issues of paper

currency printed by Franklin from 1731 to 1764):

1729 8 1748 30

1730 15 1749 33

1731 8 1750 19

1732 15 1751 24

1733 14 1752 18

1734 15 1753 16

1735 20 1754 15

1736 8 1755 27

1737 13 1756 26

1738 9 1757 31

1739 12 1758 13

1740 46 1759 16

1741 45 1760 10

1742 31 1761 12

1743 25 1762 8

1744 25 1763 15

1745 15 1764 18

1746 23 1765 19

1747 27 1766 4

Any book, pamphlet, broadside, or periodical that bears a Franklin

imprint, alone or in combination, is worth treasuring on that account

alone. In general, the scale of desirability is set by scarcity, this

scale one might suppose, should follow the line of chronology with

reasonable accuracy, but it happens that it does not. The Sewell

_History_, for instance, ought by chronological measurement to be an

excessively rare book as the first book on which Franklin worked as an

independent printer, and rare it assuredly is, but by no means to the

point of utter elusiveness.

Twelve years later the total of Franklin imprints was moving toward two

hundred--and in that twelfth year, 1740, there issued from his press

the second edition of David Evan's _A Short, Plain Help for Parents

and Heads of Families, to Feed Their Babes with the Sincere Milk of

God's Word. Being a Short, Plain Catechism, Grounded Upon God's Word,

and Agreeable to the Westminster Assembly's Excellent Catechism._ No

copy of the first edition is known to be extant--Dr. Campbell quoted

the title imperfectly from a contemporary advertisement--and neither

Hildeburn nor Campbell knew that a second edition had ever been issued.

Neither did anyone else until 1929, when a copy came to light and won

its way to a New York book-seller's catalogue. The book is mentioned

here, not because it possesses great intrinsic importance (it would be

of trivial note if a hundred or two copies of it survived), but as an

indication of the fact that unrecorded Franklin imprints are likely

to appear at any time, and as indication, further, that the scarcity

of Franklin imprints does not altogether parallel the dates of his

activity as printer and publisher.

Books and Printing; a Treasury for Typophiles · 第 29 / 34 段