THOMAS B. FIELDERS.

=Drift of the Day=

From my station here on the housetop my gaze wanders out over acres of

roofs--the leaded coverings of hotels, apartment-houses, and office

buildings. They rear themselves beneath and around me as the lesser

peaks of the Himalayas seen from Mount Everest. My eyes ache with the

diversity of their shapes, the eccentricity of their styles, the

irregularity of their altitudes. No man viewing them can continue

blind to the independence of the American citizen, to the ostentation

of his right of personal selection, to his individual caprice. They

stand, a brick-and-iron commentary upon the competing ambitions of two

generations of townsmen.

A hulking, twenty-story modernity stands side by side with a dwarfish,

Dutch anachronism, but neither possesses any right of precedence over

the other. They are equal in the eyes of the proletary. Classic and

nondescript, marble and brick, granite and iron, unite to form the

most heterogeneous collection of fashions the earth's surface anywhere

exhibits. Even Milton's blind eyes pictured nothing so fantastic as

this architectural chaos of Manhattan, so hopeless of eventual order.

And yet are there not lacking signs that the quaint pot-pourri of

whimsicalities will one day coalesce into a well-defined, artistic

composition, a twentieth century City Beautiful. God grant its

attainment be not unduly protracted!

But it is with the insides of this vast confusion of buildings I am

presently concerned. As the buildings are, so are the

inhabitants--little and big, tall and short, honestly constructed and

jerry built, old fashioned and up to date, aping the fashions of a

dozen civilizations. In any one of these great structures will be

found the representatives of a dozen nations, born to a dozen tongues,

yet all conversing in a common English, covering their motley

nationalities with a common Americanism, united in their loyalty to

the Republic. In the diversity of its constituents lies the strength

of the American nation.

No European section of the American community sufficiently

preponderates over its fellows to affect the national sympathy toward

foreign Powers. Irish counteracts English opinion; German sonship is

balanced by the filial sentiment of the Latin races--the Slavs and

the Russian Jews have no European predilections. Consequently,

American foreign policy is dictated by Americans for the benefit of

Americans, without reference to the warring interests in Europe or in

Asia. The men who lead in the United States are men who, for the most

part, have not voyaged beyond the confines of the United States. All

of their attention upon affairs of State is cast inward upon their own

land, is absolutely self-centred. The resultant national policy is the

most selfish, but the most formidable in the world of nations.

American and Briton are alike co-heirs to the common Anglo-Saxon

heritage, but they are brothers who differ as materially in

temperament as in ambition and in creed. The Briton is daily becoming

more cosmopolitan, his outlook more world-wide. The shadow of the

village pump has departed from his statecraft, and his political

horizon girdles the earth. But the American remains intensely

introspective, suspicious of foreign influence, interested solely in

his world of the Western Hemisphere.

In Britain are Little Englanders who dread every step the nation makes

in outward expansion, but there are here no Little Americanders. The

Little Englanders doubt the nation's power to hold the nation's

possessions. Here, in the United States, are men who question the

advisability of penetrating into world politics, but no man among them

has doubt of the nation's power to keep whatever territory the Star

Spangled Banner once has floated over. They are merely jealous,

jealous of the absolute isolation of their commonwealth, quick to

resent any remotest possibility of interference with it.

In every American's ears rings the music of assured success, the

certainty of a rich inheritance laid up for him and his children's

children in the internal resources of his country. In many an

Englishman's ears sound only the doleful croakings of the prophets,

the sinister rumblings of approaching doom. Though his pessimism be in

great part born of his climate, it has had a very real effect upon his

statecraft. It has driven him outward to find hope and sunshine

abroad, in his colonies, and in India. It has made of the race a

nation of expansionists, reaping where they have not sown, gathering

where they have not strawed.

It is otherwise here with us under a sky that would make of Job an

optimist. All around are light and color, the evidences of life and

hope. Here the whites are white, and not a dirty drab. The streets

glisten clean in the sunlight, and every window is a reflector of glad

promise. In London, choked with fog, and grimy with soot-dust, the

Englishman cannot see the future for smoke, cannot extract a gleam of

hope from the sodden, mud-soaked thoroughfares. To be sanguine here on

my housetop is to be natural and in harmony with my surroundings. To

be hilarious in the Strand is to be unnatural, to court detention in a

police cell or a lunatic asylum. There is a wide gulf separating Sandy

Hook from Land's End, but a still wider between Pennsylvania Avenue

and the Westminster Bridge Road.

And so those who have dreamed of Anglo-American alliances awake to

find themselves deceived by the very intensity of their desires. The

bloodship between the nations is itself the surest deterrent of

alliance. Just as in the Church marriage between nigh kinsmen is

forbidden, so political marriage between the British and American

nations can never be. The United States is possessed of a single

idea--the consolidation and enrichment of the United States. No

interest is permitted to clash with that paramount national ambition.

To that end all share in the pomp and vanities of the world is

sacrificed; her ambassadors tolerated, not supported; her Secretary of

State snubbed; her President jealously watched in all his exchanges of

courtesy with foreign Powers. United States citizens may be maltreated

and murdered in Bulgaria or in China, the United States will not go to

war on their behalf. Her mission is confined to the Western

Hemisphere, and over its borders no insult, no cajolery will avail to

tempt her. Within her own sphere her temper is quick, and her arm

strong to avenge. Across the ocean she is long suffering and slow to

anger.

Down here at my feet the American is engaged in his nation-building

somewhat less satisfactorily than out in the wide world beyond. A

nation compounded of a dozen alien races may unite on matters of

foreign policy, but in that is no warranty of harmony at home.

Domestic strife is as bitter here as in Germany or Britain or France.

I watch from my housetop men marching in processions of protest; I

read of strikes; I hear of an infinity of rude wranglings, of senators

battling on the floor of the forum, of disputes in the sacred halls of

Tammany. Not yet has the Irish lamb lain down with the Virginian lion.

It were strange were it otherwise in a land where the city man has

destroyed the home. The American has shown no great genius for the

domestic virtues. He has hauled down the homes of his ancestors, has

builded in their stead vast apartment-houses and tenement

buildings--steam-heated Towers of Babel. Into each of these he has

packed the population of a European market-town, has left the children

to grow up on the roofs and staircases, the babies to find a blessed

release through rickety fire-escapes. When a fit of reform has touched

him, he has stirred up the garbage of the Tenderloin and the Red Light

District, has spread it broadcast over his cities to poison his wife

and his daughter.

No, the American has still much to learn of domestic politics. Let him

sit with me here any night on my housetop and he will see the sad

effects of sectarian reform and newspaper hysteria. He will see the

creatures of the Tenderloin at home on Broadway and Fifth Avenue

where, twelve months ago, their presence was unknown. He will see the

policeman on the beat neglect the broken lock of my house door that

haply he may learn something of the doings of his fellow constable. He

will see a whole civil service turned into a bureau of information, a

department of espionage. He will see the entire machinery of city

government made ineffectual in the sacred name of Reform.

It was an American who made immortal the simple phrase: "There's no

place like home." Verily, one must take a long day's journey from New

York ere he discover a place in any essential comparable with the home

of our childhood's prattle, the home with its mother and its mother

love, its rosy boys and its sweet faced lasses. That home has been

handed over to the house-breakers, to make way for modern buildings,

for improvements on the surroundings that made our mothers and our

wives.

Sitting here on the housetop, one wonders if those residential

skyscrapers are indeed rooted in the foul pit of Acheron. If built in

the proportions of the iceberg, they must reach well into the bowels

of Tophet and thence derive the evil that is in them.

The Onlooker, Volume 1, Part 2 · 第 20 / 26 题