She detested her stepmother, whose faults her strong common-sense led

her easily to scan, without her own vulgar and commonplace mind being

capable of comprehending the Duchess's great qualities. It was

impossible less to resemble each other. The one adored grandeur even to

the romantic and the chimerical, the other was entirely positive and

matter-of-fact, and absorbed with her own interest, especially in those

relating to her property. Alienated from the Fronde through the jealous

hatred she bore towards her stepmother, who in turn liked her almost as

little, and probably also did not take pains enough to manage her,

Mademoiselle turned towards the Queen, and strove to gain over her

father to the same party. Therein she succeeded by degrees. The Duke de

Longueville could not overtly separate himself from Conde, and at first

promised him all he required; then he shut himself up in Normandy, and

there followed a dubious line of conduct which neither compromised him

with the Court party nor that of Conde. But he recalled his wife

peremptorily, and sent her a mandate to rejoin him. That mandate was

pressing and threatening, and it terrified Madame de Longueville. She

knew that her husband had been informed of everything, and that he was

wholly given up to the influence of his daughter. She feared

ill-treatment; she felt certain at least that once in Normandy she would

no more quit it, and that her time would be passed between an aged,

irritated husband, and an overruling step-daughter, who would apply

themselves in concert to retain her in the solitude of a province, and

perhaps to make her expiate in confinement her bygone triumphs. The idea

of the sorrowful life which awaited her in Normandy produced very nearly

the same effect upon her as the thought of a second imprisonment upon

the mind of Conde. She sought for a means of avoiding that which was to

her the worst of all evils; there was an assured though dangerous

one--war, which would prevent her from repairing to Normandy, under the

pretext more or less specious that she could not abandon her brother.

Such was the design she formed within herself and very soon resolved

upon adopting, and the fresh negotiations which La Rochefoucauld

proposed thwarted her doubly. Should those negotiations prove successful

they would deprive her of the only pretext she had for not rejoining

her husband in Normandy, and she thought it strange that it was La

Rochefoucauld who would expose her to that peril. From that moment

doubtless angry explanations took place between them. She perceived that

La Rochefoucauld was wearied of his sacrifices, that he wished to

reconcile himself with the Court, repair his fortunes, and taste the

sweets of peace; whilst in the eyes of the superb princess the paramount

consideration with him, for whom she had done so much, ought to have

been never to forsake her, should they both together rush to certain

ruin. But La Rochefoucauld was no longer wound up to a tone so lofty,

worthy of the Great Cyrus and of their chivalrous love of 1648, and the

haughty Madame[8] was deeply wounded at the discovery. Nevertheless, she

was not insensible to what there was of reasonable in La Rochefoucauld's

advice, and not to incur the entire responsibility of the part which her

brother might take, she consented to follow her sister-in-law, the

Princess de Conde, and her nephew, the Duke d'Enghien, into Berri, one

of Conde's governments:--a journey which moreover had the advantage of

separating her from her husband. She set out, therefore, on the 18th of

July for Bourges, taking with her the elder of her two sons, the

younger, Charles de Paris, born in 1649, not being able to bear the

fatigue of the journey. M. de Longueville recalled her from Berri as he

had from the capital, and he insisted on the return of his son in terms

so forcible that she was compelled to comply, so far as the boy was

concerned. Thenceforward, being alone and exposing only herself, without

breaking with M. de Longueville, and by using all her wit to colour her

disobedience, she eluded his orders, remained in Berri, forming in the

depth of her heart the most ardent desire for war, but calm in

appearance; sometimes accompanying the Princess de Conde to Montrond, at

others making somewhat lengthened visits to the Carmelite convent at

Bourges. And thus she awaited the issue of the negotiations, counselled

and carried on by La Rochefoucauld, which should decide her destiny.

[8] The name she figures under in the _Grand Cyrus_.

La Rochefoucauld must indeed have very earnestly longed to bring to a

close the life of fatigue and danger which he had for three years led,

to have been able to cherish any illusion as to the success of the steps

he was about again to take. Where was the hope of regaining the Fronde

which had just been outrageously deceived, after it had given itself to

the Prince de Conde in his misfortune, and had extricated him from it?

If La Rochefoucauld thought that the alliance of the Fronde was

necessary, he ought to have set about it sooner and at the proper time,

persuaded Conde and his sister to keep their word, and sealed the

alliance agreed upon between the Prince de Conti and Mademoiselle de

Chevreuse. He had not done so; and now that he had allowed a treacherous

war to spring up between Conde and the Fronde, by what charm did he

think he could suspend it? With the Queen also all negotiation was

exhausted and superfluous. An understanding should have been come to

with her when she was so disposed, when Conde was all-powerful, when he

could either have more readily abased or exalted the Crown: _Tum decuit

cum sceptra dabas_. But at the end of August, Conde, embroiled with the

Court and with the Fronde, had nothing left save his sword. That was

sufficient, doubtless, to make everybody tremble, but was it enough to

inspire confidence in anyone? La Rochefoucauld obtained, therefore, on

all sides to his advances only very vague responses. The time for

negotiation was passed irrevocably, and whilst La Rochefoucauld

exhausted himself in useless efforts, the Queen and the Fronde concluded

a treaty together, with the common design of overwhelming Conde.

This treaty was the work of Mazarin, the masterpiece of his political

skill. It authorised the Frondeurs to speak against the Cardinal in

parliament for some time forward in order to cover their secret

understanding. The hat was assured to the Coadjutor, high posts and

great advantages to the principal friends of Madame de Chevreuse, the

first rank in the cabinet given to Chateauneuf, and a solid peace

established between Mazarin and the powerful Duchess, under the

condition that his nephew Mancini, provided for with the duchy of Nevers

or that of Rethelois, should marry Mademoiselle de Chevreuse. The draft

of this projected treaty fell into the hands of Conde through the bearer

of the paquet in which it was enclosed being in the service of the

Marquis de Noirmoutier, and the Prince caused it to be printed in order

to ventilate and bring to light the alliance between the Frondeurs, the

Queen, and Mazarin. Madame de Motteville, so well informed of everything

relating to the Queen and the Cardinal, considers that treaty as

perfectly authentic, and she gives the different articles of it, "as the

best means for understanding the changes which were made by the Queen

immediately after the King's majority."

That majority had been declared on the 7th of September in a _Bed of

Justice_, with all the customary pomp. As the first Prince of the blood

did not think it possible to be present at it in safety, during that

evening the Queen in her indignation had whispered these significant

words to De Retz: "Either M. le Prince or I must perish."[9]

[9] Retz, tom. ii. p. 291.

CHAPTER V.

CONDE, URGED BY HIS SISTER, GOES UNWILLINGLY INTO REBELLION.

ANNE OF AUSTRIA now seriously prepared to make head against Conde, and

with that intent she rallied round her all the forces of the Fronde

united with those of the royal army. In fine, with the firm design of

inspiring the Fronde with perfect confidence, at the same time that the

nomination of France to the Cardinalate had devolved upon the Coadjutor,

the Queen again brought into the cabinet, as a sort of Prime Minister,

the statesman of the party, the friend and instrument of Madame de

Chevreuse, the aged but ambitious Chateauneuf, with the two-fold

engagement to serve Mazarin in secret and to contribute to the utmost of

his power to destroy Conde. In such arrangements, let it be thoroughly

understood, no one was acting with good faith: De Retz and Chateauneuf

in nowise proposed to re-establish Mazarin; Chateauneuf did not dream of

making another man's bed, but, once having attained power, he intended

to keep it for himself, and Mazarin was firmly resolved to dismiss

Chateauneuf as soon as he could. But if these crafty politicians were

ready to betray one another in everything else, there was one point on

which they were sincerely united--the destruction of Conde. At that they

laboured in concert, or rather vied with each other. Queen Anne

manifested therein a fervour, a constancy, a marvellous skill, and

succeeded in carrying off from Conde the chief supports of his great

strength. He saw that war was inevitable, and yet, says Sismondi, he

only yielded to it with repugnance. "You will have it so," said Conde at

last; "but understand that if I do draw the sword, I shall be the last

to return it to the scabbard." It was the women especially who hurried

their admirers into the _melee_.

Considering the nomination of the New Cabinet, with Chateauneuf at its

head, as a veritable declaration of war, Conde went to Chantilly, and,

it is said, had a very narrow escape from falling into an ambuscade

which the Court had prepared for him at Pontoise.

He remained for some few days at Chantilly, pensive and agitated in

presence of the great resolution he was on the eve of taking. The

mediation of the Duke d'Orleans, the only one he could accept, offered

no security, the Duke instead of governing the Coadjutor and Madame de

Chevreuse, was then governed by them. His individual inclination was to

come to an understanding with the Queen and even with Mazarin, as he had

very clearly shown. He had continually returned to it; but after so many

lying words and odious plots, the execution of which alone was wanting,

he thought he would be in a better position to treat solidly with the

Court at the head of a powerful and victorious army, than in the midst

of wretched intrigues, unworthy of his character, in which he

momentarily staked his honour and his life. He never permitted the idea

of raising himself above royalty to enter into his mind; he merely

thought that to obtain better conditions from it it was necessary to

render himself imposing to it, and to make himself feared. That is what

was then passing in his mind. Civil war inspired him with horror, and we

may learn from La Rochefoucauld,[1] who was then in his most intimate

confidence, that he long weighed "the consequences of so grave a

determination." Let us be chary, therefore, of accusing Conde of levity;

let us recognise that insensibly his position had become such that he

could neither remain in it nor quit it, in one way or another, save with

equal danger.

[1] La Rochefoucauld, p. 76.

Among the different motives which rendered Conde averse to civil war,

the passion that he had just begun to feel for the Duchess de Chatillon

must not be forgotten. We shall return a little further on to this

episode in Conde's life. It is sufficient to remark here that it was

grievous to him to quit the lovely Duchess, who then was residing very

close to Chantilly, in the charming chateau of Merlon or Mello, near

Pontoise, the enjoyment of which had been granted to her for life by the

old Princess de Conde, Charlotte Marguerite de Montmorency, who expired

in her arms at Chatillon-sur-Loing, in December, 1650--a gracious grant,

which the Prince, her son, had hastened to ratify with a somewhat

interested generosity. Madame de Chatillon had her reasons of more than

one kind for being opposed to the war, and in the intimate counsels of

the Prince she urged him to an understanding with the Court. In that she

made common cause with La Rochefoucauld, and was in open quarrel with

Madame de Longueville. Sensible of Conde's passion without sharing it,

she managed that lofty lover with infinite tact, at the same time that

she was deeply enamoured of the young, handsome, and brave Duke Charles

Amadeus of Savoy, Nemours,[2] who from his youth and adventurous

instincts would have longed for war, and whom she alone, seconded by La

Rochefoucauld, retained in the party of peace.

[2] Charles Amadeus had succeeded to the title and rank of his elder

brother, the Duke de Nemours, one of Conde's intimate friends in

youth, who had been killed early in action, even before Rocroy.

Conde had transferred to Charles Amadeus the affection which he bore

his brother. The young duke had married the beautiful Madlle. de

Vendome, daughter of Duke Caesar, and sister of the Dukes de

Mercoeur and Beaufort, and by her he had two daughters who became,

one the Queen of Portugal, the other the Duchess of Savoy. At the

death of the Duke de Nemours, in 1652, his title passed to his

younger brother Henri de Nemours, Archbishop of Rheims, who then

quitted the church, and espoused Madlle. de Longueville, the

authoress of the Memoirs.

Everything, however, tended to precipitate Conde towards the fatal

resolution. Prudence did not permit him to remain any longer at

Chantilly,[3] and it behoved him to place himself beyond the risk of a

_coup-de-main_ by withdrawing to his government of Berri, whither he had

already sent his son, his wife, and his sister. It was, it is true, the

road to Guienne, but he might stop there. All the population was devoted

to him, and the tower of Bourges and the strong fortalice of Montrond

offered him a safe asylum.

[3] La Rochefoucauld, p. 96.

Conde, even after reaching Berri, still hesitated, not wishing to take

any step before again conferring with his sister, who was then at

Montrond with the Princess. There he held a final council, a supreme

deliberation, at which Madame de Longueville, Conti, and La

Rochefoucauld were present. More than one grave motive urged him to war:

the well-founded dread of assassination or of a fresh incarceration, the

ardent hatred of his enemies, of the Queen and the Fronde, the power of

Chateauneuf which certainly had not been given him in vain, the

inutility of negotiations with people who seemed decidedly to have taken

their choice, the necessity of avoiding the fate of Henri de Guise, the

consciousness of his strength so soon as his foot should tread the

field of battle, the promises seemingly so sure of the Bouillons and

many others. At the same time, his good sense, his loyalty, the scarcely

stifled instincts of duty, and his innate aversion for anything which

resembled anarchy, restrained him; and in that prolonged and dubious

struggle between conflicting feelings, there were others which hurried

him onward. Madame de Longueville, the Prince de Conti, La Rochefoucauld

also urged him to declare himself against the Court, and Madame de

Longueville with more vivacity than anyone else.[4] Conde still

resisted, explaining to them all the strength of royalty, the ascendancy

of the King's name, the weakness and treachery of factions, the bad

faith of Spain. Then concluding by yielding, he addressed them in these

memorable words: "You commit me to a strange line of action, of which

you will tire sooner than I, and in which you will abandon me." He spoke

truly as regarded Conti, and perhaps also La Rochefoucauld; but it

remains to be seen whether Madame de Longueville, after having helped to

drive her heroic brother into civil war, did not follow him with an

inviolable constancy, whether she did not share, even to extremity, the

dangers and adversities of the Prince, and whether, during his long

exile, she reappeared for a single moment at Court or in those _salons_

of the Louvre and the Palais Royal, which had witnessed her early

successes, and in which her wit and beauty still promised her fresh

triumphs.

[4] Mad. de Motteville.

CHAPTER VI.

MADAME DE LONGUEVILLE COQUETS WITH THE DUKE DE NEMOURS.

HIS determination to unsheath the sword once taken, Conde put his plans

into execution without throwing one glance behind him. Having collected

together in Berri his family and chief supporters, he distributed

amongst them the several parts they had to play in their common

enterprise. After this, accompanied by La Rochefoucauld, he went to take

possession of his new government of Guienne, and there raise the

standard of insurrection, leaving in Berri his wife and son, his sister,

the Prince de Conti, the Duke de Nemours, with the President Viole and

others whom he nominated to important functions. He had placed his

brother at the head of affairs there, and given the military command to

the Duke de Nemours. But the result of these arrangements was

disappointing to him. The Duke de Nemours undoubtedly possessed the most

brilliant courage, but he had neither the talents nor the steadiness of

a general. Still absorbed with his passion for Madame de Chatillon, who,

as has been said, had long retained him in the party of peace, he found

in Berri a counter-attraction in Madame de Longueville who drew him

towards that of war; and it would seem that he occupied himself more

with paying court to the lovely lady than of raising and arming soldiers

and making Berri a focus of resistance, both political and military;

for very speedily the Prince de Conti and he were reduced to defend

themselves in Bourges instead of being able to operate in the open and

make any advance. The new Minister Chateauneuf showed himself worthy of

the confidence of Madame de Chevreuse and the Fronde. He made the Queen

understand that it was necessary to combat the revolt foot to foot from

its very first step, and he persuaded her to march herself with the

young King into Berri at the head of a strong army. He nobly inaugurated

the new ministry by that measure, which had two objects: the one direct

and immediate, to strangle the insurrection at its birth; the other

still more important, to set royalty at liberty far from Duke Gaston and

the Parliament. The city of Bourges, which had shown so much enthusiasm

on Conde's arrival, opened its gates to the King and Chateauneuf. The

strong tower which defended the city, offering no resistance, was taken

without a blow being struck, and instantly demolished. The Princess de

Conde, her son, Madame de Longueville, Conti, and Nemours were forced to

take refuge hastily in the citadel of Montrond. On learning that Palluan

was advancing on that fortress, Conti and Nemours not wishing that the

precious pledges confided to their charge should incur any risk, left

the Marquis de Persan in Montrond, and with what remained to them of

their faithful troops escorted the Princess, her son, and Madame de

Longueville as far as Guienne, which they reached by the end of the

month of October.

It was during that rapid journey and their very brief sojourn in Berri

that certain obscure relations, it would appear, were formed between the

Duke de Nemours and Madame de Longueville, the report of which reaching

Bordeaux, exaggerated probably by interested and malevolent underlings,

wounded La Rochefoucauld and drove him to a violent rupture. A loyal and

confiding explanation might have sufficed to disperse a cloud, such as

at times will obscure the most settled friendships. La Rochefoucauld

brewed a storm out of it which, thanks to his Memoirs, has sent its

echoes down to posterity. His separation from Madame de Longueville was

marked by an eagerness which excites the suspicion that he had longed

for it.[1] He ought at least to have stopped there, but hurried away by

an implacable resentment, he accused her, or caused her to be accused by

Conde, of having wished to betray his interests to serve those of the

Duke de Nemours, giving her even to understand that "if a like

prepossession took her for another, she was capable of going to the same

extremities if that person desired it."[2] The accusation is yet more

absurd than odious. The Duke de Nemours was not the least in the world a

party chief; he was a friend of Conde, whose fidelity could only be

shaken through his love for Madame de Chatillon. To detach him from

Madame de Chatillon was therefore to give him wholly to Conde. Moreover,

Madame de Chatillon, like La Rochefoucauld, was for peace, she had won

over the Duke de Nemours to it, and both together urged Conde thereto.

To carry off the Duke de Nemours from such conspiracy and to seduce him

to the war party, was to serve the interests of Conde like as his sister

intended. Thus the principal and the dominant motive of Madame de

Longueville's conduct was just the opposite of that which La

Rochefoucauld imputed to her. Let us add further that she had always had

a rivalry of beauty with Madame de Chatillon, and that her vanity was

not sorry to humiliate a rival whom she did not tolerate by depriving

her for a few days of a lover of whose attachment the latter fancied

herself perfectly secure. Love and the senses had nothing to do with it

in this matter. The gratification of the senses, it has already been

remarked, did not ensnare her; she was proof against their surprises.

Previously the Duke de Nemours had addressed his ardent homage to her,

but all the attractions of his handsome person and his lofty bearing had

made no impression upon her, and she only bestowed a thought on the

amiable Duke when she had some interest to forward by reviving such

conquest. And this is not an opinion hazarded at a venture; it is

furnished us by a person thoroughly well informed, and who had no

affection for Madame de Longueville; the testimony therefore is the more

valuable: "M. de Nemours[3] previously had not much pleased her, and

notwithstanding the attachment he appeared to entertain for her, as well

as all the good qualities and grand airs of which he could boast, she

had found nothing charming about him save the pleasure he showed himself

desirous of giving her by abandoning Madame de Chatillon for herself,

and that which she had of depriving a woman whom she did not like of a

friend of so much consequence." Now how far had this _liaison_ of a few

days gone? Bussy is the only contemporary who offers any reply to this

question in the cynical light of his _Histoire amoreuse des Gaules_. But

who would accept that satire literally? It proves only one thing, the

unfortunate notoriety which the imprudence of Madame de Longueville

derived from the Memoirs of La Rochefoucauld published in 1662. Before

those Memoirs saw the light, not a word is anywhere to be found on a

point as obscure as it is delicate. After, Bussy was delighted to repeat

La Rochefoucauld, and Madame de Longueville has thus fallen into the

scandalous chronicle.

[1] "La Rochefoucauld, depuis assez longtemps ayant envie de la

quitter, prit cette occasion avec joie."--Mad. de Nemours, p. 150.

[2] La Rochefoucauld, edition 1662, p. 198.

[3] Mad. de Nemours, pp. 149, 150.

Let us abstain from defending her; although even we should be convinced

that she knew where to stop in that dangerous game of coquetry, she is

not the less culpable in our eyes both towards La Rochefoucauld and

herself, and we do not hesitate to say that she went so far as to

deserve the calumny. Doubtless she was justly hurt by the incertitude of

La Rochefoucauld, who, after having plunged her into civil war in 1648

with no other motive than that of his own interest, would have made her

abandon it in 1651 through the same motive still; which at one moment

impelled her towards the Fronde, at another brought her back to the

Court, at the will of his fickle hopes, and linked her with Madame de

Chatillon for the purpose of engaging Conde in negotiations the success

of which involved their separation and procured her a prison in

Normandy. Yes--she had grave cause of complaint against La

Rochefoucauld. She might have quitted him, it is true, but not for

another. She had only one means of covering, of almost condoning the

single error of her life, which was to maintain faithful to it, or to

renounce it for virtue and Heaven. And it is just that which Madame de

Longueville appears to have done, if that sad and rapid episode had

remained unknown; but there is no favourable shade for those personages

who appear in the glaring front of the stage of this world; their

slightest actions do not escape the formidable light of history: the

weakness of a moment is recorded as an irredeemable error against them.

That of Madame de Longueville, fugitive as it may have been, dubious

even as it was, sufficed to tarnish a fidelity until then victorious

over so many trials; it needed to be atoned for by the sincere

conversion which was speedily about to follow it, and by five-and-twenty

years of the severest penitence; and still further it forces us to place

Anne de Bourbon, in the record of great sentiments and exalted loves,

above Heloise and Mademoiselle de la Valliere.

At any rate the assurance is consoling that this error, which we have

attempted neither to conceal nor extenuate, is the single one

perceptible in the private life of Madame de Longueville. But let us

turn aside from these wretched instances of feminine fragility in one of

the loftiest minds, in order to follow Conde and the march of events in

Guienne.

We will first, however, by a brief retrospect, endeavour to render the

shifting phases of the two Fronde wars more capable of being easily

followed.

Dating from the arrest of Broussel, nothing could exceed the rapidity of

events; the wheel of fortune had turned with such terrific mobility for

those of her favourites who sought to attach themselves to it. The

revolt had, in fact, broken out on the 26th of August, 1648; in January,

1649, the Court withdrew to Saint Germain, at the risk of never

re-entering Paris; in April, the sword of Conde imposed the treaty of

Saint Germain, and the King returned in October. Mazarin shortly

afterwards believed himself strong enough to arrest, in January, 1650,

Conde, Conti, and Longueville. A year after that bold _coup d'etat_ he

was himself obliged to flee (February, 1651) from his enemies, and quit

France. At the end of eight months, Mazarin returned with an army to the

aid of royalty; but it required two years of negotiations, intrigues,

and patient waiting, it needed the errors which the indecision of the

Duke d'Orleans brought about, the rash violence of Conde, urged onwards

by his sister, it required, indeed, the entire ruin of France ere the

Cardinal could, after having led the young King by the hand to the very

gates of his capital, resume that place in the Louvre which he had

sagaciously abandoned.

It is difficult to narrate occurrences in their proper order during this

period: intrigues, broken promises, pledges given to two different

parties at the same time, such were the smallest misdeeds of all these

princes and prelates. As one step further in wrong-doing, they entered

into negotiations with the foreigner, and invited armies across the

frontier which devastated the provinces. And through what motives? Gondy

wished to avenge his former mistress, whom Conti had rejected, and whom

an agent of Conde, Maillard the shoemaker, had publicly insulted.

Conde's pretensions were nothing less than dragging at his heels a squad

of governors of towns and provinces who, at his summons, would be ever

ready to raise the standard of revolt and to impose the will of their

leader upon the head of the state, whether Minister, Queen, or King.

Orleans would not yield one jot to his young cousin of the blood-royal,

Conde; Madame de Longueville feared the severity of an outraged husband.

The civil war, in forcing her to flee from one end of France to the

other, or abroad, could alone delay her return to Normandy, her

re-establishment beneath the conjugal roof, towards which she had

conceived such an aversion.

Conde accused Gondy in the Parliament chamber of being author of a

_factum_ condemning severely the Prince's conduct. La Rochefoucauld,

getting Gondy between two doors, treacherously seized, and was about to

strangle him, had not the son of the first President, M. de

Champlatreux, come to the rescue, at the very moment that one of the

bullies in Conde's pay had drawn his dagger to despatch him.

Two days afterwards (17th of September) the King had attained his

thirteenth year, and one day beyond; and by the ordonnance of Charles V.

became of age and capable of governing for himself.

A change of ministry--Chateauneuf being recalled to head the Council and

Mole to the Seals--deprived Conde of all hope of imposing the conditions

of a reconciliation; therefore, as has been said, at a Council held at

Chantilly with his chief adherents, Conti, and the Dukes de Nemours and

La Rochefoucauld, he determined to set out for Berri. The impartial

student who examines the conduct of the Prince de Conde is at this

juncture compelled to draw an indictment against him, under pain of

belying his conscience and the truth; he must concede that Conde rashly

engaged in civil war, and exerted himself to drag France into it, solely

because he could not endure any authority above his own. He was desirous

of being first in the State, of disposing at will among his creatures of

honours, dignities, strongholds, and governments. On such conditions, he

would have consented to let Mazarin, Orleans, De Retz, or any other,

govern the realm, for the administration of which he felt himself that

he had neither the slightest inclination nor the smallest capacity

(October, 1651).

The Fronde is reputed, not without reason, to have been one of the most

interesting as well as _diverting_ periods in French history; that in

which the volatile and frivolous vivacity of the national character

shone with irresistible comicality. How striking was the contrast

between it in its main features and the great Civil War waged at the

same time in our own country! Yet the Fronde had its serious--terrible

aspect, too, in the wide-spread misery it entailed upon France, as may

be seen from the valuable statistical researches of M. Feillet. That

writer cites the following passage from the record of an eye-witness of

what he describes:[4]--"No tongue can tell, no pen describe, no ear may

hear that which we have seen (at Rheims, Chalons, Rethel, &c). Famine

and death on all sides, and bodies unburied. Those remaining alive pick

up from the fields the rotten oat-straw, and make bread of it by mixing

it with mud. Their faces are quite black; they have no longer the

semblance of human beings, but that of phantoms.... War has placed every

one on an equality; nobility lies upon straw, dares not beg, and

dies.... Even lizards are eaten, and dogs which have been dead perhaps

some eight days.... Moreover, in Picardy, a band of five hundred

children, orphans, and under seven years of age, was met with. In

Lorraine, the famished nuns quitted their convents and became

mendicants: the poor creatures gave themselves up to be dishonoured for

the sake of a morsel of bread. No pity, no remorse. An execrable and

sanguinary war upon the weak. In the heart of the city of Rheims, a

beautiful girl was chased from street to street for ten days by the

licentious soldiery; and as they could not catch her, they killed her by

shooting her down. In the vicinity of Angers, Alais, and Condom, upon

all the highways of Lorraine, women and children were indiscriminately

outraged, and left to die drenched in their blood."

[4] La Misere dans la Fronde.

What could be more _diverting_? The Duke de Lorraine--that restless

knight-errant who preferred amusing himself with civil war to the quiet

enjoyment of his throne--amused the noble ladies of his acquaintance

with a recital of these pleasant incidents; his gallant army, he said,

was quite a providence for the old women....

After further pursuing his appalling statistics of the misery and

horrors inflicted by the Fronde at a later date, M. Feillet

remarks:--"And yet, notwithstanding all this suffering, which we have

only cursorily sketched, at Court nothing else was thought of but fetes

and diversions; for the young and brilliant bevy of Mazarin's nieces had

come to increase the circle of beauties whom the youthful King and his

gay courtiers vied with each other in paying homage to, and

entertaining. The warm attachment of Louis for more than one of his

Minister's nieces, and especially Marie de Mancini, is well known. In

imitation of their Sovereign, the youthful nobility and a large portion

of the city gallants plunged into unrestrained dissipation--intervals of

licentiousness ever succeeding like periods of turbulence and anarchy.

Such heartless indifference to the sufferings of the people on the part

of the King and his Court evoked the following couplet, which was put

into the mouth of Louis by a contemporary pamphleteer:--

"Si la France est en deuil, qu'elle pleure et soupire;

Pour moi, je veux chasser, galantiser et rire."

But we are somewhat anticipating events, and therefore return to them in

the order of time.

BOOK V.

CHAPTER I.

CONDE'S ADVENTUROUS EXPEDITION.

CONDE passed several months in Guienne, occupied with strengthening and

extending the insurrection at the head of which he had placed himself,

and in repulsing as far as possible in the south the royal army,

commanded by the skilful and experienced Count d'Harcourt. Amidst very

varied successes, he learned from different quarters the bad turn which

the Fronde's affairs was taking in the heart of the kingdom, the

intrigues of De Retz who held the key of Paris, and the deplorable state

of the army on the banks of the Loire.

On receiving these tidings at Bordeaux in the month of March, 1652,

Conde saw clearly the double danger which menaced him, and immediately

faced it in his wonted manner. Instead of awaiting events which were on

the eve of taking place at a distance, he determined on anticipating

them, and formed an extraordinary resolution, of a character very much

resembling his great military manoeuvres, which at first sight appears

extravagant, but which the gravest reason justifies, and the temerity of

which even is only another form of high prudence. He formed the design

of slipping out of Bordeaux, traversing the lines of Count d'Harcourt,

to get over in the best way he might the hundred and fifty leagues which

separated him from the Loire and Paris, to appear there suddenly, and

to place himself at the head of his affairs.

He left behind him in Guienne a force sufficiently imposing to allow of

it there awaiting in security the successful results he was about to

seek. In possessing himself of Agen, Bergerac, Perigueux, Cognac, and

even for a moment of Saintes, and by pushing his conquests into Haute

Guienne, on the side of Mont-de-Marsan, Dax, and Pau, he had made

Bordeaux the capital of a small but rich and populous kingdom,

surrounded on all sides by a belt of strongholds, communicating with the

sea by the Gironde, and admirably placed for attack or defence. This

kingdom, backed as it was by Spain, was capable of receiving continuous

succour from Santander and St. Sebastian, and a Spanish fleet could

approach by the Tour de Corduan, bringing subsidies and troops, whilst

Count de Dognon's fleet, sailing from the islands of Re and Oleron to

join it, might easily surround and even beat the royal fleet, then

forming at Brouage under the Duke de Vendome. In 1650, during the

imprisonment of the princes, Bordeaux had defended itself for more than

six months against a considerable army with the young king at its head,

and which was directed by Mazarin in person. Conde, and all his family

were adored there, by reason of the hatred felt for his predecessor, the

imperious Duke d'Epernon. The Bordeaux parliament was also equally

involved in the Fronde as was that of Paris, with which it had allied

itself by a solemn declaration. Under the parliament was a brave and

ardent people, which furnished a numerous militia.

Conde had named the Prince de Conti his lieutenant-general--a prince of

the blood giving lustre to authority, dominating all rivalries, an

appointment calculated to render obedience more easy. He was aware of

Conti's levity, but he knew also that he was wanting neither in

intelligence nor courage. He believed in the ascendency which Madame de

Longueville had always exercised over her brother, and he hoped she

would guide him still. He had confidence in that high-souled sister whom

formerly he had so warmly loved; and although intrigues and a sinister

influence, to which we shall shortly further allude, had diminished the

high admiration he had had for her, and to which he later returned, he

reckoned upon her intelligence, upon her pride, upon that lofty courage

of which she had given so many proofs at Stenay. At his sister's side he

left his wife Claire Clemence de Maille-Breze, who had behaved so

admirably in the first Guienne war. He left her _enceinte_ with their

second child, and with her he gave to Bordeaux and placed as it were in

pledge in its hands, to hold the place of himself, the Duke d'Enghien,

the hope and stay of his house, the peculiar object of his tenderness.

So that there, he left behind him a government, he thought, which would

look well alike in the eyes of France and of Europe.

In reality, to what did Conde aspire? To constitute himself the head of

the nobility against the Court? The nobles thought it harsh to be so

treated. To commence another Fronde? To do that, it was necessary to

have the parliaments under his thumb; and he had already been compelled

to threaten the deputies of that of Aix with the bastinado. Did he look

forward to an independent principality, as he later on desired to obtain

from the Spaniards? Or rather did he think of snatching from the Duke

d'Orleans the lieutenant-generalship? It is difficult to divine what may

have passed through his capricious brain. He was constant in nothing. It

was seen later still that he would very willingly have changed his

religion, offering himself on the one side to Cromwell, and to become a

protestant in order to have an English army; on the other to the Pope,

if he would help to get him elected King of Poland.

The income of the Condes in 1609 amounted to ten thousand livres, and in

1649, besides the Montmorency estates, they held an enormous portion of

France. First, by the Great Conde, they had Burgundy, Berri, the marshes

of Lorraine, a dominant fortress in the Bourbonnais that held in check

four provinces. Secondly, by Conti, Champagne. Thirdly, by Longueville,

their sister's husband, Normandy. Fourthly, the Admiralty, and Saumur,

the chief fortress of Anjou, were in the hands of the brother of Conde's

wife; they fell in through his death, and were sold again by them as

though they were a family birthright. Later still, they negotiated for

the possession of Guienne and Provence.

Amidst the cares of administration and of war, Conde carried on an

assiduous correspondence with Chavigny, then fallen into disgrace, who

kept him well informed of the state of affairs at Court and in Paris.

They had assumed quite a new face during the last few months. Mazarin in

his exile had not learned without inquietude the ever-increasing success

of Chateauneuf. He saw him active and determined, accepted as a chief by

all colleagues, skilfully seconded by the keeper of the seals, Mole, and

by Marshal de Villeroi, the king's governor, an ambiguous personage,

very ambitious at bottom, and jealous of the Cardinal's favour with the

Queen. Chateauneuf, it is true, had only entered the Cabinet under the

agreement of shortly recalling Mazarin; but he incessantly asked for

fresh delay; he tried to make the Queen comprehend the danger of a

precipitate return,--the Fronde ready to arouse itself anew, the Duke

d'Orleans and the Coadjutor resuming their ancient opposition, and

royalty finding itself once more without any solid support. Anne of

Austria gradually acquiescing in these wise counsels, Mazarin, who at

first had with difficulty restrained the impatient disposition of the

Queen, finding her grown less eager, became alarmed: he saw that he was

lost should he allow such a rival to establish himself.[1] Therefore,

passing suddenly from an apparent resignation to an extraordinary

audacity, he had, towards the end of November 1651, broken his ban,

quitted his retreat at Dinan, and had resolutely entered France with a

small force collected together by his two faithful friends, the Marquis

de Navailles and the Count de Broglie, and led by Marshal Hocquincourt.

He had by main strength surmounted every obstacle, braved the decrees

and the deputies of the parliament, reached Poitiers where the Queen and

young Louis the Fourteenth had eagerly welcomed him; and there, in

January 1652, after speedily ridding himself of Chateauneuf, too proud

and too able to be resigned to hold the second rank, he had again taken

in hand the reins of government.

[1] Mad. de Motteville, tom. v. p. 96.

This bold conduct, which probably saved Mazarin, came also to the

succour of Conde. The second and irreparable disgrace of the minister of

the old Fronde had exasperated him as well as had the umbrage given him

by the Duke d'Orleans. He thought himself tricked by the Queen, and had

loudly complained of it. Conde's friends had not failed to seize that

occasion to reconcile him with the Duke, and to negotiate a fresh

alliance between them; and as previously the Fronde and the Queen had

been united against Conde, so also at the end of January 1652, that

Prince and the Fronde in almost its entirety were united against

Mazarin.

Madame de Chevreuse alone, with her most intimate friends, remained

faithful to her hatred and the Queen, dreading far less Mazarin than

Conde, and choosing between them both for once and for all with her

well-known firmness and resolution. De Retz trimmed, followed the Duke

d'Orleans, using tact with the Queen, so that he might not lose the hat,

and without engaging himself personally with Conde.

If Burnet is to be believed, it was at this conjunction that Conde made

an offer to Cromwell to turn Huguenot, and embrace the faith of his

ancestors, in order to secure the aid of the English Puritans.

However that might be, it was not illusory to think that with such a

government and the continual assistance of Spain, Bordeaux might hold

out for at least a year, and give Conde time to strike some decisive

blows. The resolution that he took was therefore as rational as it was

great. It would have been a sovereign imprudence to remain in Guienne

merely to engage Harcourt in a series of trifling skirmishes, and after

much time and trouble take a few little paltry towns, when in the heart

of the kingdom a treason or a defeat might irreparably involve the loss

of everything, and condemn Bordeaux to share the common fate, after a

more or less prolonged existence. Taking one thing with another, Guienne

was doubtless a considerable accessory; but the grand struggle was not

to be made there; it was at Paris and upon the banks of the Loire that

the destiny of the Fronde and that of Conde too must be decided; it was

thither, therefore, that he must hasten. Every day brought him tidings

that jealousies, divisions, quarrels were increasing in the army, and he

trembled to receive, some morning, news that Turenne and Hocquincourt

had beaten Nemours and Beaufort, and were marching on Paris. Desirous of

preventing at any price a disaster so irreparable, he resolved to rush

to the point where the danger was supreme, where his unexpected presence

would strike terror into the souls of his enemies, revive the courage of

his partisans and turn fortune to his side. When Caesar, on arriving in

Greece, learned that the fleet which was following him with his army on

board, had been dispersed and destroyed by that of Pompey, he flung

himself alone into a fisherman's bark under cover of night to cross the

sea into Asia to seek for the legions of Antony, and return with them to

gain the battle of Pharsalia. When Napoleon learned in Egypt the state

of France, from the shameful doings of the Directory, the agitation of

parties, and that already more than one general was meditating another

18th of Brumaire, he did not hesitate, and however rash it might appear

to attempt to pass through the English fleet in a small craft, at the

risk of being taken, or sent to the bottom, he dared every peril, and by

dint of address and audacity succeeded in gaining the shores of France.

Conde did the same, and at the end of March 1652, he undertook to make

his way from the banks of the Gironde to the banks of the Loire, without

other escort than that of a small number of intrepid friends, and

sustained solely by the vivid consciousness of the necessity of that

bold step, his familiarity with and secret liking for danger, his

incomparable presence of mind and his customary gaiety.

On Palm Sunday, 1652, Conde set forth upon his adventurous expedition.

He was accompanied by six persons, La Rochefoucauld and his youthful

son, the Prince de Marcillac, the Count de Guitaut, the Count de

Chavagnac, a valet named Rochefort, and the indefatigable Gourville,

under whose directions all the arrangements of the journey seem to have

been contrived. The whole party were disguised as common troopers, and

each took a false name, even amongst themselves. For some time they

followed the Bordeaux road, and using many precautions proceeded until

they reached Cahusac, where they encountered some troops belonging to La

Rochefoucauld; but being anxious almost as much to avoid their own

partizans as the enemy, Conde and his companions hid themselves in a

barn, while Gourville went out to forage. He succeeded in procuring some

scanty fare; and they rode on till some hours had passed after

nightfall, when they reached a little wayside inn, where Conde

volunteered to cook an omelet for the whole party. The hand, however,

which could wield a truncheon with such effect, proved somewhat too

violent for the frying-pan, and in the attempt to turn the omelet, he

threw the whole hissing mass into the fire.

The little band having reached a certain spot, quitted the main road,

and began to traverse the enemy's lines. For eight days they encountered

many perilous incidents and underwent incredible fatigue, riding

throughout the same horses, never stopping more than two hours to eat or

sleep, avoiding towns and crossing rivers as they best could; threading

at first the gorges of the Auvergne mountains, then descending by the

Bec d'Allier, and making their way to the Loire. The memoirs of La

Rochefoucauld and Gourville must be consulted for the details of that

extraordinary journey, and all the dangers it presented. No less than

ten times did they escape being taken and slain. Their wearied horses at

last could carry them no longer. La Rochefoucauld was tormented by the

gout, and his son was so worn out with fatigue that he fell asleep as

he went. Conde, whose iron frame resisted to the last, was alone

indefatigable, sleeping and working at will, and always cheerful and

good humoured.

Upon approaching Gien, at which place the Court then was, Conde had

twice very nearly fallen into the hands of parties sent out to take him

alive or dead. Having escaped almost by a miracle, on the last occasion,

soon after reaching Chatillon, he gained information that the army of

Beaufort and Nemours lay at about eight leagues from that place, and

hastened with all speed to join it. At length, to his great joy, he saw

the advanced guard before him, and several of the troopers came

galloping up with a loud "_Qui vive!_" Some of them, however, almost

instantly recognised Conde, and shouts of joy and surprise soon made

known through the whole army what had occurred.

He found the forces of the Fronde as divided as were its chiefs. He took

the command of it immediately; thus doing away with the principal cause

of the jealousy existing between Nemours and Beaufort. He reviewed and

reunited it, gave it one day's rest, seized, without striking a blow, on

Montargis and Chateau-Renard, and threw himself with the utmost rapidity

on the royal army. It was scattered in quarters distant from each other

for the convenience of foraging, and on account of the little dread with

which Beaufort and Nemours had inspired it. Marshal d'Hocquincourt was

encamped at Bleneau, and Turenne a little farther off, at Briare; the

two Marshals were to unite their forces on the morrow. Conde did not

give them time for that: that same evening, and during the nights of the

6th and 7th of April, 1652, he fell upon the head-quarters of

Hocquincourt, overwhelmed them, and succeeded in routing the rest,

thanks to one of those charges in flank which he in person ever led so

energetically. Hocquincourt, after fighting like a gallant soldier, was

forced to fall back for some leagues in the direction of Auxerre, having

lost all his baggage and three thousand horse. No sooner did Turenne

hear of the fact, than he sprang into the saddle, and marched with some

infantry both to the assistance of his brother officer and to the

defence of the King, who, resting secure at Gien, might have fallen into

the hands of the rebels. As he advanced through the darkness of the

night, the Marshal saw the quarters of Hocquincourt in one blaze of

fire, and exclaiming, with the appreciation which genius has of genius,

"The Prince de Conde is arrived!" he hurried on with the utmost speed.

Having neither cavalry nor artillery, and having sent word to

Hocquincourt to rally to him as soon as possible, he marched on in good

order throughout that long and dark night to join the bulk of his troops

which Navailles and Palluan were bringing up. For an instant he halted

in a plain where there stood a rather dense wood on his left, with a

marsh on his right. Those around Conde thought it an advantageous post;

Conde judged very differently. "If M. de Turenne makes a stand there,"

said he, "I shall soon cut him to pieces; but he will take good care not

to do so."[2] He had not left off speaking when he saw that Turenne was

already retiring, too skilful to await Conde in the plain and expose

himself to the Prince's formidable manoeuvres. A little further off,

he found a position much more favourable; there he firmly posted his

force, determined to give battle. In vain did his officers urge him not

to hazard an action, not to risk the last army which remained to the

monarchy, and to confine himself to covering Gien whilst awaiting the

coming of Hocquincourt. "_No_," replied he, "_we must conquer or perish

here._"

[2] It is Tavannes who has preserved the details of this interesting

incident.

Turenne, it is true, was very inferior in cavalry to Conde, but he had a

powerful and well-served artillery. Having encouraged his troops to do

their duty, he posted himself upon an eminence which he covered with

infantry and artillery, drew up his cavalry below in a plain too narrow

to permit of Conde deploying his own, and which could only be reached by

traversing a thick wood and a causeway intersected by ditches and boggy

ground. From such strong position, Conde could, in his turn, recognise

his illustrious disciple. No great manoeuvres were then practicable,

and as time did not permit of an attempt to turn Turenne, it was

necessary to crush him out of hand, if that were possible, before he

could effect a junction with Hocquincourt. The defile was the key of the

position; and both sides fought therein with equal fierceness. Turenne

defended himself sword in hand, and upon the six squadrons which Conde

hurled against him he opened a battery, as they passed, with terrible

execution, showing a courage equal to that of his heroic adversary.

Conde, judging from what he now saw, believed the position in the hands

of Turenne to be impregnable; and it being too late to execute any other

manoeuvres with success during that day, he continued to cannonade the

royalist army till the evening, without any other attempt to bring it to

a battle.

Napoleon has not spared Conde in this affair any more than other

critics. He sums all their opinions up in one piquant phrase, which it

appears he was unable to resist, and which made him smile in uttering

it. "Conde," said he, "for that once, was wanting in boldness." The

dictum is both brief and incisive, but there was no foundation for it,

in a military point of view. There was, in truth, no want of boldness on

Conde's part throughout that campaign: far from it, his whole line of

conduct was a succession of audacious actions and combinations. What

could be bolder than that forced journey of nearly ten days for more

than one hundred and fifty miles with half-a-dozen followers to go and

take the command of an army? What bolder than the resolution taken out

of hand to throw himself between Turenne and Hocquincourt, to cut in two

the royal army and to disperse one half of it before attacking the

other? Did Conde lose a moment in marching against Turenne and pursuing

him sword in hand? Was it his fault that he had to cope with a great

captain, who knew how to select an excellent position, and to maintain

himself in it with immovable firmness? In the attack of that position,

did Napoleon mean to reproach Conde with want of boldness? Turenne, it

is true, covered himself with glory, for he successfully resisted Conde;

but Conde, in not having been victorious, was not in the slightest

degree beaten. The strategy, therefore, on that occasion was

irreproachable. As will be seen, it was in his policy only that he

failed. Conde quitted the army at a very ill-timed moment, in our

opinion, but that step was taken through considerations which had

nothing to do with the science of war.

To revert for a moment to this much-criticised action of Bleneau.

Towards night, Hocquincourt appeared upon the field, having rallied a

considerable part of his cavalry. Conde then retired, finding that his

attempt was frustrated, and took the way to Montargis; while Turenne

rejoined the Court, and was received by the Queen with all the

gratitude which such great services merited. Her first words went to

thank him for _having placed the crown a second time upon her son's

head_.

The terror and confusion which had reigned in Gien during the whole of

the preceding night and that day may very well be conceived when it is

remembered that the safety of the King himself, as well as the Queen,

was at stake, and that the life of the favourite Minister might at any

moment be placed at the mercy of his bitterest enemy, justified in

putting him to death immediately by the highest legal authority in the

realm. Neither were the ill-disciplined and irregular forces of Conde at

all desirable neighbours to the troop of ladies who had followed the

Court; and, as soon as it was known that Conde had fallen upon

Hocquincourt, the whole of the little town was one scene of dismay and

confusion.

The royal army and that of Conde now both marched towards Paris, nearly

upon two parallel lines. But the great distress which the Court suffered

from want of money caused almost as much insubordination to be apparent

amongst the troops of the King as amongst those of the rebels. Little

respect was shown to Mazarin himself; and the young King was often

treated with but scanty ceremony, and provided for but barely.

After quitting the neighbourhood of Gien, Conde, urged by the desire of

directing in person the negotiations and intrigues which were going on

in Paris, left his army under the command of the celebrated Tavannes,

and hastened to the capital. The Count de Tavannes, whom he had selected

to fill his own place, was without doubt an excellent officer, one of

the valiant _Petits-maitres_[3] who, upon the field of battle, served

as wings to the great soldier's thoughts, carried his orders everywhere,

executed the most dangerous manoeuvres, sometimes charging with an

irresistible impetuosity, at others sustaining the most terrible onsets

with a firmness and solidity beyond all proof. But though the intrepid

Tavannes was quite capable of leading the division of a great army, he

was not able enough to be its commander-in-chief, and he had not

authority over the foreign troops which the Duke de Nemours had brought

from Flanders, and which he made over, on accompanying Conde to Paris,

to the command of the Count de Clinchamp. The army, thus divided, was

capable of nothing great. Conde alone could finish what he had begun.

Once engaged in the formidable enterprise that he had undertaken against

the Queen and Mazarin, there was no safety for him but in carrying it

out even to the end. He ought, therefore, to have waged war to the

knife, if the expression be allowable, against Turenne, conquered or

perished, and to have constrained Mazarin to flee for good and all to

Germany or Italy, and the Queen to place in his hands the young King. To

do that, Conde should have had a definite ambition, an object clearly

determined; he ought to have plainly proposed to himself to assume the

Regency, or at least the lieutenant-generalship of the kingdom in the

place of Gaston, by will or by force, in order to concentrate all power

in his own hands; that he might become, in short, a Cromwell or a

William III.: and Conde was neither the one or the other. His mind had

been perturbed by sinister dreams; but, as has been remarked, he had at

heart an invincible fund of loyalty. Ambition was rather hovering round

him than within himself. But whatsoever it was he desired, and in every

hypothesis--for his secret has remained between Heaven and himself--he

did wrong in abandoning the Loire and leaving Turenne in force there.

That was the true error he committed, and not in wanting audacity, as

Napoleon supposed. It was not a military but a political error--immense

and irreparable. He might have crushed Turenne, and ought to have

attempted it, but he let him slip from his grasp. The opportunity once

lost did not return. Turenne until then was only second in rank; by a

glorious resistance he acquired from that moment, and it was forced upon

him to maintain, the importance of a rival of Conde. Mazarin grew from

day to day more emboldened; royalty, which had been on the very brink of

ruin, again rose erect, and the Court drew towards Paris; whilst,

prompted by his evil genius, quitting the field of battle wherein lay

his veritable strength, Conde went away to waste his precious time in a

labyrinth of intrigues for which he was not fitted, and in which he lost

himself and the Fronde.

[3] Upon the _Petits Maitres_, see Mad. de Sable, chap. i. p. 44.

CHAPTER II.

POLITICAL AND GALLANT INTRIGUES--THE DUCHESS DE CHATILLON'S SWAY OVER

CONDE--SHAMEFUL CONSPIRACY AGAINST MADAME DE LONGUEVILLE.

CONDE arrived in Paris on the 11th of April, and found everything in the

utmost confusion. It would be impossible to follow all the petty

intrigues, or even make allusion to all the events which affected the

relative situations of the parties in the capital; but it may be

observed that the tendency of both parties was to hold themselves in the

neighbourhood of Paris. The chiefs of the Fronde hurried into the city,

to receive the congratulations due to their exploits from the fair

politicians who had won them to their cause. The Queen also established

her head-quarters near the capital, to be ready for any turn of popular

sentiment in her favour, and to hear the reports of her spies on the

proceedings of her enemies. She knew what dances were to be given, and

who were to attend the assemblies of the duchesses of the Fronde. On one

occasion when Turenne knew that half the officers of Conde's army were

engaged to a brilliant fete at the Duchess de Montbazon's, he made an

attack on the enemy's camp, and was only repulsed by the steadiness of

some old soldiers, who gave time for reinforcements to arrive. But the

crisis was at hand; for each party began to be suspicious of the other

gaining over its supporters--Mazarin lavishing promises of place and

money, and the Duchess de Chatillon, invested with full powers by

Conde, appearing in the opposite camp as the most irresistible

ambassadress that ever was seen.

Thus matters stood in the early summer of 1652, and "all that was most

subtle and serious in politics," La Rochefoucauld tells us, "was brought

under the attention of Conde to induce him to take one of two

courses--to make peace or to continue the war; when Madame de Chatillon

imbued him with a design for peace by means the most agreeable. She

thought that so great a boon might be the work of her beauty, and

mingling ambition with the design of making a new conquest, she desired

at the same time to triumph over the Prince de Conde's heart and to

derive pecuniary advantages from her political negotiations."

We have already cursorily mentioned the Duchess de Chatillon: it is now

indispensable, in order to thoroughly understand what is about to

follow, to know something more of that celebrated personage.

Isabella Angelique de Montmorency was one of the two daughters of that

brave and unfortunate Count de Montmorency Bouteville, who, the victim

of a false point of honour and of an outrageous passion for duelling,

was decapitated on the Place de Greve, on the 21st of June, 1627. She

was sister of Francois de Montmorency, Count de Bouteville, better known

as the illustrious Marshal de Luxembourg. Born in 1626, she had been

married in 1645 to the last of the Colignys, the Duke de Chatillon, one

of the heroes of Lens, killed in the action of Charenton in 1649. Left a

widow at twenty-three, her rare loveliness won for her a thousand

adorers. She was one of the queens of politics and gallantry during the

Fronde; and even, after manifold amours, at thirty-eight could boast of

captivating the Duke de Mecklenbourg, who espoused her in 1664. To

beauty, Madame de Chatillon added great intelligence, but an

intelligence wholly devoted to intrigue. She was vain and ambitious, and

at the same time profoundly selfish, moderately scrupulous, and somewhat

of the school of Madame de Montbazon. While both were young, she had

smitten Conde; but he had thought no more of her after becoming absorbed

with his love for Mademoiselle de Vigean. After that elevated passion,

so sorrowfully terminated,[1] and after the fugitive emotion with which

the lovely and virtuous Mademoiselle de Toussy could still inspire him,

Conde stifled his chevalaresque instincts and bade adieu to the _haute

galanterie_ of his youth and of the Hotel de Rambouillet. A few

insignificant and commonplace attachments, of which no record has

survived, alone excepted, Madame de Chatillon only is known to have

captivated his heart for the last time; and that _liaison_ exercised

upon Conde and his affairs, at the epoch at which we have arrived, an

influence sufficiently great for history to occupy itself therewith, if

it would not be content with retracing consequences and as it were the

outline of events which pass across the stage of the world without being

understood, without penetrating to the true causes which are to be

discovered in the characters and passions of mankind. And, of all

passions, there is none at once more energetic and wide-grasping than

love. It occupies an immense place in human life, and in the loftiest as

well as the lowliest conditions. In our own times, we have seen it make

and mar kings. In an earlier epoch, by detaining Antony too long in

Cleopatra's arms at Alexandria, the formidable tempest gathered above

his head which nearly overwhelmed him at Munda. It played a great part

in the war which Henry IV. was about to undertake, when a sudden death

arrested him. One can scarcely resist a smile on seeing historians for

the most part taking no account of it, as a thing too frivolous, and

consigning it altogether to private life, as though that which agitates

the soul so powerfully were not the principle of that which blazes forth

exteriorly! No, the empire of beauty knows no limitation, and in no

instance did it show itself more potent than over those great hearts of

which Alexander the Great, Caesar, Charlemagne, and Henry IV. of France

were the owners. We may well place Conde amongst such illustrious

company.

[1] Mademoiselle de Vigean took the veil on the prince being forced

to marry the niece of Cardinal Richelieu.

One graceful memento of Madame de Chatillon's power over Conde has

descended to our own day. At Chatillon-sur-Loing, in what remains of the

ancient chateau of the Colignys, which Isabelle de Montmorency derived

from her husband and left to her brother, in that salon of the noble

heir of the Luxembourgs, as precious for history as for art, wherein may

be seen collected together, by the side of the sword of the Constable

Anne, the likeness of Luxembourg on horseback, with his proud and

piercing glance, as well as the full-length portrait of Charlotte

Marguerite de Montmorency, Princess de Conde, in widow's weeds, there is

also a large and magnificent picture, representing a young woman of

ravishing beauty, with perfectly regular features, with the loveliest

bright chestnut hair, grey eyes of the softest expression, a swan-like

neck, of a slight and graceful figure, painted with a natural grandeur,

and embellished with all the attractions of youth, enhanced by an

exquisite air of coquetry. She is seated in an easy attitude. One of her

hands, carelessly extended, holds a bouquet of flowers; the other rests

upon the mane of a lion, whose head is drawn full-face, and whose

flaming eyes are unmistakably the terrible eyes of Conde when seen with

his sword drawn. Here we behold the beautiful Duchess de Chatillon at

twenty-five or twenty-six, and very nearly such as she has taken care to

describe herself in the _Divers Portraits_ of Mademoiselle de

Montpensier. The head stands out wonderfully. It would be impossible to

instance a more charming countenance, but it is somewhat deficient in

character and grandeur, and quite different from that of Madame de

Longueville. The latter's face was not so regularly symmetrical, but it

wore a far loftier expression, and an air of supreme distinction

characterised her entire person.

Madame de Chatillon and Madame de Longueville had been brought up

together, and very much attached during the whole of their early youth.

By degrees there sprung up a rivalry of beauty between them, and they

quarrelled thoroughly when Madame de Longueville perceived after the

death of Chatillon, that the young and beautiful widow, at the same time

that she was welcoming very decidedly the homage of the Duke de Nemours,

had also evident designs upon Conde. Madame de Longueville had her own

reasons for not being then very severe upon others, but she knew the

self-seeking heart of the fair Duchess, and she was alarmed for her

brother's sake. She feared lest Madame de Chatillon, having great need

of Court favour, might retain Conde in the engagements which he had with

Mazarin, while she herself was forced to drag him into the Fronde. The

quarrel was renewed in 1651, as we have seen, and it was in full force

in 1652. Madame de Chatillon and Madame de Longueville were then

disputing for Conde's heart: the one drew him towards the Court, fully

hoping that the Court would not be ungrateful to her; the other urged

him more and more upon the path of war. We have related how Madame de

Longueville, well knowing the strength of Conde's friendship for the

Duke de Nemours, who was in the chains of the Duchess, very

inopportunely mingled politics and coquetry in Berri, and tried the

power of her charms upon Nemours, in order to carry him off from Madame

de Chatillon and from the party of peace. No one ever knew how far

Madame de Longueville committed herself on that occasion; but, as we

have remarked, the slightest appearance was enough for La Rochefoucauld.

As he had only sought his own advantage in the Fronde, not finding it

therein, he began to grow tired, and asked for nothing better than to

put an end to the wandering and adventurous life he had been for some

years leading by a favourable reconciliation. Madame de Longueville's

conduct in cutting him to the quick in what remained of his tender

feelings for her, and especially in the most sensitive portion of his

heart--its vanity and self-love--gave him an opportunity or a pretext,

which he seized upon with eagerness, to break off a _liaison_ become

contrary to his interests. Thus, in April, 1652, when he returned to

Paris with Conde, and there found Madame de Chatillon, he entered at

once into all her prejudices and all her designs, as he afterwards owned

to Madame de Motteville:[2] he placed at her service all that was in him

of skill and ability, and descended to the indulgence of a revenge

against Madame de Longueville wholly unworthy of an honourable man, and

which after the lapse of two centuries is as revolting to every

right-minded person as it was to his contemporaries.

[2] Mad. de Motteville, tom. v. p. 132. "M. de la Rochefoucauld m'a

dit que la jalousie et la vengeance le firent agir soigneusement, et

qu'il fit tout ce que Mad. de Chatillon voulut."

Madame de Chatillon was not contented with carrying off the giddy and

inconstant Duke de Nemours from his new love, then absent; she exacted

at his hands the public and outrageous sacrifice of her rival. The

reprisals of feminine vanity did not stop there: the ambitious and

intriguing Duchess went further, she undertook to ruin Madame de

Longueville in her brother's estimation. With that object she set

herself, with the assistance of La Rochefoucauld, to decry her in every

way to him, and sought even to persuade him that his sister was not

attached to him as she made it appear, and that she had promised the

Duke de Nemours to serve him at his expense; whilst Madame de

Longueville had never dreamed in any way of separating Nemours from

Conde, but only from her, Madame de Chatillon, purposely to engage him

more deeply in Conde's interests, in the light that she understood them.

Madame de Longueville's policy was very simple, and it was the true one,

the Fronde once admitted. Assuredly, it would have been better alike for

Madame de Longueville, for Conde, and for France not to have entered

upon that fatal path by which the national greatness was for ten years

arrested, and through which the house of Conde very nearly perished;

but, after having embraced that sinister step, no other alternative

remained to a firm and logical mind than to resolutely pursue its

triumph. And that triumph, in Madame de Longueville's eyes, was the

overthrow of Mazarin, a necessary condition of the domination of Conde.

Such was the end pointed out to her by La Rochefoucauld when engaging

her in the Fronde at the beginning of 1648, and she had never lost sight

of it. It was to attain it that she had flung herself into the Civil

War, and that she had ended by dragging therein her brother; that,

worsted at Paris in 1649, she had striven in 1650 to raise Normandy;

that she had risked her life, braved exile, made alliance with a foreign

enemy, and unfurled at Stenay the banner of the Princes. In 1651, she

had advised the resumption of arms, and now she maintained the

impossibility of laying them down, and that, instead of losing himself

in useless negotiations with the subtle and skilful Cardinal, it was

upon his sword alone that Conde should rely. She thought him incapable

of extricating himself advantageously from the intrigues by which he was

surrounded, and therefore urged him towards the field of battle. She had

always exercised a great sway over him, because he knew that her heart

was of like temper to his own; and if passion had not blinded him, he

would have rejected with disdain the odious accusations they had dared

to raise against her, as he had done in 1643, in the affair of the

letters attributed to her by Madame de Montbazon: he would have easily

recognised that Madame de Chatillon, Nemours, and La Rochefoucauld would

not have joined to blacken her in his eyes, as a vulgar creature ever

ready to betray him for the latest lover, save in the manifest design of

embroiling them both, of securing him, and of making him subserve their

particular views. Nemours alone knew what had taken place during that

journey from Montrond to Bordeaux, and the man who is base enough to

constitute himself the denouncer of a woman to whom he has paid the

warmest homage, is not very worthy of being believed on his word.

Besides Nemours has not himself spoken, but Madame de Chatillon and

Rochefoucauld, who have attributed to him certain sentiments, and we

know with what motive.

It would be difficult to imagine a conspiracy more disgraceful than that

formed at this juncture against Madame de Longueville; and that feature

in it the more shameful perhaps was that La Rochefoucauld himself boasts

of having invented and worked this machinery, as he terms it. The three

conspirators were dumb, but through different but equally despicable

reasons. Madame de Chatillon desired singly to govern Conde, and alone

to represent him at Court, in order to reap the profits of the

negotiation. Nemours was desirous of pleasing Madame de Chatillon, and

looked forward also to have his share in the great advantages promised

him; and, lastly, La Rochefoucauld was actuated by a pitiless spirit of

revenge, and in the hope of a reconciliation necessary to his own

immediate fortunes.

But here arose a delicate point, if we may speak of delicacy in such a

matter: in the whole cabal, the least odious was, after all, the Duke de

Nemours, more frivolous than perfidious, and who was deeply smitten with

Madame de Chatillon. He loved her, and was beloved. The return of the

Prince de Conde, with his well-declared pretensions, caused him cruel

suffering, and his rage threatened to upset the well-concerted scheme.

The lovely lady herself could not sometimes help being embarrassed

between an imperious prince and a jealous lover. Happily the future

author of the _Maxims_ was at hand. La Rochefoucauld took upon himself

to arrange everything in the best way possible. It was not very

difficult for him to direct Madame de Chatillon how to manage Conde and

Nemours both at once, and to contrive in such a way that she might

secure them both. He made the moody Nemours comprehend that, in truth,

he had no reason to complain of an inevitable _liaison_, "qui ne lui

devoit pas etre suspecte, puisqu'on voulait lui en rendre compte, et ne

s'en servir que pour lui donner la principale part aux affaires." At the

same time, "he urged M. le Prince to occupy himself with Madame de

Chatillon, and to give her in freehold the estate of Merlon." In such a

fashion, thanks to the honest intervention of La Rochefoucauld, a good

understanding was kept up, and the conspiracy went quietly forwards.

Conde had no mistrust whatever. A veil had been cast over his eyes; his

martial disposition lulled asleep in the lap of pleasure and in a

labyrinth of negotiations, and cradled in the hope of an approaching

peace.

INDEX.

AIGUILLON, Duchess d', her resentment against Conde for forcing her

young nephew Richelieu into a clandestine marriage, i. 174.

ANCRE, Marshal d', assassinated, i. 17.

ANET, Chateau d', a haunt of conspirators against Mazarin, i. 105.

ANNE OF AUSTRIA, Queen of Louis XIII. of France, her reception of Mad.

de Chevreuse on her return from exile, i. 39;

her dread of adventures and enterprises, 39;

Mazarin's entire ascendancy over her, 47;

hesitates to take a decided attitude between Mazarin and his

enemies, 65;

evidence of her love for Mazarin, 100;

her Regency opens under most brilliant auspices, 101;

the conspiracy to take Mazarin's life determines her to adopt his

policy, 102;

orders the arrest of Beaufort, 104;

her lively displeasure at the duel between Guise and Coligny, 116;

her jealous feeling against Madame de Longueville, 122;

retires before the Fronde to St. Germain, 155;

her endeavour to mortify the ladies of the Fronde by giving a

day-light ball, 170;

her delight at seeing Conde and the Frondeurs at daggers drawn, 174;

secretly confers with De Retz relative to the arrest of Conde, Conti

and Longueville; gives the fatal order for that _coup d'etat_,176;

orders the arrest of the Duchesses de Longueville and de

Bouillon, 178;

quits Paris for Rouen to confront Madame de Longueville, 180;

the affirmation of the Duchess d'Orleans that the Queen had secretly

married Mazarin, 201;

evidence of such marriage, 202;

finds herself in some sort a prisoner on the proscription of

Mazarin, 216;

seriously prepares to make head against Conde, 257;

her fervour, constancy, and marvellous skill manifested towards

weakening Conde, 258;

the great danger of herself, the King, and Mazarin at Gien, 287.

ANNE-GENEVIEVE DE BOURBON-CONDE, Duchess de Longueville, her birth and

parentage, i. 1;

her desire for conventual seclusion, 5;

her great personal beauty, 7;

her character, 10;

suitors for her hand, 12;

married to the Duke de Longueville, 13;

her conduct towards a crowd of adorers, 14;

has a formidable enemy in the Duchess of Montbazon, 66;

the quarrel between the rival Duchesses in the affair of the dropped

letter, 71;

public apology made her by Madame de Montbazon, 74;

unoccupied with politics at this juncture, 79;

error of the _Importants_ in not conciliating her, 79;

scandalised by Coligny's championship of her in the duel with

Guise, 117;

said to have witnessed the duel from behind a window-curtain, 118;

verses on the occasion, 118;

Miossens (afterwards Marshal d'Albret) tries in vain to win her

heart, 121;

her two individualities of opposite natures, 122;

her defective education, 122;

character of her epistolary style, 123;

the different kind of education given by Menage to Madame de Sevigne

and Madame de la Fayette, 124;

the conquest of her heart and mind by La Rochefoucauld, 125;

_resume_ of her life (up to 1648), 131;

queen of the Congress of Munster, 133;

acquires a taste for political discussions and speculations, 134;

Madame de Motteville's portrait of her at this period (1647), 135;

she sacrifices everything for La Rochefoucauld, 140;

exercises a somewhat ridiculous empire over her brother Conti, 142;

fatal influence of her passion for La Rochefoucauld, 149;

throws herself into the first Fronde, 149;

ultimately involves in it every member of her family, 150;

arrayed against her brother Conde in civil war, 154;

she shares all the fatigues of the siege of Paris, 157;

her energy and intrepidity, 158;

is given up as a hostage to the Parliament by her husband, 159;

gives birth to Charles de Paris, _the Child of the Fronde_, in the

Hotel de Ville, 159;

is reconciled to Conde, resumes her ascendancy over him, and

detaches him from Mazarin, 162;

her embarrassment on reappearing at Court, 163;

the perilous path she is led into by her infatuation for La

Rochefoucauld, 166;

undertakes to mislead Conde and give him over to Spain, 167;

the Queen orders her to be arrested; she escapes to Normandy with La

Rochefoucauld, 179;

her adventures in Normandy. She raises the standard of revolt at

Dieppe, 180;

pursued by the Queen, she assumes male attire and reaches Rotterdam

and Stenay, 181;

becomes the motive power of "_the Women's War_" or _Second_

Fronde, 182;

the message from her dying mother, 183;

her gracious reception by their Majesties on her return from

Stenay, 222;

the most brilliant period of her career, 223;

the idol of Spain, the terror of the Court, and one of the grandeurs

of her family, 223;

her motives for opposing the marriage of her brother with

Mademoiselle de Chevreuse, 228;

urges Conde to cut the knot, and make war upon the Crown, 246;

her conduct, feelings and motives examined at this juncture, 247;

was she the cause of the rupture of Conti's projected marriage, 248;

peremptorily commanded to join her husband in Normandy, 253;

she perceives a change in La Rochefoucauld's feelings, 254;

follows the Princess de Conde into Berri, 254;

the Duke de Nemours pays court to her, 262;

certain obscure relations between them drives La Rochefoucauld to a

violent rupture, 264;

a rivalry of beauty leads her to humiliate Madame de Chatillon, 265;

how Madame de Longueville fell into "the scandalous chronicle," 266;

her grave cause of complaint against La Rochefoucauld, 266;

Madame de Chatillon attempts to ruin her in Conde's estimation, 296;

her fatal policy in the Fronde arrests the national greatness for

ten years, and nearly ruins the House of Conde, 296;

the disgraceful conspiracy formed against her, 298.

ARISTOCRACY in France, its constitution in the reign of Louis XIV.,

i. 217.

BEAUFORT, Francis de Vendome, Duke de (called the "King of the

Markets"), a suitor for the hand of Anne de Bourbon, 12;

a leader of the _Importants_, 15;

a rival of Mazarin in the Queen's good graces, 52;

his character as sketched by La Rochefoucauld, 52;

becomes the led-captain of Madame de Montbazon, and the bitterest

enemy of Mazarin, 53;

his spite against Madame de Longueville, 71;

his conduct in the affair of the dropped letters, 73;

insinuates that they were from Coligny, 71;

irritated at the banishment of Madame de Montbazon, he enters into a

plot against Mazarin, 76;

the ungovernable impetuosity of his vengeance against Madame de

Longueville strongly stigmatised, 80;

prepares an ambuscade to slay Mazarin, 95;

the plot fails, 99;

is arrested and imprisoned at Vincennes, 105;

released by the Fronde and becomes master of Paris, 154;

Madame de Montbazon exercises plenary power over him, 208;

becomes one of the most conspicuous leaders of the Fronde, 215.

BEAUPUIS, Count de, detected plotting against Mazarin, escapes to

Rome, 86;

his denunciation of the evils of Richelieu's inordinate authority,

91.

BEAUTY IN WOMAN, true definition of, 8.

BOUILLON, de la Tour d'Auvergne, Duke de, conspires against

Richelieu, 25;

one of the party of the _Malcontents_, 109;

joins Conde at Saint-Maur, 245.

BOUILLON, Duchess de, given up as a hostage to the Fronde, 159;

quite as ardent in politics as Madame de Longueville, 206;

arrested by the Queen's order at her daughter's bedside, and thrown

into the Bastille, 206.

BRIDIEU, Marquis de, acts as second to Guise in duel with Coligny,

113.

BUCKINGHAM, George Villiers, Duke of, his political correspondence

with Madame de Chevreuse, 19.

BURNET, Bishop, his assertion of Conde's offer to Cromwell to turn

Protestant, 280.

BUSSY-RABUTIN, Count de, value of his satire of Madame de

Longueville, 265.

CAMPION, Alexandre de, his mission to Madame de Chevreuse, 28;

his censure of Madame de Montbazon's conduct, 80.

CAMPION, Henri de, attributes the conception of the plot to destroy

Mazarin to Madame de Chevreuse in concert with Madame de

Montbazon, 89;

he stipulates with Beaufort that he should not strike Mazarin, 92;

sought for by Mazarin, he takes refuge at Anet, and afterwards at

Rome, 97.

CANTECROIX, Beatrice de Cusance, Princess de, Charles, Duke de

Lorraine madly enamoured of, 147.

CAUMARTIN, Madame de, a portrait of Madame de Chevreuse sketched by De

Retz to please the malignant curiosity of, 21.

CHATEAUNEUF, Charles de l'Aubepine, Marquis de, released from an

imprisonment of ten years, 34;

why detested by the Princess de Conde, 40;

restored to office through Madame de Chevreuse, 57;

banished to Touraine, 106;

bides his time for displacing Mazarin, and holds the seals on the

Cardinal going into exile, 107;

deprived of them by the Queen, 230;

restored to office to serve Mazarin in secret, 257;

nobly inaugurates his ministry by marching with the Queen and young

King into Berri, 263;

Mazarin learns with inquietude his ever-increasing success, 278;

again displaced by Mazarin, 279.

CHATILLON, Isabelle Angelique de Montmorency, Duchess de (sister of

the illustrious Marshal de Luxembourg), the Great Conde's passion

for her, 259;

she urges Conde to an understanding with the Court, 259;

manages her lofty lover with infinite tact, 259;

is deeply enamoured of the young Duke de Nemours, 259;

invested with full powers as an ambassadress by Conde, 291;

her desire to triumph over Conde's heart, 291;

her antecedents and character, 292;

the important consequences of her liaison with Conde, 292;

a portrait of her at twenty-five described, 293;

causes of her quarrel with Madame de Longueville, 294;

she exacts from Nemours the public and outrageous sacrifice of her

rival, 296;

attempts to ruin Madame de Longueville in Conde's estimation, 296;

her embarrassment between an imperious Prince and a jealous

lover, 298.

CHAVIGNY, Count de, his career, 231.

CHEVREUSE, Marie de Rohan, Duchess de, her illustrious lineage, 17;

marries, first, Charles de Luynes, and afterwards Claude de

Chevreuse, 17;

as great favourite of Anne of Austria her extensive influence over

the politics of Europe, 18;

her personal characteristics, 18;

summary of her character by Cardinal de Retz, 19;

cause of her failure as a great politician, 20;

her adventures in exile, 22;

her great ascendancy over the cabinet of Madrid, 22;

seeks refuge in England, 22;

Richelieu's designs to effect her destruction, 23;

acts as the connecting link between England, Spain and Lorraine

during the Civil War in England, 24;

negotiates with Olivarez for the destruction of Richelieu, 26;

was she a stranger to the conspiracy of 1642? 26;

abandoned by the Queen on its discovery, 30;

her frightful position, 31;

her perpetual exile decreed by the will of Louis XIII., 32;

is dreaded by Mazarin, 33;

her triumphant return to Court, 34;

her position and political influence, 36;

the new relations between her and the Queen, 39;

she attacks Richelieu's system as adopted by Mazarin, 48;

procures the return of Chateauneuf to office, 49;

pleads for the Vendome princes, 50;

manoeuvres to secure the governorship of Havre for La

Rochefoucauld, 53;

the skill, sagacity, and address of her counter-intrigues, 55;

tries the power of her charms on Mazarin, 55;

devotes her whole existence to political intrigue and conspiracy,

56;

want of precaution in her attacks upon Mazarin, 58;

her curious struggle for supremacy with the Prime Minister, 58;

the head and mainspring of the _Importants_, 58;

her tactics to displace Mazarin in favour of Chateauneuf, 59;

she organises a _coup-de-main_ to destroy Mazarin, 62;

arranges with the Cardinal the composition of Madame de Montbazon's

apology, 74;

her politic purpose of a fete to the Queen foiled by the insane

pride of Madame de Montbazon, 76;

her efforts to deprive Mazarin of supporters, 80;

her share in Beaufort's plot, 82;

Madame de Montbazon only an instrument in her hands, 89;

her behaviour on the failure of the plot, 106;

recommended by the Queen to withdraw from Court, 107;

carries on a vast correspondence under the mantle of the English

embassy with Lord Goring, Croft, Vendome, and Bouillon, and the

rest of the _Malcontents_, 109;

her irritation at being prohibited from visiting the Queen of

England, 143;

Mazarin watches her every movement, 144;

ordered to retire to Angouleme, she goes for a third time into

exile, 144;

her bark is captured by the English Parliamentarians and she is

carried into the Isle of Wight, 146;

Mazarin has Montresor arrested in hopes of possessing himself of her

costly jewels, 146;

applies herself to maintain an alliance between Spain, Austria and

Lorraine--the last basis of her own political reputation, 147;

preserves her sway over the Duke de Lorraine, 148;

frustrates Mazarin's projects to win over the Duke, 148;

becomes once more the soul of every intrigue planned against the

government, 148;

constitutes herself the mediatress between the Queen and the

Frondeurs, 206;

partially restored to the Queen's confidence, 210;

assisted in her political intrigues by the Marquis de Laigues, 210;

a splendid supper given to her by Madame de Sevigne, 211;

forms a plan with the Princess Palatine of a grand aristocratic

league against Mazarin, 224;

the Fronde in 1651 was Madame de Chevreuse, 225;

she procures Conde's release from prison, 225;

her resentment at the rupture of her daughter's marriage, 232;

she raises the entire Fronde against Conde, 242;

opposes the schemes to assassinate Conde, 243;

Chateauneuf, her friend and instrument, is made Prime Minister, 257;

remains staunch to the Queen and Mazarin through the last Fronde,

280.

CHEVREUSE, Charlotte Marie de Lorraine, Mademoiselle de, her projected

marriage with the Prince de Conti, 224;

supreme importance of such marriage, 225;

disastrous results of its rupture, 232;

impetuously proposes to turn the key upon Conde, Conti and Beaufort

at the Palais d'Orleans, 233;

her suspected and almost public _liaison_ with De Retz, 249;

dies suddenly of a fever, unmarried, 224.

CINQ MARS, Henri de, undermines Richelieu with Louis XIII., 25;

his death-warrant, 29.

COLIGNY, Count Maurice de (grandson of the famous Admiral de Coligny),

an adorer of Madame de Longueville, 14;

the dropped letters falsely attributed to him, 71;

as champion of Madame de Longueville, he challenges the Duke de

Guise, 113;

fatal result of the duel, 117;

dies of his wounds and of despair, 117;

scandalous verses on the occasion, 118.

COETQUEN, Marquis de, hospitably receives Madame de Chevreuse when

exiled, 146.

CONDE, Louis de Bourbon, Prince de, arbiter of the political situation

after Rocroy, 80;

his furious anger at Madame de Montbazon's insult to his sister,

111;

hailed by the Queen as the liberator of France, 111;

receives into his house Coligny wounded in duel with Guise, 116;

the state in which he found Paris after his victory of Lens: he

offers his sword to the Queen, 154;

applies himself to giving the new _Importants_ a harsh lesson, 155;

marches upon Paris and places it under siege, 156;

the climax of his fame and fortune as defender and saviour of the

throne, 164;

he tyrannises over the Court and government, 168;

he insults Mazarin and embarrasses the Queen, 169;

his want of capacity for business, 172;

his train of _petits-maitres_, 172;

on the murder of one of his servants he tries to crush the Fronde

leaders, 173;

forces the young Duke de Richelieu to marry clandestinely

Mademoiselle de Pons, 174;

wounds the Queen's pride by compelling her to receive Jarze whom she

had banished for fatuously believing that she had loved him, 175;

arrested on the authority of his own signature and imprisoned at

Vincennes, 177;

what constituted the strength of the Princes' party in the Second

Fronde, 188;

the majority of the women who meddled with politics were, through

sympathy, of his party, 203;

his aged mother supplicates in vain for his release, and returns

home to die, 204;

his liberation effected by no other power than that of female

influence, 206;

he treats Mazarin with contempt at Havre, and on his release becomes

master of the situation, 215;

is courted by both the Fronde and Queen's party, 215;

eight hundred princes and nobles partisans of Conde, 217;

his sole error not having a fixed and unalterable object, 230;

applies himself to form a new Fronde, 234;

resumes the imperious tone which had previously embroiled him with

the Queen and Mazarin, 237;

Hocquincourt proposes to assassinate Conde, 243;

he retreats to St. Maur and holds a Court there, 245;

reappears in Parliament, 245;

Chateauneuf and Mazarin labour to destroy him, 257;

he narrowly escapes an ambuscade at Pontoise, 258;

motives which rendered him averse to civil war, 259;

his final determination to unsheath the sword, 260;

raises the standard of revolt in Guienne, 262;

his adventurous expedition, 275;

to what did Conde aspire? 277;

his inconstancy--offers himself to Cromwell and to become Protestant

to have an English army, 278-280;

the income and possessions of his family, 278;

he escapes for the tenth time being taken and slain, 282;

takes command of the Fronde forces and throws himself upon the royal

army, 283;

routs Hocquincourt and attacks Turenne unsuccessfully, 285;

unjust accusation of Napoleon I. that Conde wanted boldness at

Bleneau, 286;

he leaves the army and hastens to Paris, 287;

in abandoning the Loire he commits an immense and irreparable

error, 289;

invests Madame de Chatillon with full powers as an ambassadress,

291;

imbued by her with a design for peace by means the most

agreeable, 291;

a graceful memento of her power over him still existing in the

ancient Chateau of the Colignys, 293;

Madame de Chatillon and Madame de Longueville dispute for Conde's

heart, 294;

the overthrow of Mazarin a necessary condition of the domination of

Conde, 296;

is advised by his sister to rely upon his sword alone, 297.

CONDE, Charlotte Marguerite de Montmorency, Princess de Bourbon

(mother of the Great Conde and Madame de Longueville), her

influence with Anne of Austria, 39;

her detestation of Madame de Chevreuse, 40;

tries to destroy her hold upon the Queen, 40;

her lively resentment at the insult to her daughter in the affair of

the dropped letters, 73;

demands a public reparation from Madame de Montbazon, 74;

her demeanour during the "mummeries" of the apology, 74;

obtains the privilege of never associating with Madame de

Montbazon, 75;

supplicates in vain for Conde's release, and returns home to die,

204.

CONDE, Claire Clemence de Maille, Princess de Bourbon (daughter of the

Duke de Breze, and wife of the Great Conde), shut up in Bordeaux

with the Dukes de Bouillon and de Rochefoucauld during "the

Women's War," 200, 204;

only maintains herself in Bordeaux through the aid of the rabble

_va-nu-pieds_, 205;

forced to take refuge hastily in the citadel of Montrond, 263.

CONTI, Armand de Bourbon, Prince de (brother of the Great Conde), his

extravagant adoration of his sister, Madame de Longueville, 141;

marries Anne Marie Martinozzi, niece of Mazarin, 142;

declared _generalissimo_ of the army of the king, 159;

the problem as to who was the author of the rupture of his marriage

with Madame de Chevreuse, 227;

his ardent passion for her, 231;

is made lieutenant-general in Guienne by Conde, 276;

finishes, where he begun life, with theology, 142.

CORNEILLE, Pierre, his _Emilie_ painted as a perfect heroine, 82.

FIESQUE, Gillona d'Harcourt, Countess de, 195.

FOUQUEROLLES, Madame de, her terrible anxiety lest she should be

compromised by the dropped letters, 73;

confides the secret to La Rochefoucauld, 73;

the letters are burnt in the Queen's presence, 73.

FRONDE, the, what gave it birth and sustained it, 149;

_Day of the Barricades_, 153;

the royal power attacked by three parties simultaneously, 153;

the adherents of the Fronde, 156;

initiation of the Civil War, 159;

sordid selfishness of the Frondeurs, 161;

carries everything before it in 1651, 223;

brief retrospect of the two Fronde wars, 267;

one of the most interesting as well as diverting periods in French

history, 269;

contrast between its main features and the contemporary civil war in

England, 270;

the wide-spread misery it entailed on France, 270.

GUISE, Henri, Duke de Guise (grandson of the _Balafre_), espouses the

cause of Madame de Montbazon in the affair of the dropped

letters, 73;

confronts and defies the victorious Condes, 112;

fights a duel with Coligny, the champion of Madame de

Longueville, 115;

his insulting words on unsheathing his sword, 115;

result of the duel on party feeling in France, 117;

his _liaison_ with Anne de Gonzagua, 193;

becomes unfaithful to her and elopes with the Countess de

Bossuet, 194.

GUYMENE, Anne de Rohan, Princess de (sister-in-law of Madame de

Chevreuse, and daughter-in-law of Madame Montbazon), her numerous

crowd of old and young adorers, 37;

her flirtation with Mazarin, 56;

furious at having been abandoned by De Retz, offers the Queen to get

him confined in a cellar, 209.

HACQUEVILLE, Monsieur de, refuses to be a go-between of De Retz and

Madame de Chevreuse, 211.

HAUTEFORT, Marie de (afterwards Duchess de Schomberg), influence of

her piety and virtue, 37;

witnesses the arrest of Beaufort, 105.

HENRIETTA MARIA, Queen of Charles I. of England, her warm reception of

Madame de Chevreuse, 22;

seeks an Asylum in France from the Parliamentarians, 143;

asserted to have secretly married her equerry, Jermyn, 202.

HOCQUINCOURT, Charles de Monchy, Marshal d', proclaims Madame de

Montbazon "la belle des belles," 70;

is beaten by Conde at Bleneau, 284.

HOLLAND, Henry Rich, Earl of, his political correspondence with Madame

de Chevreuse, 19;

encourages the faction of Vendome, Vieuville, and La Valette, 23.

IMPORTANTS, the--Rochefoucauld's account of that faction, 77;

irritated by the banishment of their fascinating lady-leader, Madame

de Montbazon, they plot to murder Mazarin, 78;

their ruin decided upon by the Queen and Mazarin, 79;

their error in not conciliating Madame de Longueville, 79;

was the plot real or imaginary--a point of the highest historical

importance, 83;

failure of the plot and ruin of the faction, 104.

JOINVILLE, Prince de (son of Charles de Lorraine), suitor for the hand

of Anne de Bourbon, 12.

LAIGUES, Marquis de, declares himself a lover of Madame de Chevreuse

to gain political importance, 210.

LONGUEVILLE, Duchess de, see ANNE DE BOURBON.

LONGUEVILLE, Marie d'Orleans, see Duchess de NEMOURS.

LONGUEVILLE, Henry de Bourbon, Duke de, marries Anne de Bourbon, 13;

titular lover of Madame de Montbazon, 70;

plenipotentiary at the Congress of Munster in 1645, 132;

gives up the Duchess as a hostage to the Fronde, 159;

raises Normandy against Mazarin, 158;

he imperatively commands the Duchess to join him in Normandy, 253.

LORET, his rhyming description of the supper given by Madame de

Sevigne to Madame to Chevreuse, 212.

LORRAINE, Charles IV., Duke of, involved in the conspiracy of Soissons

through Madame de Chevreuse, 26;

prefers amusing himself with civil war to the quiet enjoyment of his

throne, 271.

LOUIS _the Just_ (XIII. of France), signs the death warrant of his

favourite, Cinq Mars, 29;

his decree of exile against Madame de Chevreuse, 33.

LOUIS XIV., his majority declared, 256.

LUYNES, Charles de, Favourite of Louis XIII., marries Marie de Rohan

(afterwards Duchess de Chevreuse), 17

LUYNES, the (late) Duke de, aided the Pope against the Garibaldians,

18.

MAULEVRIER, the Marquis de, writer of the dropped letters addressed to

Madame de Fouquerolles, 13.

MAZARIN, Jules, Cardinal, succeeds Richelieu as Prime Minister, 32;

his origin, 44;

is hated by the nobles, parliament, and middle classes, 44;

installed in office, 45;

his first service to Anne of Austria, 45;

his striking personal resemblance to Buckingham, 46;

how he obtained entire sway over the Queen-Regent, 47;

applies himself to gain her heart, 47;

finds a formidable opponent to his policy in Madame de

Chevreuse, 48, 54;

is terrified by her matrimonial projects, 54;

flirts with Madame de Chevreuse, 55;

his attentions to Madame de Guymene, 56;

his difficulty to make the Queen comprehend his policy towards

Spain, 60;

declares that Madame de Chevreuse would ruin France, 61;

forewarned of a conspiracy to destroy him, 62;

the great families opposed to him, 63;

his anxieties and perplexities, 64;

the relations between him and the Queen, 64;

his intervention in the quarrel of the rival Duchesses, 74;

his resolution in confronting the plot of the _Importants_, 79;

did Mazarin owe all his great career to a falsehood cunningly

invented and audaciously sustained? 83;

the plan of the attack upon him, 92;

escapes assassination from Beaufort's nocturnal ambuscade, 99;

compels the Queen to choose her part by addressing himself to her

heart, 102;

becomes absolute master of the Queen's heart, 102;

banishes the conspirators and arrests Beaufort, 106;

his tactics and political sagacity, 111;

first introduces Italian Opera at the French Court, 135;

concludes a peace with the Fronde parliament, 161;

insulted by Conde, 169;

what constitutes the strength of his party in the _Second_

Fronde, 187;

goes into Guienne with the royal army, 205;

banished by the Fronde, 215;

treated with contempt by Conde at Havre, 215;

with difficulty finds a refuge at Bruhl, 216;

in his exile governs the Queen as absolutely as ever, 217;

his immense blunder (in 1650), 225;

rebanished and his possessions confiscated, 234;

governs France from Bruhl, 236;

foments quarrels between Conde and the Fronde, 236;

composes with the Queen a political comedy of which De Retz became

the dupe and Conde very nearly the victim, 238;

the draught of his treaty with the Fronde, the masterpiece of his

political skill, falls into Conde's hands, 256;

alarmed at the success of Chateauneuf, he breaks his ban, and

returns to France, 279;

Conde and the Fronde united against him, 280;

to gain supporters lavishly promises place and money, 290.

MEDICI, Marie de (Queen of Henry IV. and mother of Louis XIII.), her

imprisonment of Charlotte de Montmorency, 2;

conspires against Richelieu, 28.

MIOSSENS, Count de (afterwards Marshal d'Albret), tries unsuccessfully

to win the heart of Madame de Longueville, 122;

gives place to La Rochefoucauld, 130.

MONTAGU, Lord, the intimate adviser of Queen Henrietta Maria, and

slave of Madame de Chevreuse, 24;

Anne of Austria's confidence in him, 37;

his mission to Madame de Chevreuse, 38;

becomes a bigot and a devotee, 38.

MONTBAZON, Hercule de Rohan, Duke de (father of Madame de Chevreuse

and the Prince de Guymene), marries at sixty-one Marie d'Avangour

aged sixteen, 67;

recommends the example of Marie de Medici to his young wife and

takes her to Court, 67.

MONTBAZON, Marie d'Avangour, Duchess de, called by d'Hocquincourt "la

belle des belles," the youthful stepmother of Madame de Chevreuse,

her parentage and antecedents, 67;

married at sixteen to a husband of sixty-one, 67;

her personal and mental characteristics, 68;

contrast in manners between her and Madame de Longueville, 69;

her numerous adorers; the Duke de Beaufort her titular lover, 70;

her malignant hatred of Madame de Longueville, 71;

employs her influence over the houses of Vendome and Lorraine to the

injury of her rival, 71;

the affair of the dropped letters, 71;

the party of the _Importants_ espouse her cause, 73;

she is compelled to make a public apology before the Queen and

Court, 74;

the pretended reconciliation only a fresh declaration of war, 75;

her conduct at the collation given the Queen by Madame de

Chevreuse, 76;

is banished by the King's order, 76;

she inveigles Beaufort into a plot to destroy Mazarin, 89.

MONTESPAN, Francoise-Athenais de Rochechouart Mortemart, Duchess de,

her fame as a beauty, 9;

relations to her of the Dukes de Longueville and Beaufort, 14.

MONTPENSIER, Anne Marie Louise d'Orleans (known as _La Grande

Mademoiselle_), daughter of Gaston, Duke d'Orleans and cousin of

Louis XIV., preserves the text of the dropped letters, 72;

gives the two speeches made on the occasion of Madame de Montbazon's

reparation, 74.

MOTTEVILLE, Frances Bertaut, Madame de, her amusing recital of the

"mummeries" in the affair of the dropped letters, 74;

her account of the Queen's reception of the news of the abortive

attempt to kill Mazarin, 103;

her portrait of Madame de Longueville, 135;

the principal motive which urged La Rochefoucauld to woo the

Duchess, 140.

NEMOURS, Marie d'Orleans, Duchess de (daughter of Henri, Duke de

Longueville), her harsh censure of the pride and impracticability

of the Condes, 165;

quits Madame de Longueville to take refuge in a convent, 180;

moves heaven and earth for the release of Conde that he might keep

watch over the Duchess de Chatillon, 208;

her character, 212;

the enemy of the Fronde and the Condes, 227;

her detestation of Madame de Longueville, 252.

NEMOURS, Charles Amadeus, of Savoy, Duke de, prompted by the Duchess

de Chatillon, his mistress, embraces the cause of Conde, 208;

pays court to Madame de Longueville instead of making active war in

Berri, 262;

the obscure relations between them at this juncture, drives La

Rochefoucauld to a violent rupture with Madame de Longueville,

264.

ORLEANS, Gaston, Duke d' (brother of Louis XIII.), conspires against

Richelieu, 25;

his incapacity to govern, 171;

his jealousy of the influence of Conde and of Mazarin, 171;

makes De Retz his confidant, who obtains his assent to the arrest of

the Princes, 176;

becomes the head of a fifth party in the Second Fronde, 200;

consents to the liberation of the Princes on promise that his

daughter should marry Conde's son, 207;

governed by De Retz and Madame de Chevreuse, 258.

PETITS-MAITRES, the train of Conde called, their character, 288.

PALATINE, Anne de Gonzagua, Princess (widow of Edward Prince

Palatine), peculiarities of her epistolary style, 124;

her large intelligence, solidity, refinement and ingenuity of

thought, 124;

becomes the head and mainspring of the Princes' party, or Second

Fronde, 179;

the formidable political opponent of Mazarin, 179;

her extraordinary political and diplomatical ability, 189;

her antecedents, 190;

her _liaison_ with Henri de Guise under a promise of marriage, 193;

disguised in male attire she joins her lover at Besancon, 193;

abandoned by the volatile de Guise, who elopes with the Countess de

Bossuet, she returns to Paris, 194;

is married to Prince Edward, Count Palatine of the Rhine, 194;

by her conciliatory tact she obtains the esteem of all parties in

the Fronde, 196;

De Retz's eulogium and Madame de Motteville's opinion of her, 196;

she operates on behalf of the imprisoned Princes, and negotiates

four different treaties for their deliverance, 198;

an alliance with the two camps concluded by her with De Retz, 224;

she conducts with consummate skill the negotiation between Madame de

Chevreuse and Madame de Longueville, 227.

PHALZBOURG, Princess de (sister of Charles IV. of Lorraine), acts as a

spy over Madame de Chevreuse in the interest of Mazarin, 147.

POLITICAL INTRIGUE, an affair of fashion among the ladies of Anne of

Austria's Court, 56.

RAMBOUILLET, Hotel de, 9.

RETZ, John Francis Paul Gondi, Cardinal de, the evil genius of the

Fronde, 151;

his influence over the Parisians as Coadjutor, 151;

his character--ladies of gallantry his chief political agents, 152;

his conspicuous merits and faults, 172;

his master-stroke of address, 201;

his best concerted measures abortive through his inclination for the

fair sex, 208;

fails to acquire the confidence of anyone--is threatened with

assassination, 209;

lends an ear to Cromwell and contracts a close friendship with

Montrose, 209;

has the same interests with Madame de Chevreuse in securing the

union of her daughter with Conti, 210;

an analysis of his character, antecedents, and aspirations, 293;

admitted unwillingly into the secret councils of the Queen, 240;

his midnight interview with Anne of Austria, 241;

holds the key of Paris, 275;

he trims and follows the Duke d'Orleans, 280.

RICHELIEU, Cardinal de, his government through terror, 24;

conspiracy to destroy him, 26-30;

result of his efforts to consolidate the regal power, 32.

RICHELIEU, Duke de, engaged to Mademoiselle de Chevreuse, but forced

by Conde to marry clandestinely when under age, Mademoiselle de

Pons, 174.

ROCHEFOUCAULD, Francis, second Duke de la--his career as Prince de

Marsillac, 127;

his character of the Duchess de Longueville, 10;

his advice to Madame de Chevreuse, 39;

Madame de Fouquerolles confides to him the secret of the dropped

letters, 73;

he delivers her and her lover from their terrible anxiety, 73;

seeks to hush up and terminate the quarrel of the rival Duchesses,

80;

constitutes himself the champion of Madame de Chevreuse's innocence

of Beaufort's plot, 83;

allies himself with that illustrious political adventuress, 128;

desirous of securing to his party the master-mind of Conde to avenge

himself of the Queen and Mazarin, 128;

makes persistent love to Madame de Longueville and wins her

heart, 129;

his cynical maxim on the love of certain women, 129;

his personal and mental characteristics, 137;

the way in which he superseded Miossens as the lover of Madame de

Longueville, 139;

his sordid motive as her wooer, 140;

his restless spirit and ever discontented vanity, 167;

effects the escape from Paris of Madame de Longueville, 178;

gives proof of a rare fidelity through the whole of "the Women's

War," 183;

his ancestral chateau of Verteuil razed to the ground by Mazarin's

orders, 183;

his conduct at this time contradicts the assertion that he never

loved the woman he seduced and dragged into the vortex of

politics, 184;

his version of the true cause of the rupture of the marriage between

Mademoiselle de Chevreuse and Conti, 229:

grows weary of a wandering and adventurous life, 255;

the report of certain obscure relations existing between Nemours and

Madame de Longueville drives him to a violent rupture with the

Duchess, 264;

his accusation more absurd than odious, 264;

to indulge his revenge against Madame de Longueville, he enters into

all Madame de Chatillon's designs, 295;

directs her how to manage Conde and Nemours both at once, 298.

SCUDERY, Mademoiselle de, and the prudes of the Hotel de Rambouillet

protest strongly against the marriage of Conti with Mademoiselle

de Chevreuse, 249.

SEGUIER, Pierre, Keeper of the Seals, his character, 49.

SEVIGNE, Marie de Rabutin-Chantal, Marquise de, gives a splendid

supper to the Duchess de Chevreuse, 211.

SOISSONS, Count de, his conspiracy to destroy Cardinal de Richelieu,

25.

ST. MAURE, Countess of, the polish and precision of her epistolary

style, 123.

TAVANNES, Count de, a valiant _petit-maitre_ to whom Conde gives

command of the army after Bleneau, 257.

TURENNE, Marshal de, raises the standard of revolt in behalf of the

Fronde, 156;

is won over to make a treaty with Spain by Madame de Longueville,

182;

thanked by the Queen after Bleneau, for having placed the crown a

second time on her son's head, 287;

achieves the importance of being a rival of Conde, 289;

attacks the enemy's camp when half the officers of Conde's army were

at Madame de Montbazon's fete, 290.

VIGEAN, Mademoiselle de, Conde's love for, 292.

VENDOME, Duke Caesar de, the faction of, with La Vieuville and La

Valette, when emigrants in England, 23;

his pretensions and agitated life, 51;

decides to exile himself in Italy and await the fall of Mazarin,

106.

VITRY, Marshal de, prepares with Count de Cramail a _coup-de-main_

against Richelieu, 25.

END OF VOL. I.

BRADBURY, AGNEW, & CO., PRINTERS, WHITEFRIARS.

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|Transcriber's Note |

| |

| |

|The following changes were made to the original text [correction |

|in brackets]: |

| |

|Page 16: (afterwards Duke de Rochefoucald [Rochefoucauld]) |

|Page 33: Angoulesme [Angouleme], until after the peace be |

|Page 43: French language: ["]_La reine est si bonne!_" |

|Page 79: royal authority now seriously theatened [threatened]. |

|Page 85: oppose testimony more distinterested [disinterested], |

|Page 85: confidental [confidential] letters furnish us. |

|Page 146: _varures_ [parures], valued at two hundred thousand |

|Page 157: troops, at the parades of the citizen soldiery.[,] |

|Page 165: exposed to one of those _coups d'etat_ [d'etat], |

|Page 179: the Secretary of State, La Veilliere [Vrilliere], |

|Page 184: firmness,["] says Lenet, "that he seemed as though |

|Page 202: Footnote 6: Leomeni[Lomenie] de Brienne, Memoirs, 1828.|

|Page 231: to look upon her with horror. "[removed]He even blamed |

|Page 232: From that moment means of of[removed] breaking off |

|Page 232: and obscurities resting upon this deli- [delicate] |

|Page 234: missing anchor for Footnote 4 |

|Page 269: La Rouchefoucauld [Rochefoucauld], getting Gondy |

|Page 269: Rouchefoucauld [Rochefoucauld], he determined to set |

|Page 279: his ban, quitted his retreat at Dinan, and and[removed]|

|Page 282: went out to forage. He suceeded[succeeded] in procuring|

|Page 303: her personal characteristics, 18:[;] |

|Page 310: attack's[attacks] the enemy's camp when half |

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