CHAPTER X.

ONLY TWO PARTIES IN THE WORLD.

Another of the few foundation truths upon which the structure of the

world's present progress is being reared, a truth that cannot be too

often told nor too continuously urged, is that THERE ARE ONLY TWO

PARTIES IN THE WORLD.

One party consists of those who, seeing wrong, try to end it;

seeing injustice, strive to abolish it; and, being told of possible

improvements, investigate and EXPERIMENT, hoping to attain them.

The other party is made up of those who cannot see wrongs when

practiced upon others, who are blind to injustice for fear of the

unjust, and who, being told of possible improvements, antagonize their

instructors, in defense of the private interests of themselves or their

masters, that might by change be jeopardized.

One party represents the cause of the people; the other the selfishness

of kings, nobles and plutocrats.

The fight now is not simply a continuation of the old fight that

has been going on from ancient times, but is the world climax, the

end of the struggle. Those who produce and trade and teach, earning

their money by honorable exertion, are forming all along the line,

against those who are too lazy to work, too stupid or too proud

to trade or teach, but who wish to grow rich by acquiring other

people's property. The honest masses who believe in law, order and

progress, are approaching a decisive contest for permanent supremacy

with the dishonest classes who, in order to defend their systems of

plunder, utilize in their service the combined forces of ignorance,

superstition, toadyism, lawless cunning and the force of arms.

If the lawless, irresponsible dictators of industry and commerce are

successful, then liberty, constitutional government and personal

security are at an end, civilization is derailed into an abyss, and

retrogression displaces progress through another age of barbarism.

Gold becomes the only God, and bayonets the only prod to duty. The

university, the press and the pulpit will all be made permanent

attachments to the one despotic machine which is to control every

source of communication and instruction, and stifle all thought and

aspiration that does not strengthen the ruling power.

On the other hand, the people's victory will end class rule forever,

and gradually abolish all special privileges and monopolies by means

of which one man holds an unjust advantage over another. The people

holding the reins of power will apply the best talent, experience and

energy possessed by man to the establishment of justice, order and

public achievement. This is the situation confronting our country and

the world. It is the situation as it confronts every individual man.

The war is universal. There are no non-combatants. Everyone is affected

by the outcome. Each has the power to help decide the result. Whether

in compliance with or against our will, each of us must participate and

assist one side or the other.

Which shall it be? The party of the people or the party of tyranny.

This question presents itself alike to the citizen of America and the

inhabitant of Europe. Since the historic people's victory at Chicago,

July 6, 1896, the people's party in America has taken the name "REGULAR

DEMOCRATIC." In Germany, France and England it is known as the "Social

Democracy;" in the Balkans and Asia Minor it is the "Greek;" and in the

West Indies, the "Cuban Army."

When once the masses realize that the same class of adventurers,

tax-gatherers and oppressors of labor who in this country have gotten

absolute control of the Republican political machine, are the present

friends, the advisers and colleagues of the despots, plutocrats and

military leaders of Europe, that their families are intermarrying,

their interests being pooled, their cause becoming one, their interests

identical, all their plans and hopes one and inseparable, then will

it be impossible for designing demagogues to mislead or confuse them

further. When it becomes generally understood that the forces of

reaction throughout the world are one, then will the common people

come into closer union and bind themselves together as a unit.

The union of those who profit by tyranny necessitates the union of

all who believe in liberty. The internationalism of millionaires is

creating an internationalism of the common people. The situation is

being so simplified that all may comprehend clearly the two forces

whose conflict extends over the modern world. All minor and secondary

divisions and issues are swallowed up. The international aspect of the

problem does not, as one might at first suppose, confuse the mind,

but, on the other hand, simplifies the issue so that none can mistake

concerning it. Old prejudices, reverence for party names, sectional

hatreds, sores left by historic feuds, religious differences and

affiliations with local political machines, in which self or friends

are interested selfishly, all tend to cover up the real issues, when

only the local end of the fight is studied.

But, when we learn that the same class that induced the governments of

Europe and America to co-operate with Spanish murderers in starving,

killing and torturing tens of thousands of our patriotic brother

Americans in Cuba to protect the value of their Spanish bonds and

got these so-called Christian governments to assist the Turk, supply

him with arms and drill and general his soldiers for the massacre of

hundreds of thousands of defenseless Armenians and Greeks, to secure

the continued payment of interest on their Turkish bonds; that this

class is made up of the same individual bondholders who are gaining

control, through syndicates, of our American breweries, distilleries,

railroads, street car companies, gas companies and other manufacturing

and commercial institutions; that they are ever ready mercilessly and

barbarously, by murder or giant fraud, to advance their interests,

regardless of duty to humanity, country or to God, all of which they

deny; and, when we prove that this class now controls absolutely

the machinery of the Republican party in America, and is trying

again to control Democracy, the masses, in their fury against it

will, regardless of historic prejudices or past or local political

affiliations, unite in common defense of home and country to stamp it

out.

THE PARTY OF EXPERIMENT.

Our enemies say ours is a party of EXPERIMENT. We admit it. No forward

step in the world's history, no achievement in science, art, literature

or politics has ever come but by EXPERIMENT.

We are not, however, the only party of EXPERIMENT. The plutocrats,

who now control our country, also believe in EXPERIMENT, only their

experiments are in the direction of further despoiling the people

without adding to popular rage, and of tightening their grip upon our

property, our lives and liberties without inciting to rebellion.

One man experiments with surgeon's knife upon the body of another,

chloroformed or a corpse. But suppose the chloroform ceases to act or

the corpse proves a case of suspended animation, rises up snatches

the surgical instrument, ties his tormentor to the couch and begins

to experiment on him. The EXPERIMENT in either case may be equally

beneficial to science, equally dangerous to the victim. But the

personal value of the EXPERIMENT to either of the principals depends,

in a large measure, upon WHETHER HE IS THE EXPERIMENTER OR THE MAN

EXPERIMENTED ON.

The millionaires united are at present experimenting on the people.

The records of their discoveries are doubtless of great value to

political science but when the unfortunate public, heretofore thought

dead or safely hypnotized, arises and with ghastly alacrity, begins to

EXPERIMENT on its doctors, not only will science be equally benefited,

but the "corpse" will enjoy the operation hugely.

This outcry on the part of the plutocrats against political

experimenting means simply that _they want to do all the experimenting

themselves_.

OUR ENEMIES ARE THE INNOVATORS.

A family, sheltered for many years to their entire satisfaction by an

old homestead, that also protected their property, suddenly discovers

that their silverware is fast disappearing with many heirlooms, jewels

and valuable papers and pieces of furniture. They discuss a plan for

changing the locks and, with the aid of a skilled mechanic, make an

examination of every wall, floor, door and window with a view to a

general overhauling and repairs. A neighbor makes serious objection and

in a solemn manner appeals to his friends not to interfere with the

ancient landmarks nor lay an irreverent hand upon the old homestead,

that served their father so well and that sheltered them and protected

their property so long. His only object in thus warning his friend

against dangerous innovation being grateful reverence for which has

been so useful in the past.

Supposing the owner to be possessed of common sense, his answer

will be: "Yes, my friend, the old homestead has served me and my

fathers well for a long period of years and I had never intended to

irreverently destroy it. But I have discovered that some stranger has

already laid an irreverent hand upon our home and broken the locks of

our doors and windows. We find that he has cut a hole in the floor

of our side closet and effected entrances through the roof and the

cellar window. The home which once protected us serves no longer as

a protection, because mutilated by an intruder. If the house still

protected us as it did our fathers we should be satisfied; but, since

others have changed it, we, in self-protection, must adapt ourselves

to the changed conditions. It is not the old house that protected our

fathers that we are changing, but the new house, the changed house,

the mutilated house--this it is that we wish to renovate and re-adapt,

so that it may again be made to serve us as did the old one. The same

outside framework, the same old flag-pole, brown front and corner stone

remain, but many of the foundation stones are gone, the strength of the

house, its power to serve and protect us have been taken away so that

we are in constant fear of its caving in upon us. Therefore, we shall

repair it thoroughly or else remove to another."

Our government for many years served the people well. Its past is

sacred. It protected our fathers, made our lives and our fortunes

possible and we are tempted to give weight to the arguments of a

compatriot when he says to us: "Touch not the ancient landmarks; do not

lay irreverent hands on our government; do not seek to change its laws

or institutions; it has served us well and we should show our gratitude

by protecting it and by opposing innovation."

In answer, however, we are forced to say that, although we have the

same flag-pole and flag, the same brown front and corner stone, an

enemy has for years been removing one foundation stone after another.

He has removed the vital parts from the locks of our doors and windows;

made entrances through the roof, the floor and cellar, so that our

silver is now disappearing, our jewels and our heirlooms are missing,

and our liberty, our lives and our property are in danger.

WE ARE NOT THE INNOVATORS. WE ARE THE VICTIMS OF INNOVATION. We seek

to battle against the invaders who have mutilated our government and

would destroy us. We strive to make our government, of which now only

the shell remains, serve us as it served our forefathers, capable of

affording us that shelter and protection, which is the true function of

government, and which our forefathers intended we should have.

TWO GOVERNMENTS IN MORTAL COMBAT.

We have two distinct governments in our country, whose interests are

antagonistic and irreconcilable. One government is the United States;

the other, the United Trusts and Syndicates. The former is democratic;

the other despotic. This inner-treasonable despotism controls our

industry, commerce and means of life and pleasure. It is using the

United States government as a machine to enforce its decrees and extend

its dominion, hoping soon to abolish the last vestige of popular rule.

It is world-wide in its extent, and only uses local and national

governments as means of power.

The United States enacts laws openly. The United trusts and syndicates

enacts laws secretly. Disobedience to our state laws is punished only

after a public trial, but the merchant who breaks a trust law is ruined

without a trial, the laborer who ignores it is secretly blacklisted;

the minister who defies it is forced out of the church, and the lawyer

disregarding it loses his profitable practice. The nation enacts a law

and the trust officers laugh at it so far as it applies to them, and

then, by gaining control of the law-enforcing power, use this law as an

additional club in the subjugation of their victims.

When the people attempt to defeat a new aggression on the part of the

trusts by carrying out the plan of some renowned thinker, known to be

uninfluenced by special interests, the emissaries of the trusts scatter

the people by crying: "EXPERIMENT." "An untried and Utopian scheme,"

"Innovators." While the patriots argue as to whether their plan is

really an EXPERIMENT, the enemy captures a new position.

The United Trusts and Syndicates, by experimenting constantly and

pushing forward all along the line and at the same time by convincing

the United States not to EXPERIMENT, succeeds in approaching the

same relation to its rival government that a live ant sustains to

a dead worm. By incessant and fearless activity, and by using our

constitution, traditions and flag as a blind, this irresponsible

despotism is fast nearing the time when it hopes to throw off its mask

and publicly usurp supreme power. Not a day passes but these organized

conspirators try some new EXPERIMENT, attempt some new aggression never

dared before, attack some nearer outpost of the people's liberties

heretofore thought impregnable.

Often these EXPERIMENTS fail. The people are sometimes bull-headed, and

repulse the attack with loss to the United Trusts and Syndicates. But

failing once, twice or a hundred times, do they cease to EXPERIMENT?

Even though they lose millions in attempting some audacious act, do

they therefore refuse to attempt another act equally bold? Never.

They see clearly that all enterprise, all progress, all victory, all

increase in power and dominion, result only from repeated EXPERIMENTS.

The boldest of all EXPERIMENTS was the hatching of the conspiracy that

gave their present organization birth. EXPERIMENT gave them all they

have. They live and grow by it. To stop EXPERIMENT is to stop action,

for the modern world is a new world and in it there are no tried and

beaten paths. The floods and glaciers of innovation have carried away

the ancient landmarks, and by raising new barriers and structures

largely shut off from all progressive peoples, even the kindly rays

from the lamp of experience. Not agitators, but science and invention,

have pushed us away from the ancient world, with its well-worn roads

and lighthouses, and where we walk now human feet never trod before.

The light from our foreheads is our only lamp, and eternal truth our

only guide, prefer to EXPERIMENT, OR TO BE EXPERIMENTED ON; TO BE THE

SURGEON, OR THE CORPSE.

The Democratic party in power in 1900 controlled by the common people

will, without doubt, EXPERIMENT boldly. It will lead our government

into new and untried ways, as our enemies very clearly and very

truthfully predict. It will, without doubt, commit blunders and make

mistakes. The one thing that above all and in spite of all it is

pledged to do, is to arouse the United States government from its

paralysis, stupor and corpse-like state of being experimented on, and

declare that whatever the EXPERIMENTS of the future, instead of being

made ON THE UNITED STATES, THEY SHALL BE MADE BY THE UNITED STATES.

The important question for the citizens of the United States to answer

is simply this: Do you prefer to EXPERIMENT, or to be experimented on;

to be the surgeon, or the corpse?

When the victimized people declare their independence, through their

own government, of the despotism of the trusts, it will necessarily be

an EXPERIMENT.

Every time General Grant ordered an attack on the forces defending

negro slavery, he tried an EXPERIMENT. Never could he tell exactly

what the result would be. There might be more dead Union men than

Confederates, or there might possibly be more dead Confederates than

Union men. The one thing of which he was certain, however, was that

his duty consisted in going ahead, and, when defeated, he gathered his

troops together and tried again. He knew that, if followed long enough,

his plan would crush the Confederacy.

So each attack on the white slave power to-day is an EXPERIMENT. We

cannot at any time foretell the immediate result. An attack on a

special monopoly may fail. Many times we may be repulsed with loss,

but by constantly renewing the attack and continuing to press forward

we shall eventually triumph. During the late war, the southern states

defended black slavery. They lost. Black slavery was abolished. To-day,

the southern states, dominated by the common people, have espoused the

cause of liberty and to the oppressors of the North and East they say,

"White slavery also must be destroyed."

Both parties are parties of EXPERIMENT. The only difference is that we

avow ours openly and write them in our platform, while the experiments

and aggressions of the Republican party are planned in secret and

executed in dark corners where only traitors and adventurers are

allowed admittance.

To hesitate and refuse to EXPERIMENT is to tie our hands and remain

inactive, while our enemies harass us, rob us, and assault us from

all directions. It is as important to weaken the enemy as it is to

strengthen your own forces. Therefore, when by an extensive literature

the money-power instill in the people a horror of EXPERIMENT, they

palsy their limbs and incapacitate them for defense.

Therefore, the Democratic Volunteers will frankly admit the charge

that they favor EXPERIMENT and will boldly proclaim that EXPERIMENT is

one of the foundation stones of their creed. By ceaseless and tireless

repetition in every community of our nation we will ask the people

to begin to EXPERIMENT on their own account, instead of permitting

EXPERIMENT to longer remain a monopoly in the hands of those who

continually decry it. We will ask them to decide whether they will

longer remain objects of EXPERIMENT, or, by government action, begin to

EXPERIMENT on their persecutors.

The New Democracy: A handbook for Democratic speakers and workers · 第 10 / 12 章