CHAPTER VI.

THE HEROIC AND PROSAIC.

Heroism and the spirit of martyrdom and of self-sacrifice are

historical factors as real, as tangible and as much a part of human

nature as greed or hunger. The young Volunteers who forsake home,

business and personal ambition to help save our Nation from the money

power, starting in the name of humanity astride bicycles, horseback,

afoot and in Bryan wagons, preaching the new gospel of glad tidings

without money and without price, eating whole wheat, dry bread and

apples, with a square meal only now and then to remind them of the good

times coming, are not impelled by any strange or new force in society.

They are not the disciples of a new cult or ism, the latest off-shot

from the great tree of life. They are not a new product of civilization

but on the other hand they are the real conservative and belong to the

true nobility of the human race, that brotherhood of heroes, patriots

and martyrs of all ages and nations, as old as the human family itself.

On the other hand, the essentially NEW PRODUCT of our civilization is

the man who does not believe in heroism, who has stifled the nobler

instincts with which nature originally endowed him, and fills his

whole mind's horizon with the one image of gold. Those in whose minds

avarice has devoured all other instincts and desires to the point of

moral insanity, are the only strange or new off-shoots. They alone

are the special and characteristic product of our particular period,

distinguished above all else by its complete surrender to the one

passion--greed. The real cranks and monstrosities are not those who are

in line with historic humanity, but rather those who have crucified

their humanity on "a cross of gold" in accord with a temporary social

perversion.

HEROISM AND SOMETHING MORE.

Some say it is the weakness of our movement that we depend too much

on heroism and patriotism and other of the weaker instincts and

uncertain qualities of human nature and therefore the movement must

fail. Successful movements appeal to the more substantial motives and

instincts, such as cupidity, sectional pride, etc.

While it is true that we appeal first of all to the patriotism of our

citizens, to the heroic in man and to those deep religious and moral

sentiments of which heroism and patriotism are the highest product, and

while it is true that we regard these sentiments when fully drawn out

and properly applied, and during great occasions of National peril, as

being stronger than cupidity, sectional pride, or even regard for life,

and that the exercise of these qualities by vast bodies of men have

repeatedly, during each century throughout the history of our race,

saved the dominance of the Caucasian race and all those principles and

institutions that give value to the modern world, and, while we intend

during the four years to come, preparatory to the greatest crisis of

history, to continue to appeal first and foremost and all the time to

patriotism and heroism, love of justice and fellow feeling, still, we

intend to utilize every force and every means that will aid in bringing

about the better world for which we hope.

We recognize that while in a moment of enthusiastic ardor, a man will

give his life for a principle, and that during hours of deep religious

fervor, brought about by the preaching of gifted orators, people

renounce their old ways of living and often divide up their property

with the church and the poor, that such occasions are comparatively

rare, while every man born of woman desires food about three times a

day, that he desires clothing and suffers for the want of it during

every one of his sleeping and waking hours, that during a large portion

of his life intense feelings and regard are turned toward some woman,

and that nearly all men are at nearly all times vain, not in any bad

sense, but that they desire the respect and the confidence of their

fellow men, and when opportunity offers, strive to be conspicuous and

influential, and desire to be feared and loved and admired for unusual

qualities, possessions or acts.

Therefore, to make our movement completely and wholly successful,

we appeal first to patriotism and heroism, the noblest and highest

qualities produced by centuries of religious and moral training, but

secondarily we appeal to men's ambition, their love of gain, their

desire to eat, to be clothed, to marry, to become influential, their

vanity, their imagination, their love of activity and all the qualities

that they possess.

It does not lessen a soldier's courage for him to know that if

victorious in battle he is to be promoted, or that if a city is taken

or a country conquered, he is to have a plantation where he can rest

in peace when his gray hairs come with his children healthy and happy

about him. There is no need to dissect with the surgeon's knife of

close analysis the motives and minds of men in order to separate every

little vanity from the noble and unselfish impulses with which it is

interwoven, nor to cut away and lay apart from the strong patriotic

desire to serve one's country, every little individual and personal

hope that in the event one's country is served and saved, those who

bear the brunt of the battle will be especially favored and secure

first recognition in the universal enjoyment consequent upon such

victory. By taking human nature as we find it with its admixture of the

heroic and prosaic, its mingling of selfish and altruistic aims, we

seek to make every impulse serve the cause of humanity by contributing

to the one end--triumphant Democracy.

THE ROLL OF HONOR.

The most important feature of the Democratic Volunteers' organization,

is the honor roll, on which is recorded the work done by each

Volunteer. To all faithful workers are issued semi-annually

certificates of honor, and to those who perform services of unusual

merit special medals and other awards of recognition.

One copy of the honor roll is kept by the National leaders in a

safe-deposit in St. Louis, and a duplicate copy by the great leader of

Democracy at his home.

By this system, each worker knows that everything he does is recorded

at headquarters, and is kept there for all future time for reference

by our national leaders, when they wish, either in asking for services

or bestowing favors, to find the real, deserving, fighting material

in our party. Each worker knows, also, that it is the end of the

unjust custom, whereby one or two loud-mouthed adventurers, who have

done nothing but who claim all, in the hour of victory cast aside the

unselfish workers, whose years of patient labor gained the victory.

With an account kept of the sacrifices made, the clubs organized, the

members secured by each party worker in our country, there can be no

more climbing into favor on the shoulders of others, but, instead,

each man stands on his own bottom, reaping the fruit and recognition

of his own work, and is assigned to leadership as the result of the

exercise of his own genius and talents. At present, every Congressman,

Governor or President elected to office, is punished sufficiently to

offset all the pleasures and satisfactions of having been successful

by the impossible task of trying to disentangle the various claims of

the men who helped elect him. But no such discordant scramble need ever

recur, for the Volunteers will, in the future, keep an exact history

of the service rendered by every party worker, and, in Congressional

parlance, each fellow will know exactly "where he is at." The system is

as carefully thought out and perfected as that of any standing army.

The roll of honor appeals to the strongest instincts in man, which

have been utilized in every successful social or religious movement

since the dawn of history. If he is vain, it appeals to his vanity.

If heroic, it stimulates his heroism. If ambitious, he sees the way

to get place and position is to merit them by faithful work and that

they cannot be had by cheating the rightful owners out of the fruits of

their victories, to which he has not contributed.

In the Catholic Church and in many other institutions through all the

centuries, as among the followers of Napolean and Caesar, men have

often given up their lives for a medal or a bit of ribbon. For such

rewards England to-day gets almost as much service as from her vast

pay-roll.

By proper organization, vanity can be made to offset cupidity. It

is as strong an instinct, and we have the means of satisfying it.

To-day the name of England's Queen cannot inspire as great enthusiasm

in the majority of the English speaking race, as does the name of

William Jennings Bryan. The enthusiasm now aroused has sufficient

force to accomplish all our ends. What we need is simply to harness

this Niagara, organize this power, and apply it systematically and

continuously. It can be done. It is being done. Never in the history of

our country has the year following a great political campaign been the

scene of such a rejuvenation of the defeated party as has taken place

since our late repulse.

As every plant must shoot down two roots for sustenance, before

putting forth a new twig, so we have decided to plant the roots of

our organization prolifically throughout the Southern and Western

states, where our cause is strong, thereby securing the support for

a continuous and aggressive campaign before sending our Volunteers

into the doubtful states and those still given over to the idolatrous

worship of the golden calf.

Each congressional district in the Southern and Western states can

be made by contributions of one cent, five cents, ten cents at a

time, collected by the Volunteer Speakers, to support permanently one

organizer in Republican territory.

There are many different ways to work. One is by educating and

agitating and by advancing our principles indoors and outdoors upon

every possible occasion by public speeches. Another is to go to

work quietly, and, by personal man-to-man solicitation, to organize

regular ward or precinct clubs in one's own town or county. This is

the first thing to be done, where no regular Democratic club exists

independent of boodling bosses. But, anyhow, get five true and tried

workers enlisted and forward their names to headquarters. They will

then receive monthly instructions for carrying on and enlarging the

work. When a club is already formed, the Volunteer is to build it up

by increasing its membership and educating its members, and defeating,

as club officers, any man who is known to apologize for the existence

of any monopoly whatever. After this try to establish a league of

the clubs in the county, city or state, known to be formed on right

principles.

In the centuries to come, there will be no prouder title to boast of,

no higher family honor, no more distinctive mark of aristocracy, than

this record in black and white that one's forefather belonged to the

band of patriots who, through four years of persecution and struggle,

succeeded in driving from American soil, that last representative of

historic tyranny, organized plutocracy.

The New Democracy: A handbook for Democratic speakers and workers · 第 6 / 12 章