MODERN POLICE (_continued_): NEW YORK.
Greater New York--Despotic Position of the Mayor--Constitution of
the Police force--Dr. Parkhurst's Indictment--The Lexow Commission
and its Report--Police Abuses: Blackmail, Brutality, Collusion with
Criminals, Electoral Corruption, the Sale of Appointments and
Promotions--Excellence of the Detective Bureau--The Black Museum of
New York--The Identification Department--Effective Control of
Crime.
New York, by its latest charter of government, takes in the whole of the
outlying suburban districts, and has become the second city in the
world. It is known now as Greater New York, and its present municipal
constitution is curiously at variance with the democratic traditions of
a nominally free people. Supreme power, the absolute autocratic
authority, is vested in a single individual, elected, it is true, by the
popular voice, but, while he holds office, as despotic as any Czar. The
only check on the Mayor of Greater New York is that of public opinion,
expressed through a vigilant, often outrageously plain-speaking, Press,
but a Press at times influenced, even to the point of silence, by party
spirit. Holding his mandate on these terms, the head of the municipal
executive in New York can, as a matter of fact, do as he pleases. The
whole business of municipal administration is absolutely in his hands.
He is assisted by eighteen boards, each controlling a separate
department, but all of them except one, that of finance, composed of
members whom he personally appoints. The first Mayor elected on these
lines was Mr. Van Wyck, who, when he took up his office, was said to be
as much master of New York as Napoleon III. was of Paris and France when
he became President by virtue of the plebiscite.
All this would be beyond the scope of my subject were it not that the
government of New York, past and present, is intimately bound up with
its police. The Mayor, as the chief of executive power, is the head of
the force by which it ought to be protected, and peace and good order
maintained. Not long since, that police was attacked by many reputable
citizens and declared to be a disgrace to modern civilisation. The
situation had grown up under the shadow of Tammany Hall, that strange
product of modern democracy, an organisation, originally political,
which grew with steadily increasing, irresponsible power till it
overshadowed and overawed the city of New York, ruling it with barefaced
chicanery and imposing an outrageous despotism. In 1894 the power of
Tammany was temporarily overborne by an outburst of popular indignation.
But it was scotched, not killed. The almost irresponsible power wielded
by the Chief Magistrate under the latest charter is working again for
ill. There is no guarantee for its wise and temperate exercise; and a
new Commission, known as the Mazet Commission, presided over by Mr.
Moss, has conducted an inquiry which revealed that some of the old evils
were again in the ascendant.
Until 1896 the outside public was apt to regard the police of New York
as "the best and finest in the world." The eulogistic words are those of
its own champions, who claimed for it that "its services have been
great, the bravery of some of its members conspicuous in life-saving and
yet more in quelling riot and disturbance." It has always been a
tradition in America that the police may be trusted with considerable
powers; a free people, feeling that law in a new country must sternly
check license, has not unwillingly permitted its constituted guardians
to use the strong arm on occasion, and in a way that would not be
tolerated in slow-going, sober old England. To "loose off his revolver"
at the fugitive he cannot catch, or who has slipped through his fingers,
is no uncommon practice with the American policeman, what though he may
hit the innocent pigeon and miss the offending crow. I can call to mind
the summary finish of a prolonged strike of "street-car" employees which
I witnessed in one of my various visits to New York. A force of
policemen in plain clothes and armed to the teeth were sent "down town"
on a street-car with orders to fight their way through, which they did
"handsomely." In other words, they shot down all opposition. The number
of casualties was never publicly reported.
Let us consider first the constitution of the force. The whole body of
police is small compared with that of other large cities, and in
proportion to the mixed, turbulent public it controls--only one to 500
souls; it is governed by a Board of four Commissioners appointed by
[Illustration: "THEY SHOT DOWN ALL OPPOSITION" (p. 269).]
the Mayor for a term of six years. Particular duties are allocated to
the several members of the Board. Thus, the senior Commissioner and
president _ex officio_ is entrusted with the higher discipline of the
force; he deals with all charges of misconduct, and decides whether
offending constables shall or shall not be sent before the public
tribunals. Another Commissioner controls repairs and supplies, examining
and passing all bills for work done, after satisfying himself that it
has been completed. A third supervises the Pension Fund, and disposes of
applications for retirement, and also of applications from widows and
children of police officers for relief. The fourth Commissioner is the
Treasurer of police funds.
Immediately next to the Board stands a Superintendent of Police, who is
chief of the executive, the responsible head of the _personnel_, of the
rank and file of the force. He is the intermediary between the four
Inspectors, who come next in the hierarchy, and the supreme Board, the
channel communicating the Board's will and the agent to enforce its
execution. The Superintendent holds all the threads of general control,
and is responsible for and charged with the enforcement of the law
throughout the city. Three Inspectors supervise each a separate
district, being responsible for the preservation of the peace within its
limits and security to life and limb; the fourth is the head of the
detective branch. After the Inspectors rank the Captains of "precincts,"
of which there were thirty-four previous to the enlargement of the city,
each "precinct" being analogous to a French _arrondissement_ or a police
"division" in London. The Captain is an officer of great influence and
importance in his precinct, which he rules more or less despotically,
but nominally in the best interests of the public. He has a large force
of men at his disposal, and is expected to use it for the comfort and
protection of good citizens, as well as the pursuit and capture of
criminals. The rank and file of the force serving under the Captains are
classed as follows: first the Sergeants, from whom the Captains are
commonly selected; next the Roundsmen; then the Patrolmen, synonymous
with our ordinary blue-coated constables; last of all the Doormen, who
are out of uniform and employed at stations, lock-ups, and in offices,
performing many and various functions of administration.
In theory, to all outward seeming this organisation, so perfect, so
symmetrical, so accurately planned, might be supposed to justify the
encomiums passed upon it as the best and finest police force in the
world. Yet some of those for whose service it existed denounced it as an
intolerable tyranny, supported by corruption and wielding arbitrary
authority. Revolt was threatened, and it broke out ere long, only to be
crushed in its first efforts, but, unabashed by failure, to renew its
strenuous efforts. The moving spirit, the apostle of reform, was Dr.
Parkhurst, the incumbent of the Madison Square church, who, after ten
years of active ministration, began in 1890 to preach against Tammany
from his pulpit with a persistent courage that survived every attempt to
put him down. He took office next year as president of the Society for
the Prevention of Crime, and at once adopted as his watchword the cry of
"Down with the police." He denounced the whole administration of law and
justice as criminally corrupt; all officers, lawyers, judges depending
on Tammany worked hand in hand with crime. "It is simply one solid gang
of rascals, half of the gang in office, the other half out, and the two
halves steadily catering to each other across the official line."
[Illustration: _Photo: Sarony, New York._
THE REV. DR. PARKHURST.]
For this bold language Dr. Parkhurst was summoned before the Grand Jury
of New York and solemnly reproved. He was not to be silenced; but,
anxious to formulate no fresh attack until he could speak to facts from
his own knowledge, he made a sad and weary pilgrimage through the worst
purlieus of the city, and obtained abundant proof that the law was
continually and flagrantly violated under the eyes of the police, and in
collusion and complicity with them. He returned to the charge,
inveighing with redoubled vigour against the police, telling how he had
"gone down into the disgusting depths of this Tammany-debauched town."
He was again summoned before the Grand Jury, but now he had his answer,
and so far from rebuking him afresh, the Grand Jury agreed with him as
to the corruption of the New York police.
Now the forlorn hope Dr. Parkhurst had led was followed by a strong
column of assault, and although Tammany fought hard to shield its
creatures, and Dr. Parkhurst was vilified, accused, even arrested and
prosecuted upon trumped-up charges, the city rose to back him. A
memorial was presented to the State Senate praying for a full public
inquiry into the state of the police department. Tammany still fought;
its nominee, Governor Flower, Governor of the State of New York, refused
to approve the inquiry, on the ground that it was needless. "No city in
the State has a lower tax rate than New York," he said; "no city has a
better police regulation; no city has a lower ratio of crime; ... a
better health department, better parks, better schools, better
credit.... No city is so comfortable a place to live in. That bad men
sometimes get into office there is true; that ideal municipal government
has not yet been attained there is true; but these things are equally
true of every city in the world, they are truer of other cities of our
State than they are of New York."
Despite all opposition, a Committee was appointed and soon commenced a
searching investigation. It was presided over by Senator Lexow, and is
still known as the Lexow Commission. How exhaustively it dealt with the
business may be seen from the fact that 678 witnesses were examined on
oath, that the evidence filled 10,576 pages of printed matter, and that
nine months elapsed before it could present its first provisional
report.
[Illustration: _Photo copyrighted (1894) by G. Prince, New York._
SENATOR LEXOW.]
Immense difficulties were experienced in obtaining evidence. The
influence of the police was paramount; and it was, no doubt, in
consequence of the reluctance of witnesses to speak against the police
that the Lexow Committee reported so strongly. It is necessary to bear
this in mind, since it may be that the police prejudiced their own case
at this point or at that by efforts to keep back the facts. The
Committee found that the witnesses they called before them were
subjected to outrage if they dared to state what they knew. "They were
abused, clubbed, and imprisoned, even convicted of crimes on false
testimony by policemen and their accomplices. Men of business were
harassed and annoyed in their affairs ... people of all degrees seemed
to feel that to antagonise the police was to call down upon themselves
the swift judgment and persecution of an invulnerable force.... The
uniform belief was that if they spoke against the police, had helped the
Committee, or had given information, their business would be ruined,
they would be hounded from the city, and their lives even jeopardised."
The Committee therefore came to the conclusion that the police formed a
separate and highly privileged class, armed with the authority and the
machinery for oppression and punishment, but practically free themselves
from the operation of the criminal law.
This indictment was based upon clear proof of the irregularities
practised by certain members of the New York police. They may be
summarised under four principal heads, with each of which I will deal in
turn.
(1) _Blackmail._--A tariff was fixed under which a tax was imposed upon
disorderly houses, drinking shops, gambling places, and so forth, and
was paid, no doubt cheerfully, for immunity from police interference.
This tax varied from twenty dollars (£4) to five hundred dollars (£100)
per month. The moneys were collected by detectives and other constables,
who received a commission upon the sums raised. These extortions were
not limited to the caterers for vice, mostly native American citizens.
The poor, ignorant, and friendless foreigner, who was seeking a new home
in the New World, was constantly and wantonly plundered. If he dared to
protest he was beaten and maltreated. A wretched Italian shoeblack, who
had cleaned an officer's boots for a month on credit, was half-killed
when he dared to ask for his money. A Russian Jewess who had opened a
small tobacco shop got into the black books of certain detectives by
refusing to supply them for nothing, was arrested on a false charge, and
heavily fined.
(2) _Brutality._--These charges cover a wide range. The Lexow Committee
stigmatised the police-stations as "slaughter-houses,"
[Illustration: SQUAD OF AMERICAN POLICE DRILLING.]
where "prisoners, in custody of officers of the law and under the law's
protection, were brutally kicked and maltreated almost within view of
the judge presiding in the court." Numbers of witnesses testified to the
severe assaults made upon them at the station-houses. It was a word and
a blow with the policeman, often no previous word. A significant story
was told to the Committee by Mr. Costello, an Irishman attached to the
staff of the _New York Herald_. His work took him much to the police
headquarters, and he was apparently on good terms with most of the
officers. The experience he thus gained led him to produce a book called
"Our Police Protectors," which had a good sale, under the patronage of
the police, until one of the officers brought out a book, which drove
Costello's out of sale. Costello, accepting his disappointment, produced
another book about the Fire Department. Again he met with competition
from a man protected by the fire and police authorities. He endeavoured
to fight for his own hand, but soon got to loggerheads with the police.
He was arrested on a trumped-up charge, and when taken to the
station-house was knocked down by an officer--"brass-knuckled," for the
ruffian's fist was armed with brass knuckles. Then he was brutally
kicked as he lay half-stunned in the muddy gutter. Another still more
brutal case was that of a gentleman who interposed in a fight and was
attacked by a policeman who rushed into the _mêlée_. The officer,
striking out wildly with his club, caught the well-meaning gentleman on
the face and knocked his eye out. Another officer attacked a man who was
dissatisfied with the shell-fish he bought at an oyster stand, the
keeper of which had paid for police protection. The custodian of order
forthwith exerted his authority on the side of his friend and smashed in
the teeth of the discontented customer. Another witness appeared before
the Committee bleeding and disfigured, just as he had come out of police
hands. This man had been robbed of four dollars while asleep on a
doorstep, and his whole offence was in having appealed to the police for
assistance in recovering his money.
In all these and similar cases the victims could not hope for redress.
The police were above the law, and were not held responsible for
offences, not even for such felonious assaults as those described, which
would have entailed upon ordinary citizens a sentence of four or five
years' imprisonment. The policeman, even if charged and convicted, was
certain to be let off with a small fine. But, as a general rule, the
sufferers knew too well that it was useless to take proceedings. Mr.
Costello, already mentioned, was asked why he had not done so. In answer
he used the well-known saying, "It is no use going to law with the devil
when the court is in hell." The gentleman who lost his eye because he
was so weak as to interfere in a street fight preferred to pay a lawyer
to bribe his assailant not to appear against him, although the boot was
entirely on the other leg and the offender was the policeman. In the
case of the Italian shoeblack his mates raised money enough to pay a
lawyer, but could never get the case brought into court. In considering
these charges of brutality, however, it is but fair to bear in mind the
dangerous character of certain classes of the population with which the
New York police have to deal, and the readiness with which resort is had
to lethal weapons. To expect from them the patience and forbearance that
we look for from the English police would be obviously unreasonable.
(3) _Collusion with Crime and Criminals._--This was another grave
allegation proved against certain of the New York police. It was shown
that they were hand-in-glove in one nefarious practice at least--that
known as the "green goods trade," a species of confidence trick played
upon the unwary fool, and a very profitable game to the side which
invariably won. "Green goods" are forged or counterfeit banknotes,
passed off as genuine and sold for a song on one of two pretences to
those who would buy them. The first, that there had been over-issue of
paper currency by the Treasury, and the notes were, therefore at a
discount; the second, that the plates from which the notes were struck
had been stolen from the Government, hence they could be offered cheap.
[Illustration: JAMES MCNALLY, INVENTOR OF THE "GREEN GOODS TRADE."]
The business, which seems to have been invented by one McNally, commonly
called "King McNally," was so ingenious that some account of it may be
given here. Seven principal actors were needed, and they were:
(i.) The "Backer," or capitalist, who was wanted to supply genuine notes
to a large amount, which had to be produced when the swindle was started
and the fish was on the hook.
(ii.) The "Writer," who sent out the circulars which constituted the
bait.
(iii.) The "Bunco Steerer," who was despatched, often to a considerable
distance, to get the nibbling victim in tow.
(iv.) The "Old Man," a personage of benign and most respectable aspect,
who had to sit in the room when the fraud was being carried out.
(v.) The "Turner," who did the bargaining and sold the bogus notes.
(vi.) The "Ringer," a sleight-of-hand artist who effected the exchange,
at a given moment, between the genuine notes displayed and the shams
palmed off on the fool.
(vii.) The "Tailer," a species of bully employed to get rid of any dupe
who, having discovered the swindle, returned to expose it.
A first step was to procure directories and lists of addresses, by which
means vast numbers of circulars were distributed through the country. It
was the business of No. 2, the "writer," a mere clerk, to send these
out, enclosing in each envelope forged cuttings from newspapers
(printed, of course) which set forth the extraordinary advantages
offered by those who had "green goods" for sale. At the same time a slip
was inserted giving an address to which anyone might telegraph so as to
secure the offer before it was too late. The address was always bogus,
some number in a street of a house that did not exist, or an entirely
vacant lot of ground. The telegrams were, however, delivered by the
telegraph companies to the swindlers in person, a service for which a
substantial fee was paid.
It was supposed that as many as 10,000 circulars a day were despatched.
One or two at most would meet with a response. Then the "bunco steerer"
went off forthwith to bring the victim in; to hand him over to the
rogues waiting to despoil him in some low tavern or opium shop where
they consorted together, with the direct permission of the police. The
"guy," or the "come-on," as the victim was styled in the swindlers'
argot, when he appeared was handled in various ways. The first step was
to make a price, and that was generally at the rate of 10,000 dollar
bills for 650 dollars paid down. Smaller sums were also negotiated, and
the process was not always quite the same. Either the good bills were
counted over and deposited in a box, which by some sleight-of-hand was
exchanged for another filled with waste paper, or the bills were
arranged in packages with a good note on top and bottom, the intervening
notes being bogus. This latter dodge was used with any suspicious
customer, a "hard" victim, as he was called. There was another plan
carried out with a private carriage; it was called the "carriage
racket," and the transfer was made by means of a couple of bags or
satchels. In one the genuine notes were deposited by a confederate, who
entered the carriage with the victim, and sat by his side. The worker of
the fraud, after filling the satchel, would kindly offer to accompany
the victim back to the station, and _en route_ the exchange was made
with another--bogus--bag.
In all cases the railway station played a principal part in the fraud;
it was essential that the victim should be a stranger who came from a
distance, and was returning home after the deal. He was cunningly
debarred from examining the box or the satchel, whichever was employed.
In the case of the box he was given a key which would not fit the lock;
and in the case of the satchel he was told to cut the leather through
when he got to his journey's end. The idea in both cases was that he
should not detect the fraud before leaving New York; that would, of
course, have been inevitable directly he opened the receptacle. As he
was doing a shady, fraudulent thing in buying the notes, he would
generally fall into the trap, realising the necessity for great caution
and secrecy.
[Illustration: THE OLD TOMBS PRISON, NEW YORK, NOW REBUILT.]
Now and again a victim discovered the trick, and refused to leave the
city till he had exposed it. This case was met by the "tailer," who was
in waiting at the railway station disguised as a policeman. When he
came on the scene he met the complaint made with an immediate threat of
arrest, and the victim, knowing his intention had been dishonest, was
only too glad to get off. But sometimes the "guy" was swindled in a
different way. He paid his money, but got no notes. They were to be sent
to his address; when they failed to arrive he would come back to
inquire, and probably buy more, which were also to follow, but never
did. This trick was often carried out three or four times. At last the
parcel would be handed into the "express" or parcel office before his
eyes, but to a confederate, who, when the notes were missing, was
accused of having stolen them, and was not, of course, to be found.
Not only did certain members of the police connive at this nefarious
traffic, which flourished exceedingly, but they actually co-operated in
it. A police captain provided the "joint" or place of meeting where the
thieves beat the victim or swindled him. The proprietor was in the swim,
and received his commission, and if superior officials interfered, as
sometimes happened, the "joint" was transferred, then and there to a new
place. The "green goods" man always had timely notice when any police
raid was in contemplation; the police were also most useful in taking
charge of the "come-backs," the "guys" or victims who would not submit
to extortion, and it was often possible to take them in hand when they
applied at the detective bureau so as to nullify their proceedings, or
at worst give the hint to the swindlers to make themselves scarce. The
police were also kind enough to assist "King McNally" in the discipline
of his subjects. Whenever a "writer," who was the medium by which the
profits were shared after the first half had been monopolised by the
capitalist, was behindhand with his payments, the police were informed,
and the defaulter arrested. The profits of this nefarious business were
very high. It was said that McNally often took as much as £1,600 in a
single day. Some of the capitalists or "backers" made large fortunes,
£20,000, £30,000, even £40,000 apiece.
Another species of illegitimate revenue was that drawn from the gaming
houses, the policy shops and pool rooms which are apparently very
numerous in New York. This particular traffic appears to have originated
the slang epithet "pantata," which was the familiar title for the police
official who gave his
[Illustration: EQUIPMENTS OF THE NEW YORK POLICE.
1. Winter Helmet.
2. Summer Hat.
3. Revolver.
4. Shield.
5. Day Stick.
6. Rosewood Baton for Parade.
7. Belt and Frog.
8. Night Stick.
9. Handcuffs (new style).
10. Nippers.
]
countenance to vice and crime. Its derivation is said to be Bohemian,
and the word was originally used in Austro-Hungary, where the
Emperor-King Francis Joseph was called the "Pantata of his people." The
exact meaning of the word is father-in-law, and the New York pantata was
thus esteemed the head of the criminal family. It was proved before the
Lexow Commission that there were at that time no less than six hundred
policy shops in active operation in the city working openly under police
protection, and that they paid a fixed tariff of fifteen dollars per
shop per month. The number of pool rooms was still larger, and they
remained unmolested in consideration of payments amounting to a total of
some three hundred dollars a month. The gaming that went on in the pool
rooms appears to have been much akin to the Continental lottery system,
and any sum could be staked, from one cent upwards. Another form of
revenue raised by dishonest members of the police force was in levying
commission upon the owners of property who had been robbed of valuables
and were willing to pay to have them restored. The practice which
obtained in this country during the earlier part of the present century
is still in force in New York; it is possible to come upon the track of
stolen property, and pawnbrokers or "fences" are prepared to hand it
over on repayment of the advances made on it. But in carrying out the
arrangements the police, of course, took toll, and were paid either
commission or substantial gratuities by the owners they obliged.
4. Yet another indictment brought against the New York police was that
of _active interference with the purity of election_. It was alleged to
be the agent of a political party, its duty being to secure the return
of the proper candidates, those of Tammany Hall. In carrying this out
members of the force sometimes arrested and ill-treated the opposition
voters; they canvassed for their own side, and, neglecting their proper
functions as guardians of the peace, they became the agents of Tammany
Hall. The ballot boxes were tampered with, and such frauds as
personation and the repeated appearance of the same voter were winked
at.
[Illustration: SUPERINTENDENT WILLIAM S. DEVERY, OF THE NEW YORK
POLICE.]
It was little likely that a force recruited and administered as regards
promotion on corrupt lines would act otherwise than as has been set
forth. In early days first appointments were not to be purchased for
money, but the practice soon became general, and no one could be
appointed a constable unless he paid for it, or had political friends.
One Commissioner admitted that from 85 to 90 per cent. of all the
appointments he made were at the instance of Tammany Hall. Yet there was
at this time a Civil Service rule that all officers were to be appointed
by open competition. It came to be a custom at last that every candidate
should produce 300 dollars to a go-between, who passed it on to the
police authorities; after this payment the examinations were made easy.
The same rule as to payment was enforced for promotion. It cost 1,600
dollars to become a sergeant, and for a captaincy 15,000 dollars were
paid. One witness, who was a police sergeant, told a remarkable story of
his examination for one of these latter appointments. He had passed the
prescribed examination three times in succession, and yet was no nearer
nomination. His friends told him that this was simply waste of time, but
he persisted for four years, trusting that his merits would be
recognised, still steadfastly declining to bribe his superiors. Finally
he consented, and was told that his promotion could be had for 12,000
dols. This money was subscribed by his friends, but then the price was
raised to 15,000 dollars. Again it was subscribed, but became a bone of
contention amongst the officials. At one time it looked as though even
bribery would fail to secure the promotion, but they appeared at last to
have divided the plunder to their mutual satisfaction, and the witness
now became a captain.
[Illustration: INSPECTOR BYRNES.]
It is only fair to the police of New York to credit them with
considerable success in dealing with crime. Whatever suspicion may have
rested on their good faith where offenders have been able to purchase
their connivance, there is no doubt that a large number of crimes have
always been detected and avenged in New York. They have to deal with
cosmopolitan rogues drawn to the happy hunting ground of the New World,
and with a large mass of indigenous crime of the most serious kind. The
unlawful taking of life is very prevalent in the United States, where
the percentage of murders is larger than anywhere in the world, but
these crimes do not go largely unpunished. Again, the American "crook,"
the bank robber, the burglar, the counterfeit-money maker, and the
wholesale forger are to be met with in large numbers across the
Atlantic, and the warfare against them is unceasing. It is true that the
detective forces of the country are very much in private hands: agencies
like Pinkerton's have a fine record; the triumphs achieved by the
breaking up of some of the Secret Societies in the south, such as the
Molly McGuire and the Kluklux clans, are feats deserving the warmest
recognition. At the same time, the detective bureau, composed of
officers of Mulberry Street, has done excellent service, and Inspector
Byrnes, its chief, has earned a high reputation in thief-taking.
The Detective Bureau of New York "has attained national importance,"
says a writer who knows it and its services well. He instances
especially the protection given to the great business centre of Wall
Street at the time when the "down town" district was specially favoured
of thieves and depredators. Robbery from the person, burglarious
entrance to banking and other premises, the abstraction of money, bonds,
and valuable papers used to be of constant occurrence. More recently the
presence of a "crook" below a line drawn, say, through Fulton Street was
_primâ facie_ evidence against him, and he was then and there arrested,
and called upon to give account of himself. Unless he could show good
cause for venturing within the peculiar precincts of finance and
commerce he was relegated to gaol. The detectives are always "on the
spot," ever keen and active in coping with the evil-doer. A dozen are
always on duty at the Stock Exchange, where it is boasted that not a ten
cent stamp has been stolen by a professional thief for years.
The ways of the New York detective are like those of the famous Ah Sing,
"childlike and bland," but no less astute and successful. They aim at
prevention, and trust to it even more than to the pursuit subsequent to
the commission of crime. It is an axiom with them to know their game by
heart; they study the thoughts and idiosyncrasies, the plans and
proceedings, of the criminal classes so closely that they can predicate
what will be done under any particular circumstances, how the thief will
act when planning, when executing, and, above all, when covering up his
tracks after he has made his _coup_. One method followed with marked
success is to keep their spies and assistants in the heart of the
enemy's camp. It is well known that criminals have little or no fidelity
to each other, that "honour among thieves" is a mendacious adage
provided any of them can see substantial profit in betraying his
associates. The best officers make a point of keeping in touch with the
"crooks," visiting them frequently in their favourite resorts, and
hearing all the movements and the news. Matters in progress, the
activity or otherwise of well-known practitioners, are thus ascertained,
for the high-flyer in crime generally knows what others of his class are
about, and is willing to pass it on for a consideration, or to stand
well with the police.
New York possesses its Black Museum, its treasure-house of criminal
relics akin to that which may be viewed at the headquarters
[Illustration: 1. PHOTOGRAPHING A CRIMINAL FOR THE "ROGUES' GALLERY"
(NEW YORK). 2. CABINET IN WHICH AMERICAN CRIMINALS ARE REGISTERED. 3.
TWO LEAVES OF THE "ROGUES' GALLERY."]
of our Metropolitan Police at New Scotland Yard. A brief summary of the
exhibits in this strange depository is, in its way, an epitome of
contemporary crime. Every item, even the most insignificant, tells of
some flagitious act. The sledge hammers, drills, jemmies, masks, and
powder flasks tell their own story, so do the marvellously ingenious
burglar's implements manufactured by high-class mechanical skill, and
hired out to executive agents on a percentage of results. Here are the
bogus gold bricks of some famous confidence trick, the well-named _vol à
l'Americain_, lithographic stones from which thousands and thousands of
counterfeit notes have been struck off, the curious devices used for
opening combination locks, the rope ladders, lanterns, revolvers that
have figured in various notable operations.
[Illustration: COMPLETE SET OF AN AMERICAN BURGLAR'S TOOLS.]
Another branch well worked by the New York police is its identification
department, which is now fully served by the Bertillon method of
measurement, and it has always been rich in photographic portraiture.
The famous "Rogues' Gallery," which forms the basis of Mr. Inspector
Byrnes' book on American criminals, is a marvellous record of rascality.
Each picture is backed with a brief history of ancestry and antecedents,
so that the influences at work, whether congenital or accidental, evil
traits transmitted from parents, or the growth of bad example acting on
weak moral fibre, may be seen at once. As has been said, the United
States offers many attractions to wrong-doers, and in this police
gallery will be found the portraits of such great criminal practitioners
as "Hungry Joe," the ex-Governor of South Carolina; Franklin J. Moses,
"Big Bertha," Annie Riley, an accomplished linguist; Max Shinburn, and
the rest.
It is a part of the case against the New York police that it fails to
control crime effectively, but it can nevertheless show results at least
as good under this head as those achieved in European countries. In some
respects indeed its operations are marked by a cleverness and smartness
which it would be hard to match in the best of the police forces of the
Old World.
[Illustration]