NAPOLEON.
The crowd flowing along the Quai Voltaire in Paris, on the shores of
the Seine, changed its varied pictures so quickly that it resembled a
kaleidoscope.
One bright morning about ten o'clock, a man was to be seen pursuing his
way with hasty steps from the Rue Bonaparte across the bridge towards
the Tuileries.
Although he was scarcely of the middle height, and rather shabby
in dress, yet he caused many passengers to look at him for a
moment--certainly only for a moment, but a Parisian seldom looks at
anything much longer--from the unusual swiftness of his step, and the
thoughtfulness with which he hastened on without looking to right or
left, pursuing his way in a manner which proved him to be usually a
dweller in large capitals.
The man thus hurrying to the royal and imperial palace was even meanly
clad; from his dress, and his bent form, he might have been supposed a
master in some elementary school, or a lawyer's clerk; but the changing
expression of his sharply-cut features, his red and white northern
complexion, and the penetrating glances of his light grey eyes, gave to
his appearance a character which belied the impression first formed.
The man gained the other side of the Seine and entered the courtyard
leading to the portal of the Tuileries.
He showed the sentry a paper, and on glancing at it the _voltigeur de
la garde_ stepped back, and with a short "_Bien, Monsieur_," admitted
him into that inner court of the imperial residence, where no profane
foot was permitted to enter, and into which only the court equipages
and the carriages of the grandees of the empire were allowed to drive.
Without slackening his pace the little man hastened on. He passed by
the great imperial entrance--before which, under a wide canopy,
supported by golden lances, stood a group of officers of the household,
and _laquais de palais_, conversing in whispers--to a smaller one,
where he entered with the assurance of one who well knows the locality.
He went up a step and into an anteroom, where in a large arm-chair sat
a _huissier de palais_, performing his duty with quiet dignity.
"M. Pietri?" said the visitor.
"M. Pietri is in his cabinet," replied the huissier, half raising
himself from his chair.
"Ask if he will receive M. Hansen, he has an appointment with me."
The huissier rose at once and entered the cabinet of the emperor's
private secretary; after a moment he opened the door, saying, in a low
tone, "Enter, sir!"
The former Danish advocate, that unwearied agitator on behalf of the
rights of Denmark, entered the cabinet of Napoleon III.'s private
secretary.
This cabinet was a large, light room, full of tables and repositories
for papers, deeds, and maps. At the farther end was a spiral staircase
which led into the apartment above, the entrance to which was closed by
the silken folds of a dark _portiere_.
Pietri sat before a large writing-table. He was still a young man, and
slightly made. His rather long face had a bright, peaceful, spiritual
expression, which gave a charm to any ordinary employment undertaken by
him.
He bowed as Hansen entered, pushed back a packet of letters with which
he was occupied, and politely pointed to an arm-chair which stood at a
little distance from the writing-table.
"Well," said Pietri, commencing the conversation, as he fixed his
bright eyes in expectation upon his visitor, "you have come from
Germany, what have you seen and heard? Are matters ripe? In what mind
are the people? Tell me everything--we must know every detail of what
is occurring there, in order to take up our own position."
"Let me begin with the central point of the position," replied Hansen.
"I was lately in Berlin, and I discovered nothing there, with regard to
the views of statesmen or the national feeling, to make me doubt the
correctness of my impressions."
At this moment a noise was heard at the top of the stairs at the
further end of the cabinet, the heavy folds of the _portiere_ slowly
opened, and a man appeared standing on the top step.
It was Napoleon III. who thus descended into his private secretary's
cabinet.
Pietri rose as soon as he heard the _portiere_ withdrawn and the foot
on the stairs, and remained standing before the writing-table.
Hansen followed his example.
The emperor slowly descended the steps. It was not the form represented
in the life-size portrait; the hand placed commandingly upon the crown
and sceptre of France, proudly draped in the imperial mantle, which
well became the graceful, slender figure.
It was an old man who descended the stairs; _embonpoint_ had destroyed
the elegance of his figure, illness and pain made his carriage feeble
and uncertain, his grey hair no longer thickly surrounded his brow, but
fell in thin locks over his temples, and his eyes, in former times
often veiled though capable of stormy flashes, now looked dull and
wearied.
The emperor, dressed in a plain black morning coat, and smoking a
cigarette, the strong and excellent aroma of which preceded him in a
light blue cloud, carefully descended the stairs, and entered the
cabinet.
He walked slowly, with the heaviness of later years.
He stopped before his secretary, gave him a peculiar look from the
veiled shadows of his eyes, and bowed low to Hansen. He seemed to scan
him completely in a quick momentary examination, and he then turned his
head to Pietri, with a slight expression of inquiry.
"Sire," said Pietri, "Monsieur Hansen, a Dane who is completely devoted
to his country, and who has also done us good service, for as a Dane he
loves France; he has travelled through Germany, seen many personages,
and was about to tell me the result of his observations."
The emperor again bowed to Hansen; the amiable and charming kindness
with which he could at will exercise a magic influence, shed a glow
like sunshine over the weary indifference of his face.
"I know," he said, in his low but clear and penetrating voice, which
expressed in a masterly way the finest shades of feeling, "I know that
all Danes love their country, and for that reason they have warm hearts
for France, their country's friend. Your name is known to me, sir, as
that of a man distinguished for his burning and active patriotism, even
in so patriotic a country as Denmark."
Hansen bowed low, whilst the pleasurable emotion he felt at the
emperor's words caused him to blush.
"Sire," he said, "so gracious a recognition from your majesty's lips
almost makes me forget that my zealous efforts in my country's behalf
have been fruitless. If my humble name is known to your majesty, you
must know, too, how much I love France and revere her emperor, upon
whose mighty will it depends whether Denmark shall win back and
maintain her rightful position amongst the nations of Europe."
The emperor bowed his head slightly. A sudden deeply penetrating glance
shot from his half closed eyes towards the Danish agitator, whose
upturned face expressed only deep veneration.
"My dear Pietri," said Napoleon III., turning to his secretary, "I came
down to look through the morning's correspondence. Is it ready for me?"
"Here it is, sire," said Pietri, taking some papers from the table and
handing them to the emperor.
Napoleon took them, and with a movement recalling his youthful agility,
he rolled a chair close to the window, seated himself, and took from
his _etui_ another cigarette, which he lighted at the end of the one he
had just smoked.
"I will not disturb your conversation," he said with an engaging smile.
"Go on as if no one were here, I will quietly read my letters."
Pietri again seated himself before the writing-table, and signed to
Hansen to do the same.
The emperor looked at the first of the papers he held in his hand very
attentively; it was marked with a blue pencil at the most important
passages.
"So you were lately in Berlin?" asked Pietri, again looking at Hansen
expectantly.
"I was there," he replied, "and I brought away with me the conviction
that a great German conflict is unavoidable."
"Do they desire it?"
"They do not desire the conflict; but they desire what cannot be
obtained without a conflict."
"And that is----?"
"The perfect reform of the German Confederation, the military
ascendency of Prussia to the Main; the complete setting aside of the
traditions of Metternich's Germany. Count Bismarck is recklessly
determined to reach his aim, and I believe he, too is convinced that
this aim cannot be reached without war."
Pietri was silent for a few moments, and his eyes glanced at the
emperor still immersed in his papers, then he looked full at Hansen and
said:
"And would they not be pacified by the sole possession of Holstein and
Schleswig? Provided Austria cedes her conjoint authority in the
Duchies, I thought they intended to settle the boundaries of Silesia to
your advantage."
A slight glow passed over Hansen's face, but he replied with unmoved
voice:--
"No, the conflict cannot thus be avoided. I believe they were inclined
to make great concessions in exchange for the entire possession of the
Duchies; and if France heartily demanded it, Danish North Schleswig
might be restored; but no palliative will prevent the conflict.
"Believe me, sir!" he continued, with animation, "this conflict is no
quarrel about the German Grand Duchies; they know well enough in Berlin
that they must in time fall to Prussia, and they do not fear the
resolutions of the Grand Duke of Augustenburg. The strife arises from
the historical development of Prussia and Germany. Prussia is really
not the second German state, but the first, and the German
Confederation grants her only the second place, and represses her
natural powers of development by a machinery the springs of which are
set in motion in Vienna.
"This is the true cause of the quarrel: Prussia desires the place which
naturally belongs to her, and which Austria held formerly. The quarrel
has lasted years and years, and would perhaps have continued many years
longer in its latent form--for the exercise of the wits of European
diplomatists--if Bismarck had not been at the head of the marvellously
expansive Prussian state. This statesman is an incarnation of the
Prussian spirit, strengthened by an extraordinary and genial
originality. He knows how to develop in the highest degree the rich and
well-knit strength of the country, and he has determined to put an end
to Prussia's present position. He can be led to no second Olmuetz; he
will gain for Prussia her place in Germany, or perish."
The emperor's hand with the papers it held slowly sank into his lap,
and his eyes, suddenly opened widely, and burning with excitement, were
fixed on Hansen's face. His master's attention did not escape Pietri;
he said, with a slight smile:--
"It is indeed wonderful to hear a Dane speak so enthusiastically of the
Prussian minister, here in Paris."
"Why not?" asked Hansen, quietly. "This man who knows what he wants,
and exerts all his powers to gain what he wills, who loves his country
and determines to increase its greatness and power, compels my
respect,--he deserves esteem for his efforts--admiration if he
succeeds. Between Bismarck and myself stands my country, Denmark. The
German part of the Duchies we do not desire and could not make use
of,--but we want what is Danish, and what is necessary to protect the
Danish frontier. If this is yielded we shall have no cause to be the
foe of Prussia or Germany. If this is withheld Prussia may for ever
reckon little Denmark amongst her enemies, for exactly the same reasons
which influence Herr von Bismarck's policy."
Napoleon III. listened attentively.
Pietri said:--
"Have you gained the impression that there is an inclination on the
part of Prussia to meet the wishes of Denmark?"
"I do not think this impossible," replied Hansen, firmly, "especially,"
he continued with great distinctness, "if Prussia, in her difficult
position, might by such an arrangement, gain the support of one of the
great powers. It would then only be necessary to arrange the frontier
line, so as to maintain the interests of both Denmark and Germany."
As he slowly uttered these words he looked at the emperor. Napoleon had
raised the letter in his hand near to his eyes, which were fixed
without any especial expression upon the paper.
Pietri enquired further:--
"Supposing that Bismarck desires war, or more properly, desires objects
only to be obtained by war, will the king proceed to extremities,
rather than dismiss his minister? I speak to you without reserve," he
added, apparently with reckless candour; "you live in the political
world, and know as well as I do what is said in the circles surrounding
the Prussian ambassador. Did you receive the impression in Berlin that
Count Goltz might possibly succeed Bismarck?"
"No," replied Hanson, decidedly. "The King of Prussia shrinks
excessively from war,--that is to say, not from war itself, but from a
war with Austria--a German war. The king dreads such a war and
earnestly wishes to avoid it. If Vienna would meet him in the principal
points, he would probably make many more concessions than Bismarck
would approve. But when once the question is asked the king will not
yield the principle. He has created a new army organization. According
to all judges it is exemplary, and he carried it out in spite of the
opposition of parliament; he will not draw back when the first
opportunity comes of vindicating and enlarging Prussia's powerful
position in Germany. The king will strike with a heavy heart, but he
will strike, and after the first cannon has fired he will be only a
general. I have not conversed with King William myself," continued
Hansen, "but what I have said is the _resume_ of conversations I have
had with those who know intimately both the situation and the
personages concerned. As to Herr von Bismarck's position," he
continued, "it is perfectly firm. Bismarck will never forfeit the
king's confidence."
"Why not?" asked Pietri, with animation.
"Because he is a soldier."
"That is to say, he wears the Landwehr uniform."
"That is only the exterior, but in this case it is not an idle
appearance. Bismarck is a soldier: he is a man of action, of quick and
clear decision; his diplomatic pen does not tremble at the roar of
cannon or the clash of arms; he would be as calm riding over a
battle-field as sitting by a green table. The king feels this; he is
himself a soldier, and he trusts him. I know Count Goltz has many
friends, but these friends deceive themselves, and I can assure them,
that if they have chosen him in Paris, they have not in Berlin."
There was a short silence.
After Pietri had glanced at the emperor, he further enquired:--
"But what is the national feeling? Judging from the press, war is not
popular?"
"Indeed it is not," replied Hansen; "the people dread a defeat, and the
parliamentary opposition believe in their short-sightedness that
Bismarck is commencing a war to get himself out of the blind alley into
which they think they have forced him. They little know the man with
whom they have to do!"
"But," objected Pietri, "will not the Prussian government place itself
in a very dangerous position if it begins a war against Austria and
Germany, whilst its own subjects oppose this war and regard it
unfavourably?"
"I think this danger is apparent, but not real," replied Hansen. "The
army--and this is the main point--will do its duty, and in spite of all
opposition will be ready in full strength; and all who speak and write
against Bismarck now, will fall at his feet after the first victory.
Interior strife will be extinguished when the first battle is won: each
addition to Prussia, each step towards the unity of Germany, will tend
to make the war which procured them more popular."
"Victory!" exclaimed Pietri; "but will Prussia be victorious?"
"It must be so," said Hansen, calmly. "Austria deceives herself both as
to the forces she can, with the help of Germany, place in the field,
and those at the command of Prussia. The strength of the Prussian army
is immense; it is quickly concentrated and homogeneous. The Austrian
army is weak, and cannot be properly bound together, or placed under a
united command. The South German soldiers with whom I have spoken, and
who know the condition of Austria, have no doubt of the success of
Prussia. The conduct of the war on the South German side must be a very
lame affair, for they have not yet even begun their military
preparations. Hanover and Hesse desire to remain neutral, but they have
concluded no treaty, and after all their hesitation they will be
surprised. Austria will find her only energetic support in Saxony,
where Beust, the life and soul of the anti-Prussian movement, has
succeeded in getting the army ready to take the field."
"You believe entirely in victory for Prussia?" asked Pietri, in a tone
that showed he was not inclined to share the belief without demur.
"I do," replied Hansen, "and I think all prudent policy must reckon on
it almost as a certainty."
"You spoke just now," said Pietri, after a short pause, "of additions
to Prussia. What do you think she will demand, or take, if victory is
on her side?"
"All that she needs, and can keep."
"That is, expressed in names and numbers?"
"The whole of North Germany unconditionally."
Pietri made a movement of incredulity.
"Be assured I am not deceived," said Hansen; "the people themselves
will desire conquests when Prussian blood has once flowed: what is to
be gained from Prussia must be gained before the war; after one victory
they will not listen to argument in Berlin."
The emperor stood up.
Pietri and Hansen also rose.
Napoleon placed the packet of papers which his secretary had given him
again on the table.
He bowed his head slightly to Hansen, and said--
"I am very glad, sir, to have made your acquaintance, and I shall
always be happy to be useful to a nation whose every member is so
inspired with patriotism."
Hansen bowed low, and left the room.
As the door closed behind him the emperor rose quickly, his eyes shone,
and he said, as he stepped hastily towards Pietri:--
"Pietri, do you believe that man observes sharply, and is well
informed?"
"I know him to be a sharp observer. As to his information, I know that
Bismarck has received him; that he has had intercourse with various
political personages in Germany, and that he has a talent for
discovering the direction of popular opinion. Nevertheless I think he
over-estimates the power of Prussia. Bismarck impressed him greatly,
and the impression made is mirrored in his report. We have seen the
same before; this Prussian minister well knows how to gain those whom
he wishes to win."
The emperor gazed thoughtfully before him. "I fear," he said, in
a low voice, "that the man is right, and that we have a great and
difficult historical problem before us. Can we support Austria without
wounding Italy, already too strong to be ignored? Can Prussia prevail,
and Germany be reconstituted, without danger to the prestige of
France--yes, even to our frontier! Alsace and Lorraine once were
German."
Pietri smiled.
"Your majesty loves to jest!"
"Ah! Pietri," said the emperor, placing his hand on his secretary's
shoulder, partly to impress his words, partly as if seeking a support,
"you do not know the Germans; I know and understand them, for I have
lived amongst them. The German nation is a lion, which knows not his
own power; a child might lead him with a chain of flowers,--yet in his
claws there is strength to destroy the whole European world, when he
knows his own nature and when he once tastes blood. And in this war he
will taste blood--the old jest, '_l'appetit vient en mangeant_' will
turn to frightful earnest; let this Prussian lion once break his chain,
and he will be a frightfully dangerous neighbour."
The emperor said this half aloud in short broken sentences, while his
eyes, as if following a vision, stared into space.
A quiet smile played round Pietri's lips.
"Your majesty has a dark hour," said he, in the calm encouraging tone
used to one ill and excited; "I believe the strongest element in the
German lion is sleep--should he awake and play the dangerous pranks
your majesty describes, he will find on our frontier our large armies
and the imperial eagle. The impertinent lion will soon be taught his
place."
The emperor let his head sink down on the arm still resting on Pietri's
shoulder; his whole figure seemed to collapse, his eyes glowed wildly
beneath their veil of eyelashes, his breath came with difficulty
through his parted lips, as if it struggled to form words which might
express his gloomy thoughts. The mighty emperor seemed oppressed by the
darkest forebodings; at last, without the least movement in his lips,
he said, in a low tone which filled the quiet room with a trembling
shudder,
"I am not the Great Napoleon!"
The voice was so sad, so chilling, so deeply melancholy that Pietri's
face, before calm and smiling, turned pale as if touched by deadly
cold.
He sought for a reply; but a noise was heard, the _portiere_ was
withdrawn, and on the upper step of the staircase appeared the
emperor's groom of the chambers, who announced:
"M. Drouyn de Lhuys requests an audience."
At the first sound the emperor had withdrawn his arm from Pietri's
shoulder, and his countenance had regained its usual calm, cold
expression. He received the announcement with his ordinary manner, and
replied:
"I will come."
The groom of the chambers withdrew.
"I know what he wants," said Napoleon, "he wishes me to put a spoke in
the rolling wheel, to prevent hostilities. I often wish to do so--but
is it possible? Shall I risk at this moment the great question? for if
I speak and my word is not obeyed, the firebrand is kindled which will
endanger the existence of France and of myself. If I permit things to
go on, time at any rate is gained, and time brings favourable chances,
and the possibility of strengthening the power and influence of France
without a war. Well, let us hear what he wishes."
And he walked slowly towards the stairs. At the first step he paused,
and returned several paces into the cabinet.
"Pietri," said he in a low tone, "what do you think of Drouyn de
Lhuys?"
"Sire," he replied, "I admire his deep and extended information, and I
have a great respect for his character."
The emperor was silent for a moment.
"He is very near the House of Orleans," he said with some hesitation.
"Sire," replied Pietri firmly, "he has given your majesty his oath, and
I know M. Drouyn de Lhuys too well to doubt that his oath is sacred."
The emperor was again silent for a moment, then he made a slight sign
of adieu to Pietri with his hand, and mounted the stairs to the
apartment above.
Pietri returned to his writing-table, and looked through the remainder
of the correspondence.
Napoleon III. entered his plainly furnished cabinet, walked up to the
writing-table and touched a bell. The groom of the chambers appeared.
"M. Drouyn de Lhuys!" said the emperor.
A few moments afterwards the Minister for Foreign Affairs entered his
sovereign's cabinet.
Drouyn de Lhuys at this time was about sixty years of age, tall and
strongly made. His thin grey hair and equally grey whiskers, arranged
in the English fashion, surrounded a healthy looking, fresh-coloured
face, lighted up by an expression of kindliness and affability.
The appearance of this well-known man resembled a well-to-do English
landlord, rather than an experienced statesman who had thrice already,
under circumstances of great difficulty, filled the position of
Minister of Foreign Affairs.
The eyes alone, sharp, clear, and observing, beneath the broad brow,
gave an idea of the talent of this strong, excellent, and distinguished
man, accustomed to unravel and knit together the tangled threads of
European policy.
The minister wore a black morning coat, with the large rosette of the
Legion of Honour in the button-hole.
The emperor advanced to meet him and held out his hand.
"I am delighted to see you, my dear minister," he said, with an
engaging smile, "what have you to tell me? how does Europe get on?"
"Sire," replied Drouyn de Lhuys with his peculiarly slow, and
pedantic-sounding sharpness of pronunciation, "Europe is sick, and will
soon have a dangerous paroxysm if your Majesty does not employ soothing
measures."
"Do you not over-estimate my power," said the emperor, smiling, "by
thinking that I can? But," he added seriously, "speaking without
metaphor, you wish to tell me that hostilities in Germany are about to
break out--is it not so?" and sinking into an easy chair, he signed to
his minister also to seat himself.
"It is true, sire," said Drouyn de Lhuys, as he seated himself, opened
his portfolio and drew from it some papers, "that this is what I wished
to say to your Majesty. Here is a despatch from Vienna stating,
that--in incredible blindness--they have determined to commence
hostilities and to urge matters to an immediate rupture. They are about
to summon the States in the duchies without the consent of Prussia, and
Count Mensdorff has forwarded a despatch to Berlin, which is really an
ultimatum, as it requires in a high tone the immediate suspension of
all military preparations."
The minister handed the emperor the despatch; he looked through it
hastily, and placed it on the table.
"Here," added Drouyn de Lhuys, "is a despatch from Benedetti, stating
most positively that Herr von Bismarck is determined to take the most
decided measures to obtain for Prussia her proper position in Germany.
The project of reform which he brought before the assembly of the
German Confederacy in Frankfort, was a moral declaration of war against
the preponderance of Austria, and the position bestowed on her by the
treaty of Vienna. Count Mensdorff's despatch, which I have had the
honour of naming to your Majesty, has already arrived in Berlin, and
been presented by Count Karolyi. It has given great offence. Benedetti
describes it as one of those compositions which in former times the
German Emperor addressed to the Margrave of Brandenburg, and it has
served greatly to diminish the King of Prussia's repugnance to war.
Thus on both sides matters are hastening towards war, and, in a few
weeks perhaps, the armies will be opposed to each other, and the whole
of Europe will take part in the quarrel, if your Majesty does not
command a halt."
The minister stopped, and looked at the emperor inquiringly. Napoleon
leant dreamily on the arm of his chair.
"And what do you advise me to do, my dear minister?" he asked after a
short pause, as he raised himself a little and looked anxiously at
Drouyn de Lhuys' calm and open countenance.
"Your Majesty knows my opinion on this subject," he replied, "though I
fear you do not share it. A German war must be prevented for the sake
of France, for the sake of the peace of Europe. I think I do not
deceive myself," he continued, "when I express my conviction that
Prussia will emerge from such a war more powerful and more to be
dreaded, for I cannot believe in the military success of weak and
decaying Austria; and as to the remainder of Germany, it is not worth
speaking of, with its isolated little armies without military or
political connexion. To permit Prussia to become more powerful--to
become the supreme leader in Germany--is completely against the
interest of France. Your Majesty must allow me to say that the
France of to-day--the France of Napoleon," he added, slightly
bowing,--"should, according to my views, pursue the same course of
policy towards Prussia and the House of Hohenzollern as Bourbon France
formerly pursued towards Austria and the House of Hapsburg. Then
Austria's endeavour was the union of the military and political
strength of the German nation, and France, wherever she turned, found
herself opposed by the House of Hapsburg. Prussia now holds the same
place, and continually thwarts our lawful ambition, and if in this war
she succeeds in uniting in her own hands the military power of Germany,
our plans will all be crossed, and the influence which we justly
exercise on the affairs of Europe greatly diminished."
"But if Prussia is beaten?" asked the emperor.
"I do not believe in such a result," replied Drouyn de Lhuys, "but
grant it is so, what do we gain? Austria, with unbounded power, would
place herself at the head of Germany, and the old enmity of the House
of Hapsburg, strengthened by the Italian war, would be exercised with
new energy to our disadvantage. There is but one policy for France,
that is, to uphold the present position in Germany--to nourish, to
sharpen the antagonism between Prussia and Austria, but never let it
come to a war, to a decision; and to make use of the fear felt for both
these powerful rivals in the smaller courts of Germany to extend our
own influence. Thus, in an imperceptible way, we shall easily obtain
what the Emperor Napoleon I. obtained from the confederacy of the
Rhine--the power of using federal Germany against the two great states.
I cannot believe there is any other policy for France to pursue with
regard to Germany. Prussian or even Austrian Germany must always be our
foe, and a very dangerous foe: let us oppose the two great powers, and
drive in between them the wedge of the German kingdoms and dukedoms
jealous of their sovereignty; then, if we act prudently and carefully,
and require nothing to hurt the national feeling, Germany will be
completely subservient to our will."
"You think then--?" said the emperor inquiringly.
"That your Majesty must prevent the outbreak of war in Germany with all
your energy, or the position of France in Europe will be much
imperilled."
The emperor was silent for a time, and tapped with his fingers upon the
arm of his chair, then he said:
"Do you believe that I can prevent war; do you believe I am strong
enough to force back the half-drawn sword into the scabbard? Yes, if
Palmerston still lived," he said, thoughtfully; "with him it would have
been possible; but with the England of to-day, who has great words, but
deeds no longer!----Do you believe my single voice will be heard? And
if I am not heard? Must I not fear that, as in the story of Jason, the
two foes about to fall on each other will quickly unite against him who
would have thrust himself between them? Bismarck would soon see such a
game. Oh! I have let this man become too great!"
Drouyn de Lhuys calmly replied--
"I do not share the fears and difficulties your Majesty has so
graciously pointed out. A single word from you would prevent the war. I
must impart to your Majesty a conversation I had with Bismarck, the
last time I saw him. He explained to me with the greatest openness and
freedom from all reserve, the position he desired Prussia should hold
in Germany. A war with Austria he declared was an absolute necessity
for the historical development of Germany, since Austria would never
freely allow Prussia to take the place due to her. 'But though this war
is necessary,' said the Prussian minister, 'and though I, and every
Prussian government, must regard it as a certain logical event, yet the
exact moment in which it must commence depends upon the will and
statesmanship of the government. I should certainly not be so foolish
as to undertake two great wars at once, and to strike France and
Austria at the same time. If you are in earnest in desiring the delay
of the outbreak required by the chronic German question, say so plainly
and openly. I can wait.' So said Herr von Bismarck. I implore your
Majesty," continued Drouyn de Lhuys, "to authorise me to make the
declaration he thus invited, and to say plainly that France will not
permit a German war, and that in case hostilities commence, her armies
will at once start for the frontier."
The minister looked anxiously into the emperor's face. He still gazed
thoughtfully before him.
After a few moments Napoleon spoke:
"I cannot entirely share your views, my dear minister. Like yourself I
see the danger that may accrue to France from a German war; I also
acknowledge the truth of your opinion that the relations of the old
confederacy enabled us to exert considerable influence in Germany in a
comfortable and easy manner. But," he added thoughtfully, "could such
relations continue? A movement is passing through the world, urging
national union, and I think it highly dangerous to endeavour to oppose
the spirit of the times. I know you are dissatisfied with what I have
done in Italy, with what I must perhaps still do; and yet I think I am
right. The pulses in the life of the people now beat so strongly, that
the balance of the world can no longer be maintained by those little
weights which old politicians threw now into one, now into the other
scale. National agglomerations must take place, and we must endeavour
to place such a weight in the balance as shall prevent its kicking the
beam. Besides, Germany will not be so dangerous as you fear. The German
races have no craving for foreign conquest; they are not offensive, and
only struggle for a federal formation. I regard, too, the result of the
war differently. I do not think that either of the two opponents will
be completely and absolutely victorious; they will weaken each other:
we will, to a certain extent, harass the victor, and I believe in the
end Germany will be divided into three parts: Prussia with North
Germany, Austria, and South Germany. Then," he continued with a smile,
"you will have an excellent opportunity, my dear minister, of proving
your favourite proverb--_Divide et impera_, and your work will be less
in detail than heretofore."
"Then your majesty will not forbid the German war?" asked Drouyn de
Lhuys.
"I believe I neither can, nor ought," replied the emperor; "Italy too,
presses me to fulfil my promise. Free to the Adriatic!"
"A promise your majesty ought never to have given," said the minister,
firmly.
"Perhaps," said Napoleon; "but it is given, and I cannot leave every
question open. Mexico weighs heavily upon me."
Napoleon sighed deeply. After a pause he added:--
"I will make an effort to reconcile your views with my own. Let us ask
in Vienna if they are willing to yield me Venice to restore to Italy.
It would form the basis of a possible alliance with Austria, which
would enable us to interfere with real power and a prospect of success
in the complicated German question. Then, even if the negotiation were
successful, it would leave us free."
"I do not believe the measure would be successful," said Drouyn de
Lhuys; "the House of Hapsburg prizes Venice highly, although it has
always been a burden and a drawback; but I do wish to obtain this apple
of discord, for without it an alliance may one day be formed against us
between Austria and Italy. I doubt, too, whether a free choice will
hereafter be left to us. The roles are distributed before a performance
is begun, and those who dally may be set aside. Nevertheless, I can say
nothing against the principle of the step your Majesty proposes, and if
you wish it, it shall be carried out immediately."
The emperor seized a letter which lay on his writing-table, and said,
as he looked through it hastily, "I am urgently requested by Saxony to
grant no support to the Prussian claims. I cannot give any distinct
response; but will you instruct the ambassador in Dresden,
confidentially, that he may discreetly insinuate, that it depends upon
the cabinet in Vienna whether the wishes here expressed are fully
complied with, and that they completely meet my own views."
Drouyn de Lhuys bowed.
"It will also be needful," continued the emperor, "to talk
confidentially in Berlin of the guarantees which Bismarck might be
inclined to give us, provided his plans in Germany succeed. You know
how evasive and dilatory they are in Berlin on this point. They wish to
hear my demands, and I cannot and will not express them definitely."
Drouyn de Lhuys again bowed in silence.
The emperor stood up. His minister also rose.
Napoleon stepped up to him and said with the fascinating smile which
lighted up his face with an irresistible charm:
"You are not satisfied, my dear minister; but believe me this policy is
the best. We shall gain time, and in political life time is a power
which gives everything to those who use it aright."
"I know the value of time," replied the minister, "but perhaps in
gaining time we may lose the right moment."
"True," said the emperor, drawing himself up with a movement recalling
his earlier years, "yet trust in my star, and in that of France."
"These stars are too bright not to inspire confidence," replied Drouyn
de Lhuys, but without any enthusiasm. He took up his portfolio, and
said:
"Has your majesty any further commands?"
"I will not detain you," said Napoleon, and shaking his minister
heartily by the hand, he dismissed him.
After he had left the room the emperor remained for some time lost in
thought.
"I cannot directly force events," he said half to himself, "I must
allow them to take their course. If my veto were not heard, I should be
obliged to undertake a frightful war, and then? I must endeavour by the
careful and prudent study of events to turn them to our advantage."
He placed himself before a marble bust of Caesar which stood on a black
pedestal in his cabinet, and he gazed for some time on the beautifully
chiselled features of the Roman conqueror of the world.
"Thou great antetype of my house," he said, while an electric
brightness beamed from his upturned eyes. "At this moment I too must
say, _Jacta est alea!_ But," he added gloomily, "thy dice were thrown
by thyself, and forced by thy mighty hand to fall according to thy
will. The pitiless iron hand of fate throws my dice, and I must take
them as they fall!"
An attendant entered and announced:--"The emperor's breakfast is
served."
Napoleon left the cabinet.