CHAPTER IV_Elizabeth Hooton

Closing Years

And, if they be but faithful to their trust,

Earth will remember them with love and joy;

And oh, far better, God will not forget.

For he who settles Freedom’s principles

Writes the death-warrant of all tyranny;

Who speaks the truth stabs falsehood to the heart;

And his mere word makes despots tremble more

Than ever Brutus with his dagger could.—LOWELL, _L’Envoi_.

As to the reason why I write some remarkable Passages of my

Sufferings for Truth, and also the great Things which the

Lord hath wrought for me, both in supporting me therein, and

delivering me out of. I say these Things are wrote, that my

Children and others may be encouraged to be faithful to the

Lord, and valiant for the Truth upon the Earth; for for that

Cause it came into my Mind, to tell unto others how good the

Lord hath been unto me, for which I am deeply engaged to Praise

his great Name.—JOHN GRATTON, _Journal_, 1720, p. 119.

Some time during the year 1665-6 Elizabeth Hooton must have returned

to England, for again we find her writing to the King a letter bearing

this endorsement, which approximately fixes the date, “This was in the

abating of yᵉ Sicknes,” thus showing that it was written in the year of

the Plague. An extract from it is interesting, confirming the fact that

banishment, and that under terrible conditions, was a punishment to which

the Quakers were subjected:[96]

O King,

... What reason is there to carry vs into other lands, and

thrust many into an old vissited shipp wᶜʰ was rotten, & leaked

water, whose blood will be laid to the charge of them that did

it, for many of them are dead, and the rest wee know not what

is become of them, Except they bee took by the Hollanders,

as some of them are. And in three shipps before this was

there more carryed away into other lands both old and Young

from wiues & Children & other relations & their owne Natiue

Country....

There are in existence letters from E. Hooton’s son Samuel, who about

this time believed himself called to pay a religious visit to America,

and from one of these we find that although the family had interests in

Leicestershire, they still held the farm at Skegby. It is dated: “the

17ᵗʰ day of yᵉ 3ᵈ Mo:[May] 66. From Samuell Hooton, now on yᵉ sea goeing

for new England” and is addressed: “To Timothy Garland[97] in Mansfeild

Nottingam shʳ ﬀor Oliver Hooton in Skegsby, Wᵗʰ Care.”[98]

The Journal of Samuel Hooton’s visit to New England contains the

following interesting allusion to his mother. He had held a large meeting

in Boston and in consequence had been taken with many others to the house

of the Governor.[99] In the course of his defence he said:[100]

I had an old mother was here amongst you, & bore many of your

stripes, & much cruelty at your hands, & when shee came at

the first, I was against her coming; & now shee is returned.

Is shee returned? saith Bellingham, Yea, I said, shee is safe

returned. And now yᵉ lord hath laid it vpon mee to come hither

to bear witness against your cruelty & hardheartednesse against

the lords innocent lambs; And before I was made willing to give

vp to come, I was brought even to deaths doore, if I had not

obeyed I had been dead before this day. Therefore I can say

with boldnesse, before you all, the lord hath sent mee hither

to bear witnesse against your cruelty.

Truly the son had inherited something of the mother’s boldness.

* * * * *

As so many of Elizabeth Hooton’s letters are undated, they are of but

slight assistance in determining the order of events in her life, but

in an account written by Patrick Livingstone,[101] of his service in

Leicestershire, and his subsequent imprisonment in Leicester gaol, we

get a glimpse of her still engaged about what she conceived to be “her

Master’s business.” Here are extracts from the narrative:[102]

As I was on my Journy I came into Sison [Syston], it was

ordered, that some Friends, and other sober people of the Town

came into the house, and the love of God did spring in my heart

to the people whom I exhorted.... There came in a Constable,

with one John Lewins, who violently haled me away ... to a

Justices house.

A young man present, having “passed his word,” against the prisoner’s

wishes, for his appearance several days later, he was liberated, and

during the time other meetings were held and more Friends imprisoned. At

what period Elizabeth Hooton comes on to the scenes we are not told, but

while the prisoners were detained in an alehouse she

came in to see the Prisoners, and she prayed among them; but

the wicked man Lewins pulled and drew her, & used her badly,

and had like to have hurt her, being an old weak woman, and yet

she was not at the Meeting....

At night they had them to one called Justice Babington,[103]

but no justice appeared in him. He gave order to have them the

next day to Thumerstone ... and put us in an Orchard, where

many people came, and the everlasting Truth was declared....

For several hours we kept the Meeting amongst the people ...

and we were at the back of the house where the Justice was, but

none had power to stop the declaration of Truth.

These determined and intrepid “publishers of the Truth” were called away

from their meeting one after another to stand before two Justices, on the

charge of illegal gathering, and after much argument with the Bench they

were fined and imprisoned, E. Hooton’s share being £1 or three weeks. The

narrative concludes as follows (p. 38):

Now we are fully persuaded in our own minds by the Spirit of

God that we do not meet out of contempt to Authority but in

obedience to Divine commands: we must not forbear our Meeting

because they say they fear we will plot. God in his due time

will fully clear us; but in the mean time we must do our duty

as the Lord requires us ... and so long as we stand obedient to

the will of our God it shall be well with us whatever comes,

loss of life or any thing else, our Life in God they cannot

touch....

Written in Leicester-Prison the sixth day of the fourth month,

1667.

It seems probable that Patrick Livingstone visited Elizabeth Hooton

at her home at Skegby; his future wife, Sarah Hyfeild, of Nottingham,

appears as one of the Friends named for “publicke service” in the Minute

Book of the Women’s Quarterly Meeting for Nottinghamshire, which Meeting

was “setled” in 1671. The marriage took place in 1676, and the occasion

elicited from the Friends of Aberdeen Monthly Meeting a fully-signed

liberating certificate, which remains a noble tribute to the bridegroom’s

Christian character, and a token of the high esteem and love of his

north country friends; Robert Barclay and David Barclay are amongst the

signatories.[104]

* * * * *

Accustomed as we are to the easy tolerance of the present day, the echoes

of the fierce controversies waged between opposing religious sects during

the seventeenth century sound strangely in our ears; Elizabeth Hooton, as

one would naturally expect, was not behind in engaging in this wordy war.

In 1667 we find her writing:[105]

You bawling Women from yᵉ Ranters ... you have said Wee have

made an Jdoll of George Fox.... You have hunted for Richard

Farneworth & others formerly.... Therefore misery will come

upon you.

About 1668, Elizabeth Hooton came into violent conflict with the sect of

the Muggletonians. She appears to have written a letter against Lodowicke

Muggleton,[106] to which he refers in a letter he sent to her in January,

1668, commencing as follows:[107]

I saw a letter of yours sent to James Brocke; it is supposed

that you are the mother, or some relation to that Samuel Hooton

of Nottingham, who was damned to eternity by me in the year

1662. It is no great marvel unto me that he proved such a

desperate devil, seeing his mother was such an old she-serpent

that brought him forth into this world.... She hath shot forth

her poisonous arrows at me in blasphemy, curses, and words,

thinking herself stronger than her brethren.... Therefore, in

obedience to my commission ... I do pronounce Elizabeth Hooton,

Quaker, ... cursed and damned, both in soul and body, from the

presence of God, elect men and angels, to eternity.

It is only fair to state that if the quotations from the letter written

by her to Brocke are correct, her denunciations were equally emphatic.

* * * * *

It is with relief we turn from this phase in her career to find her

again pleading the cause of the oppressed, and in statesman-like manner

pointing out the evils consequent upon oppression. Here is her letter to

the King and both Houses of Parliament:[108]

ﬀreinds consider in time wᵗ you haue done Both in Citty and

Countrey by this late Act how haue you ruinated hundreds of

Antient housekeepers in the Countrey and yᵉ cry of yᵉ Jnnocent

is entred into the eares of yᵉ Lord against you yᵗ haue done

it, Consider therefore what you will doe with these poore

people you haue Jmpouerished and restore them theire goods

againe, for they were releiuers of the poore And paid theire

Rents and Taxes duly.

But the Justices and some of the preists haue Bought theire

goods for halfe that they were worth and drunkards and swearers

runs away with the rest they sweare men are at the meeting when

they are not & by false sweareinge the Compasse mens goods

into theire hands which is theft; and soe theiues and Robbers

haue entered vpon our goods And men weomen and Children are by

this meanes driuen to great want; They haueing within some few

months enough & to releiue others Soe if you consider not these

things in time it will Bring A ruination both vpon the King and

Countrey, Soe its good for you to consider it in time before it

be to late And take of this Act and make better Lawes Least you

ruinate all.

This is done in the Countrey besides all bodyly Abuses consider

what they doe in this citty they pull downe our houses the[y]

Batter and bruise men And weomen with theire Swords with theire

guns with theire hallbards & with pikes & Staues runing vpon

them with horses what may wee expect But yᵗ many of these are

papists and outlandish men yᵗ doth it. Jf such wicked things

as these bee Tollerated to destroy honest people who serues

the Lord with all theire harts and great companys that follows

Mountebancks play houses & other vaine pastimes that are vpheld

in this Citty what may wee expect But yᵗ the hand of yᵉ Lord

may fall sodainely vpon you.

Therefore in time repent and take heed and doe Justice and loue

mercy And walke humbly with your god that you may find a place

of repentance Least you be shutt out for ever J am a louer of

yoʳ soules who would not haue you to perish,

ELISABETH HOOTON.

Elizabeth Hooton also made a point of informing the King as to what

was taking place in Nottinghamshire. In one of these letters, after

stating that she, an aged woman, had travelled over a hundred miles,

and recounting the “greuieous havock” under the “New Act”[109] caused

to Friends in London, she continues:[110] “I Brought you A Letter

from Nottingham shire to the Kings hall; which sett forth how Greate

oppresshon one side of the shier had suffered Amounting to a Boue three

hundred pounds, beeing att one meeting....” Apparently there were

only two others present besides the family at whose house the meeting

was held, and £12 and £15 were taken from them in fines. “They make

noe Conscience what they take,” she continues; and she also tells how

one magistrate had fined a man twenty pounds for “worshipping of god”

and then had ordered his officers to take three or four times as much

“beecause they might Sell good peny worthes, and They Tooke Thirty pownds

worth of Goods and sent to the same man for Titth wooll and Lambe After

they had taken away his sheep.” She tells also of the loss of her own

cows.

In another letter to the King, she writes:[111]

They have taken to Prisson both Men & Boyes in yᵉ Country

& brought yᵐ to Nottingham Prisson Contrary to yᵉ Act & yᵉ

Country is against itt and Jtt brings a Ruination.

And again, to King and Parliament, she writes:[112]

They took from one man for heaueing of 3 meetings in his house

150ˡⁱ pounds & Ruined him his wife and Children by penniston

Whally Justice & Waker yᵉ informer And Ruined other to younge

men at farnsfeild.

And we have another letter asking for an order to the Leicestershire

magistrates to restore her goods “that J may haue a horse to ride on in

my old age.”[113] So many of her appeals are on the same theme that it is

exceedingly difficult in making selections to avoid reiteration, but the

following addressed to the Lord Chamberlain[114] is so characteristic of

her that, in spite of repetition, we hardly like to omit it:[115]

ﬀrind.

This J wright that thou maist consider the cause of the

innocent, with the cause of the widdow, how it is as yit

sleighted by one & another.

J labored on foot to come hither to London, aboue 100 miles

being one yᵗ is aged, & weake, to lay before the King &

counsell the greuiances of the innocent, who are imprisoned

all ouer the Nation, who haue not wronged the King, nor his

Counsell, nor haue not entertained euill in our hearts against

him, to doe him any hurt, or wrong in the least, & hither

haue J come time after time, for that thinge, & for equity,

& Justice, who had my goods taken away contrary to yʳ owne

law, my goods, for another bodies fine, though he allsoe did

fulfill yʳ law in suffering the penalty of it, & what could be

more required. They took from me 20ˡ worth of goods in time of

harvest, namely my teame, which at that time was aboue 100ˡ

losse to me, & my ﬀamily, both as to the losse of my cattle

& corne, and putting off my ﬀarme. This was don at Sileby in

Leicester shire by Mathew Babington of Roadby, whome they call

Justice, he bearinge Sway aboue the rest to doe mischeife, by

setting a Baly of the hundred on worke called William Palmer,

who took away my goods, and sold them, and J would haue had a

warrant time after time of the Justices to fetch him before

them, but they would grant me none, But the hand of the Lord

light on that man, and he died a miserable death.

Soe seing J could not be heard there in the Country, nor

righted, Therefore J haue appealed and applyed my selfe to the

King, who bid me goe to the Lord Chamberlane, and J should haue

an answer by him, soe J applyed my selfe to thee, to know an

answer from the King, how J might haue my ﬀrinds at liberty,

or gett my goods restored, but as yit J haue had noe answer as

to either of them, but when J was heare before, thou writ me

a letter to carry to the Earle of Stamford,[116] and sealed

it, which J did carry to him accordingly, in a sore jurney to

the endangering of my life, but had J Knowne what had been in

it, J should haue labored more to the King & Duke of Yorke

before J went, which then might haue been serviceable to me or

my ﬀrinds, J neuer did desire any Lords favor, for my goods

againe, nor deed of Charity, for these were not my words, but

onely equity & Justice.

My harts desire is, that you may doe Justice & Judgement, all

of you while you haue time, least yʳ day goe ouer yʳ heads,

as to others it hath don before you; and so come to yᵗ which

is true honor, out of all flattering titles, for the true

Nobility is to hear the cry of the Jnnocent and to doe Justice

& Judgmᵗ to the widdow, the ﬀatherlesse, and to Keep yʳ selues

vnspotted from the world, and this is the true Nobility which

is vnchangeable & that man is noble in his place which will

hear the cry of the Jnnocent & help them in theire distresse

but he yᵗ will not doe it, comes short of the vnjust Judge,

whoe though he neither feared God nor regarded man, yit did

the widdow Justice, least shee should weary him, Soe ﬀrind,

take these thinges into thy Consideration, for J haue respected

thee, more then many because of thy moderation which is noble

in itts place....

Concerning that letter which the Earle of Stamford sent to thee

by me itt being soe coldly handled between you both, noe thinge

is don for my satisfaction, and whereas his letter saith, that

some men are dead that bought my cattle, and that the rest are

vnwilling to contribute any considerable matter, to this, J

say, that the Baley of hundred is dead but the men that bought

the cattle of him were aliue, when J came, for J was with

them, but if any that they sold them to be dead, or noe, that

J cannot tell, but he that should restore my goods is Mathew

Babington if J may haue my right.

The Earle of Stamford hath been about it, to see what they will

doe who had my goods, but seing he hath noe more forceable

letter from hence, he could doe nothing but hath left it vnto

thee, therefore if thou writest to him againe lett it be

effectually that J may haue Justice, for the law is not against

me but for me, (though J cannot make vse of it in a way of

sute) and this J know you may doe between you, being sett in

greater power then many others.

this was deliuered

the 10ᵗʰ day of the

5ᵗʰ month 1667

A louer of your soules

& a frind to all that

are honest harted

ELIZABETH HOOTON.

Evidently this letter to the Lord Chamberlain had no effect, for there is

a further appeal to the King, mainly interesting as the following names

are given as witnesses to the truth of her statement: Thomas Snooden,

William Snooden, Timothy Garland, Nicholas House, Nicholas Parsons,

Thomas Barradell, Robert Clarke.[117]

In the same letter she writes:

The Magistrates which will doe me noe justice—Behman [Beaumont]

Dixey, Justice Babington of Rodely [_sic_], Earle of Stamford

and John Grey his sonne, with many others in Leicestershire,

which some said they would doe me Justice, but did me none.

In the Countrey there is no Justice but Cruelty: they will not

heare the Cry of the innocent.

She also appeals to the Duke of York, and in the conclusion of a letter

to him, she says:[118]

Therefore I allso apply my selfe to thee, for thy asistance,

in this thing, yᵗ some effectuall meanes may be used for the

restoring of my goods.... The Earle of Stamford who is the

Kings freind knowes how my busines is, & may dispatch it, if

effectually writ to.

Here is another extract setting forth her opinion of lawyers, and others

called upon to administer the law, and also demonstrating her pertinacity

in her endeavours to obtain justice. She begins in the customary manner

by recounting the history of her visits to the King, and continues:[119]

... The King had put it in to the [hands of the] Justices to

[_paper torn_] things and J said J had beene with them and they

would [_paper torn_] me no Right but bad me goe to law but the

lawyars i said ar corrup as the maiestrats ar that J cannot vse

them but they said go to the maiestrats againe and see if they

will do Justice if they will not bring there names and som to

testify the goods were mine and i should haue Justice.

And so i came to another sessions and let them know what J

had done and what they said and hath waited for Justice agen

J went to som of there houses and to the bench and followed

them whether they went both day and at nights when they met to

gether to know whether they would do me Justice or no Justice

to which they hardened there harts and stifened there necks

against the widows complaint and Regarded no Just law....

She did not hesitate boldly to warn the King of his errors, as the

following passage shows:[120]

How oft haue J come to thee in my old age both for thy

reformation and safety, for the good of thy soule And for

Justice and equity. Oh that thou would not giue thy Kingdome to

yᵉ papists nor thy strength to weomen....

In her efforts to obtain Justice for herself she was never unmindful of

the interests of her friends, and in one of her numerous letters to the

King and Council she mentions that William Dewsbury, Thomas Goodaire

and Henry Jackson, three Yorkshire men, were in Warwick Prison, Francis

Howgill in Kendal, and Thomas Taylor in Aylesbury.[121]

In Northampton there are fifteene under the Act of Banishment.

J desire that you may set them at libertye besides all the rest

that are there. These are all yᵉ Kings Prisoners.[122]

In another letter to the King and Council she mentions that there were

forty Friends in Reading prison, and that some had been confined there

six or seven years.[123]

In yet another letter addressed to the King she makes allusion to the

national calamities, and points a lesson therefrom:[124] “If there be

not A speedy repentance judgmᵗˢ will ensue, as Late hath been in England

yᵉ Pestilence yᵉ Sword & yᵉ Fire.” It was probably written in the year

1667 or 1668, after the arrival of the Dutch ships in the Thames under De

Ruyter. Pepys, under date 11th of June, 1667, in his _Diary_ says: “Pett

writes us word that Sheerenesse is lost last night, after two or three

hours’ dispute,” and he gives a graphic account of the alarm in the city,

consequent on the withdrawal of the soldiers to Chatham and elsewhere:

“which looks as if they had a design to ruin the City and give it up to

be undone; which, I hear, makes the sober citizens to think very sadly of

things.” John Evelyn, too, speaking of the Dutch incursion, says: “The

alarme was so greate that it put both Country and Citty into a paniq

feare and consternation such as I hope I shall never see more; every body

was flying none knew why or whither.”

* * * * *

It is pleasant to turn from sufferings and controversies to events of a

domestic character in the strenuous life of Elizabeth Hooton. On 21st

September, 1669, her daughter Elizabeth, who had been a sufferer with her

mother in New England, was married to Thomas Lambert, of Handsworth, at

her mother’s house at Skegby. We have more details of this event in the

following record:

Thos: Lamberd of Heansworth Woodhouse in Yorkshire & Elizabeth

Hooton of Skegby in Nottinghamshire, Daughter of Elizabeth

Hooton did take one another to be husband & wife according to

the Church order & yᵉ practice of yᵉ holy men of God in yᵉ

Scripture in yᵉ House of Elizabeth Hooton upon yᵉ 21 of yᵉ VII

mo in yᵉ year 1669 unto yᵉ Truth of which we have set to our

names—

WILLIAM MALSON

THOMAS COCKRAM

ROBERT STACY

ROBERT HASSEHURST

MAHLON STACY

JOHN FFRETWELL

THOMAS BROCKSOPP

JOHN BINGHAM

THOMAS FFOUKE

GEORGE COCKRAM

WILLIAM CLAY

GODFREY NEWBOULD

ABRAHAM SENOR

ROBERT GRACE[125]

The names of most of the Friends who signed Thomas and Elizabeth

Lambert’s wedding certificate appear again in the book recording the

sufferings of Friends in the Mansfield district, and in the early Minute

Book of the Women’s Quarterly Meeting for Nottinghamshire.

Fourteen months later, 30th of November, 1670, Elizabeth Hooton’s son

Samuel was married to Elizabeth Smedley, of Skegby, at his mother’s

house. There is a very interesting entry in the first Nottinghamshire

Quarterly Meeting Minute Book in reference to this marriage. Elizabeth

Hooton, in assuring the Meeting of her consent to this union,

writes,[126] 26th of December, 1670:

This doe I certify concering my sonne Samuel. I spake to Geo:

Fox about taking the young woman to wife, & he asked me what

she was, & I told him as near as I could of her behaviour, & he

bade me let him take her, & soe that makes me willing that he

should take her to wife.—ELIZABETH HOOTON.

As in the case of the daughter’s marriage the names of no women appear

amongst the witnesses, but as their mother was in England at this time,

she was most likely present at both ceremonies.

* * * * *

In the Episcopal Returns for 1669, we find the name of Elizabeth Hooton

among those of “Heads & Teachʳˢ” of the Friends’ Meeting at Harby,

Lincs.[127]

About this time too we find E. Hooton intervened in the dispute between

Margaret Fell and her son and daughter-in-law, George and Hannah Fell.

There are two letters in existence, both evidently addressed to Hannah

Fell; one is endorsed: “ﬀor George ﬀells widdow at Marsh Grainge in

ﬀurnace,” the other: “To a Woman unnamed, who had got a judgmᵗ agᵗ her

mother in law.”[128] From the latter we learn that Elizabeth Hooton must

have seen George Fell on the subject of the litigation, for she writes:

Freind.

When J was wᵗʰ the & thy Husband J hadd some thing on my Spᵗ

from yᵉ Lord yᵗ hee might bee warned from ꝑsecuteing yᵉ Just,

or Joyneing wᵗʰ them yᵗ did, for he is gon from yᵗ Truth wᶜʰ

hee once was in, & had Joyned himselfe wᵗʰ yᵉ ꝑsecuteing

magistrates & preists, & had been a meanes to Cause his mother

to bee ꝑsecuted, & imprisoned, & yᵐ yᵗ mett at hir howse & this

(soe farr as J did heare) was thy Husbands worke, but J was

moved of yᵉ Lord to goe to him, & declare to him hee was gon

out from that Truth he was in before; & now hath hee Joyned him

selfe wᵗʰ yᵉ ꝑsecutors, & was a lover of pleasures & did not

at all love yᵉ Truth, but ꝑsecute it; & was a meanes to keep

his Mother in prison, & was a meanes for ought J Could heare to

premunire hir, but J was made to tell him yᵗ if hee did goe on

in yᵗ ꝑsecuting way & would not turne to yᵉ Truth wᶜʰ hee once

Received, yᵉ Lord would Cutt him off boath Root & branch, &

though his Mother were sett at liberty againe by yᵉ King, yett

did thy Husband goe to yᵉ King againe, & Gott hir premunired &

put into prison againe, (for ought [J] know) & now the lords

hand hath Cutt him off & shortened his dayes.

And Now it is Reported yᵗ thou hast Gotten a Judgmᵗ against thy

Syce to Sweep away all yᵗ shee hath, boath goods, & Land, wᵗ a

Rebellious Daughter in law art thou.

The rest of the letter consists of warnings and predictions of what will

befall if such unjust conduct is persisted in. It concludes:

Soe to yᵉ light of Xᵗ in thy Conscience Returne, wᶜʰ will lett

the see all thy wayes; J am a lover of thy Soule

ELIZABETH HOOTEN.

Her intervention did not end here, for we find her writing to the King

and Council on behalf of Margaret Fox. In an undated letter, after

calling their attention to the great distress caused by the Act “which

hath ruined many hundred of famylies which cannot now pay Rents taxes nor

sesments which did releiue many poore and now is not able to releiue them

selues,” she continues:[129]

Shee yᵗ was Judge ﬀells wife had a rebellious and disobedient

sonn which sought the ruination of his own mother the Lord Cutt

him of by Death and now her sonnes wife seekes to ruinate her

mother in Law by getting a Judgmᵗ against her att this Size at

Lancaster to dispossesse her of her proper right and soe both

ruinate her and her children if shee can: Lett the King and

Councill Consider this and holpe the widow and the fatherlesse.

That which her husband left her, her daughter in Law seekes to

ruinate her of. Soe I beseech you consider it in tyme and send

some thing speedily to yᵉ Judges yᵗ Justice may be administred.

I am a louer of your Soules

ELIZABETH HOOTON.

Undeterred by age, the perils and discomforts of the voyage, or the

prospect of bonds and imprisonment which it was possible would be her

portion, Elizabeth Hooton, in a letter written from London in conjunction

with Hannah Salter[130] to Margaret Fox, a prisoner in Lancaster Castle,

speaks of the call she had received to proceed with George Fox and the

party of Friends who were intending to visit their brothers and sisters

in the faith beyond the seas:[131]

Deare Margret who Art faithfull and in the wisdome of god and

art A sufferer for god and his Truth and thy sufferings hath

been many and great and thou art A Mother in Jsraele god is thy

witnese thou hast suffered more then many haue Expected, yet

hath yᵉ Lord deliuered thee, Euerlasting praises to his name

for euer, bee thou of good Cumfort yᵉ Lord will Deliuer thee

still and they that seeke to Ruinate thee will yᵉ Lord Ruinate,

Jf they doe not Speedely Repent and Amend: there is no way but

to trust in yᵉ Lord for hee is A true deliuerer.

Hannah Salter hath been with the King and Leighboured much in

thy Cause and J haue been prety much with the parliment and

haue giuen them prety many Bookes and spoken prety much to

them. We haue giuen yᵉ parliment above 200 of the Reighnment

of Popery[132] besids many other good Bookes, J beleiue to the

worth of 20ˡⁱ and they tooke them uery well, but what they will

do to us more J Know not.

J haue A great desier to see thee Jf thou could but Come to

thy husband before hee goe so the Lord giue thee some Liberty

that thou may see him, and it would make my hart glad. J know

nothing but J may goe with him it hath been much on mee to goe

a great while and to doe yᵉ best that Js Required for him. One

Letter haue J written to thy Sons wife and J desire thou may

see it ouer, that Jf there bee any thing in it yᵗ is Amisse

thou maist mend it, for it ware much on mee to write it, and so

at present J haue no more but my Loue to thee and thy daughters

and friends for J am in hast to goe up againe to the parlement

and so farwell my dearly beloued friend which art in the Power

of Truth, god blessed for euer.

ELIZ: HOOTON.

Hannah Salter hath some hopes yᵗ the Buisinesse will bee

effected shee would not leaue yᵉ King till he had Granted what

was required and his Counscill with him promised her yᵗ it

should be done Soe shee goes to him againe yᵉ second day to

haue it written & sealed soe J hope it will be done in gods

tyme, yᵗ wee may all praise his holy name for his mercy towards

thee & towards vs. Soe J end farewell, deare Margrett.

From the above letter we obtain an insight into Elizabeth Hooton’s

activities in the year 1670. On the 15th January, 1670, Friends in

Nottinghamshire appealed to King and Parliament for the relief of their

sufferings, and among the Appellants are Elizabeth Hooton and Elizabeth

Hooton, Junr.[133] The latter was, probably, the wife of Samuel, become

Hooton only a month or two before.

In these days, when we are constantly reminding those outside our Society

of the acknowledgment by our early Friends of the spiritual equality

of men and women, it is extremely interesting to note that women were

frequently engaged in and actually did carry through negotiations of a

very delicate and decidedly secular character. This is proved by George

Fox’s account of his wife’s release from Lancaster Castle, which took

place in April, 1671; he says:[134]

I was moved to speak to Martha Fisher[135] and another woman

Friend, to go to the King about her liberty. They went in

faith, and in the Lord’s power, who gave them favour with the

King, so that he granted a discharge under the broad-seal, to

clear both her and her estate, after she had been ten years a

prisoner and premunired; the like wherof [of such discharge]

was scarcely to be heard in England.

John Rous, writing to his mother-in-law, Margaret Fox, gives a more

detailed account of the proceedings attendant on her release, in a letter

dated 4th of April, 1671; he says:[136]

Last 6ᵗʰ day yᵉ two women tooke the grant out of the Attourney

Generals office, & he gave yᵐ his fee, wᶜʰ should have been

5ˡⁱ, & his clerke tooke but 20ˢ, wheras his fee was 40ˢ.

Yesterday they went with it to yᵉ King who signed it in the

Counsell & Arlington[137] also signed it but would take noe

fees, wheras his fees would have been 12ˡⁱ or 20ˡⁱ, neither

would Williamsons[138] man take any thing saying yᵗ if any

religion were true, it is ours, tomorrow it is to passe yᵉ

Signet; & on 6ᵗʰ day, the privy seale, & afterwards the broad

Seale wᶜʰ may be done on any day. The power of the Lord hath

bowed their hearts wonderfully.

Margaret Fox, after her release from Lancaster, returned to Swarthmoor

for a brief period; she then joined George Fox in London for the Yearly

Meeting of 1671, and afterwards remained with him, until, three months

later, 13th August, he and his little company of twelve set sail “towards

America and some of the Isles thereunto belonging.” Elizabeth Hooton and

Elizabeth Miers[139] were the only women included in the party.

From George Fox and others we have a very full account of the voyage of

the “Catch _Industry_, Master Thomas Foster.” Margaret Fox and other

Friends accompanied the travellers as far as Deal. After these had left

the boat her voyage was interrupted by a visit from the “Presse Master”

of one of the two men-of-war which were lying in the Downs. He took

off three of their seamen which action might have postponed the voyage

indefinitely had not the Captain of the other frigate, “out of Compassion

and much Civillity,” spared two of his men.

Their vessel was leaky: on the 27th of August this entry appears in the

diary of the voyage, kept by John Hull:[140]

Our Ship soe leaky ever since wee came to the Downes that

Seamen and passengers doe for the most part day and night

pumpe. this day wee observed that in two houres she suckt in

sixteene Inches of water in the well, some makes it tenne Tunn

a day. It is well however for it is good to keepe Seamen and

passengers in health.

Travellers of to-day would probably strongly object to this particular

form of health-giving exercise, except under the very sternest necessity.

Then the Journal tells of an apparent “Chace” given by a strange ship

which “some conjectur’d by her sayles among the Marriners that it was

likely a Sally man of warr, standing of the A sores Ilands, which caused

a great feare among some of the passengers, dreading to be taken by them,

but friends were well satisfyed in themselves, having no feare upon their

spirrits.” George Fox assured the Master when he came “to advise with him

and understand his Judgment of it in the power made answer that the life

was over all, and the power was betweene them and us.” The _Industry_

escaped attack and eventually they lost sight of the “Sally man.”

Many meetings were also held, some amongst Friends only, and others with

the passengers who “seemed to be very attentive.”

At length, after nearly two months, this voyage—not lacking in interest

and incident—ended, and the _Industry_ anchored in Carlisle Bay,

Barbados, about nine o’clock at night on the 3rd October.

During his stay, George Fox addressed a letter to the Governor of

Barbados, defending the Quakers against gross slanders which had been

promulgated against them. We have also two letters from Elizabeth

Hooton. Whether both were written at this period is uncertain. One is

addressed “To the Rulers and Magestrats of this Island that ought to Rule

for god.” After general exhortations and warnings, she continues:[141]

J haue seene many ouerturnes, and the Lord will ouerturne

Still. Therefore haue a Care in the feare of the Lord that

hee may giue a blessing vnto you.... And soe Consider what is

required for in this Jsland. There is Great need of Justice

and Judgment, for if one goe vp into the Countrey, there is A

great Cry of the Poore being Robbed by Rich mens Negroes, Soe

that they cannot with out great Troble, keep any thing from

being Stolen; And if they doe complaine they Cannot get any

Sattisfaction; Now it is the Duty of Euery man to take Care and

see there family haue Suffitient food and any thing else the

stand in need off; as Jnstructed in that that is good, that

they may bee Kept from Stealeing and doeing any thing that is

Euill; Soe that yoᵘ may make good Lawes and yoʳ People be Kept

in good order, according to what is made knowne to them by them

that Rule ouer them. And soe yoᵘ Come ... to a true Reformation

yoʳ Selues, first reforming yoʳ Selues in yoʳ familyes, and

yoᵘ will see Clearly how to Rule others, for a Reformation god

looks for Among yoᵘ and all People, that god may bless yoᵘ....

Therefore to the Light of Christ returne; that yoᵘ may see what

yoᵘ should doe and what yoᵘ should not doe and that all yoʳ

ac̄c̄ons may be guided by itt, for hee hath Jnlightened Euery

one that Comes in to the World. J am a louer of yoʳ Soules and

am Come to Warne yoᵘ

ELIZA: HOOTON.

The second letter[142] is probably the last she wrote, and was evidently

prompted by the same reasons which had influenced George Fox in

addressing the Rulers of the Island. It is endorsed: “E. Hooton to some

Ruler in Barbado’s 7ᵗʰ of 10/mo 1671 To warne him not to give eare to

false reports & yᵉ Priests suggestions agᵗ yᵉ innocent.”

ﬀrend.

Some thing J haue to thee, Jf thou wilt be noble in thy place,

lend not an eare to the wicked nor to persecutors, if thee

Prests come about thee aganst the Jnnocent, as they haue all

wayes don, and Cry help magistrats or else our traid will goe

downe. Neither giue eare to Any Sett that comes to the wᵗʰ

falce Accusations.... The Lord hath somtimes Restrained such

men as would haue done us mischeefe and oft haue J been wᵗʰ the

Parlement & they haue been very Ciuell to me & J haue giuen

them many Boockes & Letters & they haue Receᵈ them & haue not

done those many bad Things against us as Sum would haue had

them to haue done; but let persecution sease, and our Meetings

in London ware & are still as wee are informed by yᵉ Last

Shipes peaceable: and the Last Mayor that wos when J wos there

never did us hurt nor broke up ouer metings....

Ther fore take heade that thou doe not Joyne with them that

would percecute & wrong yᵉ Jnnocent, for Jf thou doest thou

wilt wrong thy one Sole: neither harken thou to such wicked men

as will bring thee Storeys & lyes against George ﬀox, nor anny

of Gods people for J haue knone him to be An upright honest

harted man as wast in England this twenty fiue years: Soe quit

thy selfe well in thy Place & god will bles the but Giue not

head to folce accusors nor to the preasts for thos war thay

that Crusified Christ & put his Apossells to deth and thay are

yᵉ men yᵗ now would doe the same thinges if thay had power.

J haue knone there Cruelty aboue this twenty yeares to me &

to many others, thouf J haue no Enmyty against them nor noe

Revenage Jn my harte but desire that thay Repent and turne to

the Lorde as sum of them haue done: Soe Returne to the Light in

thy Consciene wᶜʰ will not let the doe any Wrong to any if thou

be Obedient to Jt:

from one yᵗ is a louer of thy Sole

ELIZABETH HOOTON.

Barbados this 7ᵗʰ of the 10ᵗʰ monᵗʰ 1671.

After three months’ stay in that island, on the 8th January, 1671/2,

George Fox, accompanied by Elizabeth Hooton and others, left for Jamaica

and arrived safely on the 18th.

From the Testimony of James Lancaster[143] concerning Elizabeth Hooton we

gather particulars of her illness and death. He says:[144]

Her seruise was to stay at the place called porte royall and

alsoe my seruise to be there the next ﬀirst day and soe comeing

in vpon the 7 day of the weeke found her weake in bodie at

present though the day before shee had beene among friends in

the towne exorting them to faithfullnes in the worke of god and

J came vp the staires where shee was and the had newlie taken

her out of her bed into a chaire.

She was much swelled and J said let her haue iaire and the

opened the windowes and opened her bodies and then her breath

came and shee looked vp and see me but could not speake. J said

let vs put her into her bed least shee gett cold, and we did

and shee looked vpon me and J her my life rose towards her and

allsoe her life answered mine again with greate Joy betwixt vs

and shee said it is well James thou art come and fastened her

arms aboute me and said blessed be the lord god that has made

vs partakers of those heuenly mercies and more words to the

like effecte and embraced me with a kisse and laid her selfe

Downe and turned her selfe on her side and soe her breath went

weaker and weaker till it was gone from her and soe passed away

as though shee had beene asleep and none knew of her departure

but as her breath was gone....

And so, still in the thick of the fight, far from her home in the quiet

Nottinghamshire village, she fell on sleep. Though her story is so far

removed from our own time, something of that peace enters into our souls

in the knowledge that her long and strenuous life ended in a great calm.

George Fox, writing to Friends from Rhode Island, 19th June, 1672,

says:[145]

Elizabeth Hootton is deceased at Jamaicae ... James Lancaster

was by her and can give an account what words she spoke and of

her Testimony concerneing Truth a farther account I shall give

concerneing her outward things to her Relations but let her

Sonne Oliver gather up all her papers and her sufferings and

send them to London that her life and death may bee printed.

To our lasting regret the latter injunction never appears to have been

carried out, or at any rate the record has been lost, for no history of

her, written by a contemporary, remains, and after the lapse of over two

hundred and forty years there are necessarily many blanks which can

never be filled. George Fox, in his Testimony concerning her, written in

1690, says:[146]

In her Life she was very much Exercised with priests outward

Professours Apostates Backsliders and Profane, for she was

a Godly Woman & had a Great Care Lay upon her for People to

walk in yᵉ Truth that did Profess itt, and from her Receiving

yᵉ Truth she never turned her Back of itt but was fervent &

ﬀaithfull for it till Death.

This is amply confirmed by the fragments of her history which remain

to us, and from these fragments she emerges a heroic figure, one who

worthily played her part in the heroic age of the Society of Friends:

always valiant for the truth, quick to seize any opportunity that

offered to plead the cause of her fellow sufferers, even though her own

sufferings made the occasion—fearless in denouncing the evils of the

time—far in advance of the age in which she lived in her advocacy of

prison and other reforms, and, though her methods may appear strangely

uncouth in our politer days, yet her history is eloquent in its lessons

for us, conscious, it may be, that, in the words of Whittier,

The spirit’s temper grows too soft in this still air.[147]

Does not the injunction of an earlier writer[148] need special emphasis

to-day? “May we not now, in a time of ease and liberty, live carelessly

and indifferently towards Him, but in deep reverence and fear worship

him, our great Deliverer, who powerfully wrought in the King’s heart

to the setting at freedom and liberty these sons and children of the

morning!”

Another age, other problems, and as we consider those which confront us

to-day, we ask, with Florence Nightingale, “Was there ever an age in so

much need of heroism?” and we recognise too that to solve those problems

aright we must approach them in the spirit in which Elizabeth Hooton

approached the problems of her time, that spirit which prompted her to

say:

All this and much more I have gone thorugh and suffered,

and much more could I for the Seed’s sake which is Buried

and Oppressed, and as a Cart is laden with Sheaves and as

a Prisoner in an inward Prison-House; Yea, the Love that I

bear to the Souls of all Men, making me willing to undergo

whatsoever can be inflicted.[149]

[Illustration: FROM THE EARLIEST MINUTE BOOK OF NOTTINGHAMSHIRE Q.M.

_See p. vii._]

Addenda

THE HUSBAND OF ELIZABETH HOOTON (pp. 2, 16)

Several writers on Elizabeth Hooton have stated that her husband was

_Samuel_: James Bowden, _Hist._ i. 260; A. C. Bickley in _D.N.B._;

Charlotte Fell Smith in _The British Friend_, 1893.

Mrs. Manners has come to the conclusion that Elizabeth’s husband was

_Oliver_. She thus states her case:

1. Though an exhaustive search of the Nottinghamshire Parish Registers

has been made, I failed to find any marriage of a _Samuel_ Hooton to

Elizabeth ⸺ in any years when it would possibly have occurred.

2. At Ollerton (which village is said by Thoroton to have been partly

owned by Hootons) I found that in the year 1628 _Oliver_ Hooton married

Elizabeth Carrier—and on the 4th of May, 1633, Samuel, son of Oliver and

Elizabeth Hooton, was baptized. (Ollerton Parish Registers.)

3. No entries in Ollerton Registers between the years 1633 and 1636.

4. At Skegby in the year 1636 a son was born to _Oliver_ and Elizabeth

Hooton, and in succeeding years the children born are described as above.

5. In 1657, in the Friends’ Digest Register, the death of _Oliver_ Hooton

is recorded, and under the same year the Skegby Parish Registers record

_Oliver_ Hooton the elder buried.

6. We learn from a letter written by Thomas Aldam from York Castle, where

he and Elizabeth Hooton were imprisoned in 1652, that E. H.’s husband was

living at that time.

7. George Fox in his Testimony concerning E. H. says: “Her husband being

Zealous for yᵉ Priests much opposed her, in soe much that they had like

to have parted but at Last it pleased yᵉ Lord to open his understanding

that hee was Convinced alsoe & was faithfull untill Death.” From this

statement I should expect to find the entry of his death in the Friends’

deaths.

8. The late Mary Radley also arrived at the conclusion that the husband’s

name was _Oliver_, and our investigations were conducted entirely

independently.

NOAH BULLOCK (p. 7)

The name of Noah Bullock does _not_ appear in the list of Mayors of

Derby given in William Hutton’s _History of Derby_, ed. of 1791, but the

following curious allusion to Bullock occurs in the same work, page 236:

“1676—We sometimes behold that singularity of character which joyfully

steps out of the beaten track for the sake of being ridiculous; thus the

Barber, to excite attention, exhibited in his window green, blue and

yellow wigs, and thus Noah Bullock, enraptured with his name, that of

the first navigator, and the founder of the largest family upon record,

having 3 sons, named them after those of his predecessor, Shem, Ham and

Japhet; and to complete the farce, being a man of property, built an

ark, and launched it upon the Derwent, above St. Mary’s-bridge; whether

a bullock graced the stern history is silent. Here Noah and his sons

enjoyed their abode and the world their laugh. But nothing is more

common than for people to deceive each other. The world acts under a

mask. If they publicly ridiculed him, he privately laughed at them: for

it afterwards appeared he had more sense than honesty; and more craft

than either; for this disguise and retreat were to be a security to coin

money. He knew Justice could not easily overtake him, and if it should,

the deep was ready to hide his coins and utensils. Sir Simon Degge, an

active magistrate, who resided at Babington-hall, was informed of Noah’s

proceedings, whom he personally knew: the Knight sent for him and told

him, ‘he had taken up a new occupation, and desired to see a specimen of

his work.’ Noah hesitated. The magistrate promised that no evil should

ensue, provided that he relinquished the trade. He then pulled out a

sixpence and told Sir Simon ‘He could make as good work as that.’ The

Knight smiled; Noah withdrew, broke up his ark, and escaped the halter.”

The family is an ancient one; there are monumental inscriptions in

St. Alkmund’s church to Bullocks of Darley Abbey. The name is still

represented in the town.

Information supplied by Edward Watkins, of Fritchley, Derby.

COMMITMENT TO LINCOLN CASTLE (p. 14)

Lyncolnshere.

J was gon out of becingham, & was gone to barnbe in Nottingham shire, &

as J was warneing some to repent in yᵉ towne, there come a wicked man

forth whose name was Atkingson, a proud man, he stroake me unreasonably,

then pul’d he me out of my way over a bridge & when J was over he sent

to the Preist of becingham to serve his warrant upon me, & wᵗʰ his

warrant he sent me to the Justice, & the Justice being a wicked man he

sent me to prison to Lincoln goal. The same Preist put another Man friend

into prison for tithes, & hee dyed, & his house keeper came through the

chamber where the Preist lay, & he sᵈ good morrow Valentine in a vain

light condition, & tooke her in his armes to salute her & suddainly the

Lord stroak him wᵗʰ death, though he cryed for his bottle of strong

waters but it would not save him, thus the hand of the Lord is agᵗ wicked

men, both old & young, [they] shall perish if they transgress. Atkingson

came to nought alsoe & was taken away suddainly, yet the Lord was with

me in prison though J endured a very cold winter, it was God’s mercy in

preserving me that winter from being starved to death, & this widdow

woman that kept yᵉ goal was full of cruelty towards me & all yᵉ prisoners.

[Endorsement]

An imperfect paper, yet expressing the Manner of her being sent to

Lyncolne Prison: and Gods hand upon yᵉ Priest & Atkinson that were yᵉ

cause of her Jmprisonmᵗ there.

MS. in =D.= (Portfolio i. 136)

[Illustration: LINCOLN CASTLE GATEWAY.

_To face p. 78._] [_See p. vii._]

UNKETTY (page 43)

An enquiry addressed to Augustine Jones, LL.B., of Newton Highlands,

Mass., has brought the following information:

Unquity, or Unquity-quisset was the Indian name for Dorchester, which, in

1662, was incorporated as Milton. It is across the Neponset River from

Boston, on the somewhat indirect way from Cambridge to Scituate.

Unquity means “a place at the end of the small tidal stream or creek.”

A YOUNG MAN OUT OF THE NORTH OF ENGLAND (p. 43)

This was probably Thomas Newhouse, whose name is included in a list of

English Friends visiting N.E., 1661 to 1671 (in the possession of William

C. Braithwaite, Banbury, Oxon). The incident is associated with the

name of Thomas Newhouse in the histories of Bishop, Besse and Bowden.

In Newhouse’s own account of the event and its results, given by Bishop

(_op. cit._ p. 472), we read:

“Upon a Lecture-day at Boston in New-England, I was much pressed in

Spirit to go into their Worship-house amongst them.... They cryed, Away

with him; and some took me by the Throat, and would not suffer me to

answer to it, but hurried me down Stairs, to the Carriage of a great

Gun, which stood in the Market place, where I was stripp’d, and tyed to

the wheel, and whipp’d with ten Stripes ... and then ... whipp’d ... at

Roxbury ... and at Dedham ... and then sent into the Woods.”

In Bishop’s fuller account of this scene, he tells us (_op. cit._ p. 432)

that Newhouse, “having two Glass Bottles in his Hands, dash’d them to

pieces, saying to this effect, That so they should be dash’d in Pieces”—a

very close parallel with the account given by E. Hooton.

William Edmondson states in his _Journal_, under date 1672, that the

Friends of Virginia were “stumbled and scatter’d by his [Newhouse’s] evil

Example ... who went from Truth into the Filth and Uncleanness of the

World.” See Jones, _Quakers in American Colonies_.

It must have been a sorry spectacle—an old woman and a young man, both

half naked, tied side by side to the back of a cart, and lashed with a

whip of three knotted cords till blood ran.

HOOTON DESCENDANTS

The materials with which to re-erect the house of Hooton are scattered

and difficult to identify; the frequent use of the same fore-name is a

source of danger; but we venture to place before our readers such facts

as at present see the light, in the hope that later research will be

aided thereby.

SAMUEL HOOTON

Samuel, son of Oliver and Elizabeth Hooton, was baptized at Ollerton in

1633.

The hand of persecution rested upon him in early life; we find him

in prison in Nottingham in 1660 for refusing to take the Oath of

Allegiance,[150] and in Leicester in 1662 he was in prison with George

Fox and others,[151] being “cast into yᵉ Dungeon amongst yᵉ felons.

There was hardeley roome to lye downe they [the prisoners] were soe

thronge.”[152] Before reaching the age of thirty he was the objective of

Muggletonian curses,[153] as was his mother later; and eight years after,

in 1670, as recorded by Besse,[154] restraints were laid upon his goods

“for the Cause of religiously Assembling to worship God.”

On the 30th of November, 1670, Samuel Hooton married Elizabeth Smedley,

both of Skegby, at the home of the bridegroom’s mother. There were two

children born at Skegby, Oliver[155] in 1671 and Elizabeth in 1673.

Of his religious service we have found nothing before his departure for

New England early in 1666, as related _ante_, and the next reference

is dated two years later, May, 1668: “one Samuel, son of old Elizabeth

Hooten,” is mentioned among “those that labour in the work of the

ministry.”[156]

Towards the close of 1670, among signatories to An Appeal from

Nottinghamshire, occurs the name Samuel Hooton.

In the Minute Book of Nottinghamshire Quarterly Meeting, at the date,

26 x. (Dec.) 1670, the same date on which his mother wrote the letter

given _ante_, the word “backslider” is written beside the name of Samuel

Hooton (see photo. facsimile, p. 75). This was probably done a few years

later in connection with the passing of the following minutes by the

Nottinghamshire Q.M.:

Nine & Twentith Meeting

At the Quarterly Meeting at Maunsfeild the 29ᵗʰ day of first

month 1675.

Exhortation the 1ˢᵗ time

Robert Grace & Thomas ﬀarnsworth Exhorted Sammuell Hooten for

paing of Tyths, as to that he would giue noe Answer but was

found very scornefull.

Exhortation the 2ⁿᵈ time.

Georg Cockram, & Mathias Brackney Exhorted Sammuell Hooten for

paing of Tyths, his answer was, he was neuer conuienced in

his conscience but that they ought to be payed, it was spoken

to him as that he did beare his testimoney against them and

suffered the spoyling of his goods for his Testimony he said

that he did it out of the strength of his owne will.

Agreed that a Testimonie be drawne up Against the Spirit that

Leads Sammuell Hooten To pay tythes (& justifie his paying of

them) and to be giuen him by Robert Grace and William Malson, a

Coppy as followeth:

“A Testimonie from the people of god (in scorne called Quakers)

Against Tythes & Tithe takers & all that pay them in Generall

(whoe denie Christ Jesus come in the flesh—who hath Ended the

Law & the Changable preisthood, and is becom the unchangable

high preist over the house of god for Euer) But more Especialy

against the Spirit that now acts in & by Sammuell Hooten.

“Whereas Sammuell Hooten hath Long beene a professor of gods

blessed truth and hath borne a Larg verball Testimony thereunto

& not onely soe but hath suffered much thereby, by all which

according to outward Apearance he was Looked upon by many to be

a faithfull wittness for god, but Alass as a flourishing tree

which brings forth noe good fruite, soe is a profession without

the possession of the truth, & as Euery Tree is knowne by his

fruite soe is Euery spirit knowne by its Action, and though

the said Sammuell hath walked Long in apearance as aboue said,

yet hath he Lately brought forth bad fruit to the dishoner of

god in paing Tiths to an Jmpropriator and though he hath beene

tenderly dealt withall yet he still persists to manetaine the

thing as Lawfull, soe that wee are constrained for the truth

sake to giue forth this testimony against that Spirit that Led

him to pay tiths (and plead for them) and doe foreuer judg it,

& Condemne it in him or in whome-soeuer it is found, being the

same Spirit with them that takes Tithes by whome many of our

deare friends haue suffered Jmprisonment unto death & sealed

there testimoney with there Bloud, and this is to goe forth

into the world that truth may be cleared, & all false Reports

stopped & Judged, who now say we alow what we formerly declared

against, noe more but in true Loue to all people we Reste.”

ﬀrom the Quarterly Meeting at Maunsfeild, the 29ᵗʰ day of the

1ˢᵗ month 1675.

It is possible that the family emigrated to the Western World. Mrs.

Amelia Mott Gummere, of Haverford, Pa., contributes the following, which

may refer to the above Samuel:

“Elizabeth Hooton, wife of Samuel Hooton, of Shrewsbury,

New Jersey, with her daughter Elizabeth, wife of Thomas

Hillborne, were appointed guardians of Samuel Hooton, when the

latter became insane in 1694. Thomas Hillborne and Elizabeth

Hooton, both of Shrewsbury, N.J., were married 12th December,

1688, at the house of her mother, Elizabeth Hooton. The

original marriage certificate was in the possession of Thomas

Darlington, of Birmingham, Pa., in 1863.”

Of the Hootons of N.J., Mrs. Kate B. Stillé wrote in the _Jnl. F.H.S._

iv. 50: “Their descendants hold the land near Burlington and Evesham,

which was bought from the Indians.”

ELIZABETH HOOTON, JR., AFTERWARDS LAMBERT.

The marriage of the younger Elizabeth with Thomas Lambert, of Tickhill,

21st of September, 1669, is recorded in the Registers of Nottinghamshire,

but there is no entry therein of any children or of the deaths of Thomas

and Elizabeth Lambert.

We may hazard the suggestion that emigration to the New World removed

their names from the Registers of the Old. In the published _New Jersey

Archives_, first series, vol. xxiii., p. 236, we read:

“1692-3, Feb. 20. Hooton John. Letters of administration on the estate

of, formerly granted to Thomas Lambert in behalf of his wife, confirmed,

notwithstanding application of Richard & Thomas Hilbourne on behalf

of Samuel Hooton for it, based on the order of Gov. Hamilton making

Elizabeth, the wife of the said Samuel, Thos. Hilbourne and wife

Elizabeth, daughter of Samuel, his guardians during his lunacy (_N.J.

Arch._, vol. xxi., p. 193). John White, attorney for Thos. Lambert,

submits the affidavit of John Snowden, to whom John Hooton had said,

shortly before his death, he did not intend his brother Samuel should

have his plantation, while William Black and John Birch attest that

deceased had expressed his intention that John, the son of his brother,

Thomas Lambert, should have it. (Burlington Records, p. 18.)”

OLIVER HOOTON

1. Oliver, son of Elizabeth, is mentioned by Fox in his _Journal_, under

date 1672, and he was apparently at home in England at the time (Camb.

_Jnl._ ii. 213).

His “hystry” is referred to on page 4, also his Certificate concerning

George Fox.

He was at Skegby in May, 1666 (page 54).

2. Oliver Hooton, living in Barbados, is referred to in sundry places.

He wrote a Testimony concerning William Sympson (dropping into verse at

the close), on the 16th of February, 1670, printed in _A Short Relation

... of William Simpson_, 1671.

In 1674, he was fined 1,592 lbs. of sugar for “not appearing in

Arms.”[157]

Thomas and Alice Curwen visited him, and wrote a letter from his house,

dated the 12th February, 1676.[158]

In 1677, with other Friends, he signed an Appeal to Governor Atkins on

behalf of sufferers for the Truth.[159]

There is a letter in =D.=[160] from O. Hooton to George Fox, dated

“Barbados yᵉ 8: 2ᵈ mᵒ 1682.” References to the writer’s personal history

are wanting, but he writes as one who knew Fox, “from the begining of yᵉ

apearance of yᵗ Glorious Day, yᵉ dawnings wherof (in our dayes) first

made knowne its Splendor through thee.... I have both loved and honored

thee from yᵉ first.” The writer is on the eve of a visit “to see yᵉ new

Countreys of new Jarsey and Pensilvania,” but he “cannot say to Setle

there.”

There does not appear to be sufficient evidence to state that 1 and 2 are

the same persons.

3. The Registers of Mansfield Monthly Meeting record the death of Oliver

Hooton, son of Samuel and Elizabeth Hooton, 14 xi. 1671, who died at his

parents’ house at “Seckby” and was buried at “Skegby.” See page 81, note

MARTHA HOOTON

The name, Martha Hooton, also appears in the records of Barbados—in 1689

she was fined £4 19s. 0d. “for Default of sending a Man and a Horse armed

in to the Troop,”[161] and there is in =D.= a curious manuscript, being

a petition from a slave girl named Mama to obtain the freedom granted by

her mistress, Martha Hooton, widow, in her will dated “the third day of

the fifth Month ... 1704,” she having died on the 8th September of that

year.

THOMAS HOOTON

1. Thomas, son of Oliver and Elizabeth Hooton, was baptized 1636. Of this

son, Mrs. Manners writes: “The late Mary Radley thought that Thomas was

an older son of Oliver and Elizabeth Hooton, but I think she must have

read this name as ‘Timothy.’ Mrs. Dodsley, who searched the Skegby Parish

Registers for me, thinks the name given is ‘Thomas,’ and as I have found

no mention of ‘Timothy’ in any of the documents I have searched, I am

inclined to think Mrs. Dodsley’s surmise is correct.”

2. According to the Friends’ Registers for the County of Lincoln, Thomas

Hooton, of Sibsey [? Sibson], Leicestershire, married Mary Sharp of

Barnby at the house of John Pidd, at Barnby, Notts, 1662 xii. 15. The

Hooton home in Leicestershire was Sileby, and the home of the bride,

Barnby, is not far distant from Ollerton, the Notts Hooton home.

3. The following extracts have been taken from the Minutes of

Nottinghamshire Q.M.:

Thirteth Meeting

At the Quarterly Meeting at Maunsfeild the 28ᵗʰ day of the 4ᵗʰ

month 1675.

Agreed that William Malson Robert Grace Francis Clay, & Mathias

Brackney, doe consider with Thomas Hooton about the Repairing

of Joseph Roberts house.

One and Thirteth Meeting

At the Quarterly Meeting at Maunsfeild the 27ᵗʰ day of the 7ᵗʰ

month 1675.

It is Agreed that friends at the monthly meeting belonging to

Maunsfeild put an End to the buseniss betwixt Thomas Hooton and

friends, About Joseph Roberts house & ground.

Six & Thirteth Meeting

At the Quarterly Meeting at Nottingham the 28ᵗʰ day of the 10ᵗʰ

month 1676.

Paid out of the publique Stocke for the Reparing of Joseph

Roberts house the sume of £2: 10: 6.

4. At a Quarterly Meeting held at Lincoln, 27 x. 1693, the following

minute was made: “At this meeting Thomas Hooton sent Twenty Shillings to

be disposed of this Meeting received and disposed of at this accordingly.”

5. There was a Thomas Hooton of London, of whom more is known. He and

his family emigrated to New Jersey. See Besse’s _Sufferings_; Clement’s

_Settlers in West New Jersey_, 1877, p. 301; _The Friend_ (Phila.),

lxxvii. (1903), p. 52; _New Jersey Archives_.

JOHN HOOTON

The following is from the Minutes of the Nottinghamshire Q.M.:

Seauen Twentith Meeting

At the Quarterly meeting at Maunsfeild, the 28ᵗʰ day of the 7ᵗʰ

moᵗʰ 1674.

Exhortation the first time—

Georg Corkram & Mathias Brackney exhorted John Hooton for

paying of Tyths, his answer was that if they take it he would

not hinder them and that he had as good pay tythes as pay Rente

for them.

Eight and Twentith Meeting

At the Quarterly Meeting at Maunsfeild, the 28ᵗʰ day of the

10ᵗʰ month 1674.

Exhortation the Second time

Robert Grace & Thomas ﬀarnsworth Exhorted John Hooton for paing

of Tythes, & his Answer was, he was not fully conuinced, but

that it was the Jmpropriators Right or due after they had set

there marke in it and he said if he found anything in himselfe

that did oppose it for the time to come he hoped he should be

faithfull to it, And he was Lowe & tender.

One and Thirteth Meeting

At the Quarterly Meeting at Maunsfeild the 27ᵗʰ day of the 7ᵗʰ

month 1675.

Exhortation the 3ʳᵈ time.

Francis Clay, and Robert Grace Exhorted John Hooton for paing

of tyths, his Answer was that he found that it was not right to

be paied, neither did he jntend to pay any more but he said his

seruants did Leaue some contrary to his order, and he was found

very tender.

For John Hooton, of N.J., see under Elizabeth Hooton, _aft._ Lambert.

JOSIAH HOOTON

Of Josiah Hooton, mentioned on page 3, nothing further appears.

JUDGE ENDICOTT (p. 50)

“It was not the people of Massachusetts—it was Endicott and the

Clergy”—who persecuted the Quakers.—JOHN FISKE, _Beginnings of New

England_, 1895.

FOOTNOTES

[1] _The General History of the Quakers_, by Gerard Crœse, 1696, pt. 1,

p. 37.

[2] Dr. Robert Thoroton, J.P. (1623-1678), published his _Antiquities

of Nottinghamshire_ in 1677. He appears in Besse’s _Sufferings_ as a

persecutor of Friends in Notts.

_D.N.B._; Cropper, _Sufferings_, 1892, quoting Brown’s _Worthies of

Nottinghamshire_.

[3] John Throsby (1740-1803) republished Thoroton’s _Nottinghamshire_,

with additions, in 1790. He wrote also on Leicestershire.

[4] See _Original Records of Early Nonconformity under Persecution

and Indulgence_, compiled by G. Lyon Turner, 1911, iii. 13. See other

references to E. Hooton, i. 155, ii. 725, iii. 744. Chapman was Vicar of

Mansfield Woodhouse.

[5] MS. in =D.= This piece is endorsed: “Oliver Huttons Certificate

Concerning G: ﬀ:”; and is among other similar certificates which were

read at the Second Day’s Meeting, 16 xii. 1686/7. “Oliver Hutton’s

hystry” does not appear to have survived. See Braithwaite, _Beginnings of

Quakerism_, 1912, pp. 43, 44.

[6] MS. in =D.= entitled: “A Testimony Concerning our Dear ﬀriend and

Sister in yᵉ Lord Elizabeth Hutton,” dated 1690, but not in Fox’s writing.

[7] For an illustrated article on Elizabeth Heath (d. 1693) and her

charity see _Journal F.H.S._ x.

[8] MS. in =D.= endorsed by Fox: “a short jornall of gﬀ never wer

printd,” and by another writer: “of Some Short things from abᵗ yᵉ year

1648 to King Charles yᵉ 2ᵈ Dayes.” The MS. is much worn at the edges, but

some words have been inserted from a contemporary copy.

[9] Besse, _Sufferings of the Quakers_, 1753, i. 137.

[10] =D.= (Swarth. MSS. ii. 43)

[11] The home of Thomas Aldam (c. 1616-1660) was Warmsworth, near

Doncaster. His detention in York Castle followed a _contretemps_ with the

clergyman of this village, Thomas Rookby; he was two and a half years in

the Castle. _Short Testimony_ by his son, Thomas, 1690; _Piety Promoted_;

_D.N.B._; Camb. _Jnl._

[12] =D.= (Swarth. MSS. i. 373)

[13] Mary Fisher (c. 1623-1698), afterwards Bayly and Cross, became a

prominent preacher and traveller. She visited Cambridge and preached to

the students, travelled in the West Indies and Eastern Europe, and died

in Charlestown, South Carolina. Camb. _Jnl._; _Quaker Women_, 1915.

[14] =D.= (Swarth. MSS. iii. 36)

[15] According to a MS. in =D.= (Swarth. MSS. iii. 91), William Peares

died in York Castle. Fox endorses this scrap of paper: “W peres died

in presen at York abought 1654.” In the MS. we read: “The cause of his

Jmprisonment was, because he was moued to stripe himselfe naked. A ﬀigure

off all the nakedness of the world.... Jt was the naked that suffered for

the naked truth.”

In _A Declaration of present Sufferings_, printed 1659, recounting six

years of persecution, we have a confirmation of G. F.’s statement: under

Yorkshire, “William Peers imprisoned till death for Tithes.” (p. 20.)

[16] Prior to her incarceration in York Castle, Jane Holmes was one of

the Friends whose preaching made such an impression on the town of Malton

that “some was caused to burne a great deale of riboning of silkes and

braueries and such things” (=D.= Swarth. MSS. i. 373). While in the

Castle her health suffered, and this may partly account for the low

spiritual condition into which she fell. The MSS. tell us that the “wilde

nature was exalted in her, aboue the seede of god” and “the wilde Eyrie

spirit was exalted aboue the Crosse” (Swarth. MSS. iii. 40), resulting in

her “going out” from her quondam friends into darkness and obscurity. See

Braithwaite, _Beginnings of Quakerism_, 1912, pp. 72, 73.

[17] MS. in =D.= (Portfolio iii. 35a)

[18] Amor Stoddard (d. 1670), frequently styled Captain, was one of Fox’s

companions on various missionary journeys. He lived in London. His wife

died in 1665.

Beck and Ball, _London Friends’ Meeting_, 1869; Camb. _Jnl._

[19] James Halliday was a weaver of Allartown, in Northumberland. He

travelled frequently with Patrick Livingstone. The date of his detention

in York is not found.

[20] MS. in =D.= (Portfolio iii. 15) endorsed: “El: Hooton to yᵉ Bench,

to set James Holydah free & to call others to yᵉ Bar & set yᵐ at liberty.”

[21] MS. in =D.= (Portfolio iii. 3) Although this letter is signed

“Elizabeth Hooton,” there are evidences that it is in the handwriting of

Thomas Aldam, so it is possible that it may have been partly composed or

edited by him.

[22] As with William Peares, so with Benjamin Nicholson, the rigours of

York Castle, though unable to reduce the spirit, proved too strong for

the enfeebled body. Benjamin Nicholson died there in 1660. His home was

Tickhill near Doncaster.

[23] Two copies are in =D.= An interesting and curious production, and

badly printed. On page 3 we read: “You do not read in all the Holy

Scriptures, that any of the Holy men of God were Cambridge or Oxford

Scollers, or Universitie men, or called Masters; but (on the contrary),

they were plain men, and laboured with their hands, and taught freely, as

they had received it freely from the Lord.”

[24] MS. in =D.= (Portfolio iii. 5)

[25] See photo reproduction of this letter. Fox has endorsed it: 1655,

but we think 1653 must be the date; the Author’s unit figure is not very

clear.

[26] Margaret Killam was wife of John Killam, of Balby, Yorks. She was a

great traveller and sufferer for the Truth.

[27] =D.= Swarth. MSS. i. 2. Margaret Killam, writing to George Fox,

in 1654, mentions holding a meeting at “Oliuer Hoottens,” also one at

“Thomas Brockshows att Mansfild side,” and continues: “And soe as the

lord directs to send ouer sum̄ frends it may bee of greate seruice there

abouts; and to Mansfild side, for there is much deadnes ther awaies”

(Swarth. MSS. i. 374). There is mention of another meeting at Oliver

Hooton’s, at Skegby, in 1653 (=D.= Swarthmore MSS. iii. 52).

[28] _Journal of George Fox_, bi-cent. ed. i. 197.

[29] This MS. is the property of Broughton, Gainsborough and Spalding

Monthly Meeting. See _F.P.T._ 152.

[30] John Whitehead (1630-1696) was a Yorkshireman in early life and

afterwards resided at Fiskerton, near Lincoln. See Camb. _Jnl._

[31] _Suff._ i. 346.

[32] MS. in =D.= (Portfolio iii. 37)

[33] _Journal_, bi-cent. ed. i. 198.

[34] _F.P.T._ 219.

[35] It must be remembered that according to the Old Style, the year

began with March, which the Quakers designated First Month. Hence Fourth

Month was June.

[36] _Suff._ i. 553.

[37] CALLENDER, _Historical Discourse_, Boston, 1739. Both these

quotations are taken from _The Quakers in the American Colonies_, by

RUFUS M. JONES, London, 1911, p. xxi.

[38] _Quakers in American Colonies_, p. 8.

[39] Mary Dyer (????-1660) was the wife of William Dyer, then of Newport,

Rhode Island. She was described by George Bishop as “A Comely Grave

Woman, and of a goodly Personage, and one of a good Report, having an

Husband of an Estate, fearing the Lord, and a Mother of [six] Children”

(_New England Judged_, 1703, p. 157). Her husband and she emigrated from

London to Boston in 1635. See ROGERS, _Mary Dyer_, 1896.

[40] CALAMY, _Account of the Ejected Ministers_, i. 481, calls Mansfield,

Nottinghamshire, England, a “little Zoar.” In the chapel known as the Old

Meeting House, in Mansfield, which was built in the year 1702, by the

descendants of the congregation which had formerly received the Ejected

Ministers, there are two commemorative brasses above the altar, placed

there by the late Rev. A. W. Worthington, a former minister, which bear

the following inscription: “In memory of the conscientious sacrifice

and Christianity of the Rev. Robert Porter, Vicar of Pentrich, the Rev.

John Whitlock, M.A., Vicar of St. Mary’s, Nottingham, the Rev. William

Reynolds, M.A., lecturer at the same church, the Rev. John Billingsley,

M.A., Vicar of Chesterfield, Joseph Truman, B.D., Rector of Cromwell, the

Rev. Robert Smalley, Vicar of Greasley, and others, who resigned their

livings when the Act of Uniformity was passed in 1662.

“Driven from their homes by the Oxford Act, in 1666, they found in

Mansfield a little Zoar, a shelter and a sanctuary; and united in hearty

love and concord, they worshipped together till the Act of Toleration was

passed in 1688, when all who survived the day of persecution returned to

their ministry, save the Rev. R. Porter, who remained in charge of this

congregation till his death, January 22nd, 1690.”

[41] In 1641, the assembled citizens made the following declaration:

“This Body Politick is a Democracie; that is to say, it is in the Power

of the Body of Freemen, orderly assembled, or the major part of them, to

make Just Lawes by which they will be regulated.” Under the same date

the following act was passed: “It is ordered that none bee accounted a

delinquent for doctrine,” and later in the same year this was re-affirmed

in these words: the “Law of the last Court made concerning Libertie of

Conscience in Point of Doctrine be perpetuated.” Quoted from _Rhode

Island Colony Records_, by JONES, _op. cit._, p. 23.

[42] _Calendar of State Papers Colonial._

[43] Katharine Scott, wife of Richard Scott, was the daughter of (Rev.)

Francis Marbury, of London, and her mother was of the family of John

Dryden, the poet. Her daughter, Mary, married Christopher Holder, and

another daughter, Hannah, married Walter Clarke, once Governor of Rhode

Island. Her daughter, Patience (1648-????), was specially noted for

her early suffering for conscience sake. ROGERS, _Mary Dyer_; SCULL,

_Dorothea Scott_, 1882; _Holders of Holderness_, 1902.

[44] BISHOP, _New England Judged_, 1703, p. 94.

[45] _Ibid._ p. 95.

[46] Of Anne Austin (d. 1665, in London) little is known. She was

advanced in years at the time of her American visit. See BOWDEN, _Hist._

i. 30-37, etc.

[47] Upsall endeavoured to supply Quaker prisoners with food, but only

succeeded by a weekly payment to the gaoler of five shillings (BISHOP,

_op. cit._ p. 8). Bishop tells us that he was “a long-liver in Boston, an

Ancient Man, and full of Years.”

[48] BISHOP, _op. cit._ p. 54.

[49] The Southwicks lived at Salem. Other children were Daniel and

Provided. Bishop has many notices of the family.

[50] BISHOP, _op. cit._ p. 55.

[51] BISHOP, _op. cit._ p. 60, in the case of Horred Gardner, of Newport.

[52] Nicholas Davis was of Plymouth Colony.

[53] Printed in _New England Judged_, p. 299.

[54] _New England Judged_, p. 333.

[55] One of the young and vigorous preachers of early Quakerism

(1634-1662). He died in Newgate Jail, London. See Camb. _Jnl._

[56] It was spread abroad in N.E. that the Quakers had forged the King’s

letter and counterfeited his seal (=D.= Spence MSS. iii. 116).

[57] The furious attack on the Quaker travellers, Christopher Holder

and John Copeland, in 1657, made by the civil and Church authorities

of Salem, so affected Samuel Shattuck (c. 1620-1689), a man of good

reputation, that he interfered on behalf of the sufferers and as a

consequence was imprisoned at Boston, and whipped; and finally, in

May, 1659, he was banished the Colony. Some trouble which arose in the

early part of 1665 is referred to later (see p. 50), and it may be

that Shattuck, as a consequence, dissociated himself from Friends. His

remains were buried in the Charter Street Burying Ground in Salem; on the

tombstone the date is given in non-Quaker style—“ye sixth day of June.”

His intervention on behalf of Christopher Holder is recorded in full.

There is a picture of the stone in _The Holders of Holderness_, 1902. A

son of Shattuck appears in one of the Salem witch trials (_Witchcraft

and Quakerism_, 1908, p. 8). His descendants are still living in Salem

(_Holders_, p. 104).

[58] In a letter from John Philly to George Fox, in 1661 (Swarth. MSS.

iv. 158), there is this mention of Ralph Goldsmith: “There is one Ralph

Goldsmith, A friend & master of A ship, his house is in Jacobs street

Nere Sauorys Dock, Nere Redrife, whoe hath taken A viag for Venus

[Venice].” Little is known of this Quaker shipmaster. Besse notes one of

the name among sufferers in Barbados (_Suff._ ii. 279).

[59] Captain James Oliver is frequently mentioned in the history of

these troublous times. He led forth Robinson and Stevenson to execution,

causing drums to beat when they attempted to speak (there is a striking

illustration of this scene in _McClures Magazine_, Nov. 1906, from a

painting by Howard Pyle); and when Edward Wharton intervened in the trial

of Leddra, Oliver cried out; “Knock him on the pate” (BISHOP, _op. cit._

p. 318).

[60] BISHOP, _op. cit._ p. 345. There is in =D.= a MS. account of the

voyage of the King’s messenger.

[61] Joan Brocksopp (d. 1681) was the wife of Thomas Brocksopp, of Little

Normanton, near Chesterfield, Derbyshire.

[62] MS. in =D.= (Portfolio iii. 27) This may be the “E. Hootons Manscr”

of the margin of Whiting’s _Truth and Innocency Defended_, 1702, see pp.

95, 109, etc.

[63] Mary G. Swift, of Millbrook, N.Y., who has made considerable study

of Hooton printed literature, suggests that Elizabeth Hooton and Jane

Brocksopp were the “two Friends,” mentioned in a letter from George Rofe

to Richard Hubberthorne (quoted in Bowden’s _Hist._ i. 230), and that

they accompanied him a part of the journey from Va. to N. E. in his

“small boat,” and on arrival united with him in appointing the first

General Meeting in America, at Newport, R.I., in 1661. He writes: “_We_

appointed a general meeting,” etc., the antecedent to _we_ being the

writer and his two Friends. In her own account of this visit to New

England (see p. 32), E. Hooton states: “We did come to Rhod Jland where

was appointed by freinds a generall meeting for New England.” Bishop

tells us of the two women that “the Lord afforded them an opportunity by

a Catch, which carried them part of the way” (_New England Judged_, p.

404). Whiting relates that they “got to Rhode Island, where was a General

Meeting” (_Truth and Innocency_, p. 109). It would be very interesting

if it could be stated with certainty that E. Hooton was concerned in the

calling of the first Y.M. in America. See p. 32, n. 2.

[64] Margin gives the name—Wenlock Christison.

[65] This may have been the first General Meeting in America. See p. 31,

n. 1, and the account of the 250th Anniversary of the Beginning of New

England Yearly Meeting, 1911.

[66] Margaret Fell (1614-1702) was the wife and widow of Judge Thomas

Fell (1598-1658). In 1669 she married George Fox (1624-1691). She was the

nursing mother of the early Quaker Church.

[67] Swarth. MSS. i. 75.

[68] Ann Clayton held some position of trust in the Swarthmoor household,

but she also travelled in the ministry at home and abroad. It was she, or

another of the same name, who became the wife of Nicholas Easton of R.I.,

prior to 1672. See Camb. _Jnl._

[69] Swarth. MSS. i. 76.

[70] MS. in =D.= (Portfolio iii. 27), close of first portion.

[71] At the end of her _Invitation of Love_.

[72] In the voluminous records of the cost of many religious journeys

taken by the early Friends, there is no record of any money paid to

Elizabeth Hooton. It may be that she met the cost of these extensive

travels out of her own pocket. Bowden states that “she was in very

sufficient circumstances” (_Hist._ i. 256).

[73] MS. in =D.= (Portfolio iii. 34).

[74] MS. in =D.= (Portfolio iii. 10).

[75] MS. in =D.= (Portfolio iii. 27), second portion.

[76] Seaborne Cotton was a son of John Cotton (1584-1652), the noted

Puritan minister, of Boston. His wife was a daughter of Simon Bradstreet,

sometime Governor of Massachusetts Colony. Cotton was minister of

Hampton, and as such came into frequent conflict with Quakerism.

[77] The words within parentheses were added to the MS. by another hand.

[78] This was Eliakim Wardell, mentioned two lines below. His home was

at Hampton. He was one of those who suffered for entertaining the Quaker

travellers. His wife, Lydia, “being a young and tender and chaste Woman

... as a Sign to them, went in naked among them,” on which action Bishop

comments: “This might be permitted as a stumbling-block, rather for their

Hardening than Conversion, after they had rejected better Examples and

Warnings” (_New England Judged_, p. 376).

[79] John Hussey and Rebecca his wife, _née_ Perkins, lived near the

Wardells at Hampton.

[80] Captain William Hathorne was a Salem magistrate. His descendant,

Nathaniel Hawthorne, the author (1804-1864), writes of him: “He was a

bitter persecutor, as witness the Quakers, who have remembered him in

their histories” (_The Custom House_, quoted in _Jnl. F.H.S._ xii). See

BISHOP, _op. cit._; FELT, _Annals of Salem_, 1842.

[81] Benanuel Bower, of Cambridge, Mass., was originally a Baptist,

but later his family and he became Friends. A correspondent quoted

in _Friends’ Intelligencer_, 1887, p. 243 (copied into _The Friend_

(Phila.) for the same year), writes: “Thomas Danforth, who was the county

treasurer and magistrate, whenever short of business, was in the habit of

persecuting B. Bowers, and then he would enter it at full length upon the

records” in the Court House in Cambridge.

[82] The correspondent referred to in the previous note copied the

wording of the warrant as found in the public records of the Cambridge

Court House, and it appears in the periodicals named in note [81]. He

writes further: “There is this much to be said in the favor of the old

Puritans, that they did not treat the Quakers any worse than they did

their own members whom they accused of heresy, and in most cases they

gave the victim the choice of paying a fine or taking a whipping. I found

one case in which they gave a man a second whipping because he invited

his friends to come and see him whipped the first time.”

[83] This phrase—“a Cage of uncleane birds”—quoted originally from the

Bible—“Babylon is become ... a cage of every unclean and hateful bird,”

Rev. xviii. 2, was frequently used by early Friends to describe their

opponents. Francis Bugg (apostate Quaker) states that George Fox used it

“about the year 1662” in reference to “the Church of England” (_Pilgrim’s

Progress from Quakerism to Christianity_, 1698, p. 130).

[84] This is doubtless a reference to an early, undated quarto pamphlet,

issued by Friends, entitled _Something concerning Agbarus, Prince of

the Edesseans.... Also Paul’s Epistle to the Laodiceans.... As also how

several scriptures are corrupted by the Translators_. Other editions, in

octavo, were printed later in the century.

[85] MS. in =D.= (Portfolio iii. 59)

[86] MS. in =D.= (Portfolio iii. 43)

[87] MS. in =D.= (Portfolio iii. 62) The following is taken from the

_Calendar of State Papers Colonial_, 1665, i. 292:

April 10, 1665.

From Captain Breedon’s House at Boston.

Col. George Cartwright to Col. Nicholls:

“This day, a Quaker (my country-woman) told me before Captain

Breedon, that she had heard several say yᵗ I was a Papist ...

and that Sir Robᵗ. Carr kept a naughty woman; I examined her if

I had not kept one too, or if she knew me not to be a Papist.”

E. Hooton writes: “They said that Cartwright, that was one of

the Comissionʳˢ, was a papist, or a Jesuit, but hee being my

Country man, J did vindicate him, and told them that J knew noe

such thinge” (MS. in =D.= Portfolio iii. 43).

[88] Ann Richardson was, by her first marriage, Ann Burden. After some

years of married life in Mass., Thomas and Ann Burden returned to

England, their native land, and settled at Bristol, where the husband

died. His widow crossed the Atlantic again about 1657, and, with Mary

Dyer, visited Mass., whence they were both banished. About 1665, as Ann

Richardson, she again visited New England.

[89] Swarth. MSS. iii. 104.

[90] Swarth. MSS. iii. 101. Fox adds to the endorsement: “shee died in

the trouth.”

[91] Jane Nicholson (d. 1712) was the wife of Joseph Nicholson, of

Bootle, Lancs. They visited the New World in 1659, and again, for several

years, they were in New England. See Camb. _Jnl._; _Household Account

Book of Sarah Fell of Swarthmoor Hall_, 1915.

[92] John Endicott (c. 1588-1665), first Governor of New England, will go

down to the end of time as the arch-opponent of New England Quakerism.

See _Annals of Salem_, 1845, where there is a portrait; _Chronicle of the

Pilgrim Fathers_; _Jnl. F.H.S._ xii.; etc.

[93] _Hist._ i. 259.

[94] MS. in =D.= (Portfolio iii. 36)

[95] _Hist._ under date 1662.

[96] MS. in =D.= (Portfolio iii, 63)

[97] The Nottingham and Mansfield Quarterly Meeting was long held at the

house of Timothy Garland. Letters for Friends were at times addressed:

“To be left at Timothy Garlands at the Green Dragon in Mansfeild.”

(LOCKER-LAMPSON, _A Quaker Post-bag_, 1910, pp. 48, 51. See also THE

JOURNAL, iv., v.)

[98] MS. in =D.= (Portfolio iii. 81) The difficulties and delays of

travel on land and sea at this period are illustrated by another letter

of Samuel Hooton, dated 4th of June, 1666, in which he tells us that the

ship on which he sailed—“the royall exchang”—was “staying in the harbar

at the Kows for the wind, how long i may staye I know not.” MS. in =D.=

(Portfolio iii. 82)

[99] Richard Bellingham (1592?-1672) was Deputy-Governor of Massachusetts

from 1635, and Governor from 1665 to his death.

[100] MS. in =D.= (Portfolio iii. 80). The Journal appears in full in

_The Friend_ (Phila.), lxxvii. (1904), 204.

[101] Patrick Livingstone (????-1694) was born at Angus in Scotland,

and was convinced in the North of England in 1658. He travelled in the

ministry with James Halliday (_F.P.T._ 201). In later years he lived in

Nottingham and London. See _Jnl. F.H.S._ vii. 184.

[102] Given in his _Truth Owned_, 1667, pp. 6ﬀ.

[103] Justice Matthew Babington lived at Rotherby, Leics. He was an

ancestor of Lord Macaulay. Mary Radley states that he was the “Some

Justice” addressed by E. Hooton (=D.= Portfolio iii. 6). He appears in

Besse’s book of _Sufferings_ as a persecutor (i. 335).

[104] See _Jnl. F.H.S._ v. 140.

[105] MS. in =D.= (Portfolio iii. 33), dated “13ᵗʰ day of 6ᵗʰ Month

1667,” and endorsed: “El. Hooton to some Spirits who were gone out from

yᵉ trueth.” At the close of the paper occur the names: “Eliza: Barnes &

Rose Atkinson” (see Camb. _Jnl._).

[106] Lodowicke Muggleton (1609-1697/8) and John Reeve (1608-1658)

announced themselves the “two witnesses” of Rev. xi. 3. The sect of the

Muggletonians was never very numerous, but it still exists, sharing with

the Quakers the distinction of being the only survivals of those numerous

religious bodies which sprang into existence during Commonwealth times.

[107] _A Volume of Spiritual Epistles written by John Reeve and Lodowicke

Muggleton_, printed 1755, reprinted 1820, p. 227.

[108] MS. in =D.= (Portfolio iii. 67) This is printed at the end of

addresses to the King, and to the King and both Houses of Parliament, by

Thomas Taylor. The first is dated 1st of December, 1670.

[109] The Conventicle Act of 1664. For particulars of its working see

_F.P.T._ 357.

[110] MS. in =D.= (Portfolio iii. 53)

[111] MS. in =D.= (Portfolio iii. 52)

[112] MS. in =D.= (Portfolio iii. 69)

[113] MS. in =D.= (Portfolio iii. 73)

[114] Edward Montagu, second Earl of Manchester (1602-1671), was Lord

Chamberlain at this time, having been appointed in 1660 (_D.N.B._).

[115] MS. in =D.= (Portfolio iii, 11) It is endorsed: “To yᵉ Lᵈ

Chamberlane for Release of Prisonᵉʳˢ & justice to her selfe.”

[116] Henry Grey (1599?-1673), created Earl of Stamford in 1628.

(_D.N.B._) He was a Leicestershire nobleman. His son, John Grey, is

mentioned later.

[117] MS. in =D.= (Portfolio iii. 47)

[118] MS. in =D.= (Portfolio iii. 17), endorsed: “To yᵉ Duke of York

desiring an Answer to her former papers, & pressing for justice to her

selfe.”

[119] MS. in =D.= (Portfolio iii. 44)

[120] MS. in =D.= (Portfolio iii. 57)

[121] William Dewsbury (1621-1688), Thomas Goodaire (????-1693), and

Henry Jackson (????-1727), were prominent Friends of the early day.

Dewsbury spent nigh twenty years of his life within prison walls.

Francis Howgill (1618-1668/9) was of Westmorland. He died in Appleby

Jail. Thomas Taylor (c. 1617-1681/2), a Yorkshireman, spent long years in

prison for conscience sake.

[122] MS. in =D.= (Portfolio iii. 56)

[123] MS. in =D.= (Portfolio iii. 55)

[124] MS. in =D.= (Portfolio iii. 60)

[125] The copy of this record is amongst the late Mary Radley’s notes,

but the authority is not stated. The names of witnesses correspond with

those given on the certificate obtained from Somerset House.

[126] It will be noticed that this letter is dated a month after the

marriage had taken place. Possibly Elizabeth Hooton was travelling when

the intention of marriage came before the Meeting, and it was thought

well to record her letter of approval when it was obtained.

[127] See Turner, _Original Records_, 1911, i. 76, ii. 771, iii. 745.

[128] MSS. in =D.= (Portfolio iii. 1, 29)

[129] MS. in =D.= (Portfolio iii. 75), endorsed: “El. Hooton To yᵉ King &

Councell on behalf of yᵉ innocent & Judge Fells Widdow.” Further mention

of this dispute may be found in Maria Webb’s _Fells of Swarthmoor Hall_,

1865, pp. 255 ff. See also _Jnl. F.H.S._ xi. 181.

[130] Hannah Salter, as Hannah _Stringer_, the wife of John Stringer,

of London, participated in the troubles associated with James Nayler in

1656, but repented thereof, and returned to the Quaker fold. In 1666 she

married Henry Salter, of London.

[131] Swarth. MSS. i. 152, addressed: “Leaue this with Sarah ﬀell at

Swarthmore ﬀor to be sent to her mother In Lancashire.” Endorsed by Fox.

[132] _The Arraignment of Popery_; being a short Collection, taken out

of the Chronicles, and other Books, of the State of the Church in the

Primitive Times; also the State of the Papists ... by George Fox and

Ellis Hookes, 1667, a learned treatise of 140 pages.

[133] _Extracts from State Papers_, 1913, p. 341.

[134] _The Journal of George Fox_, bi-cent. ed. ii. 140. The other woman

friend was Hannah Salter; see note to this name in Fox’s _Journal_, Camb.

ed.

[135] Martha Fisher (c. 1631-1687) was a member of the valuable band of

London women Friends active in work for the cause of Truth.

[136] Swarth. MSS. i. 83. The letter is addressed: “ﬀor Sarah ﬀell this

at Swarthmore To be left wᵗʰ Thomas Green grocer in Lancaster,” and

endorsed by Fox: “j rous to mﬀ 1671 of patin of releas.”

[137] Henry Bennet, first Earl of Arlington (1618-1685), was Secretary of

State 1662-1674, and Lord Chamberlain 1674 (_D.N.B._).

[138] Sir Joseph Williamson (1633-1701) was Clerk of the Council 1672,

and afterwards, 1674, Secretary of State to Charles II. (_D.N.B._)

[139] Of the previous life of Elizabeth Miers we are yet in ignorance.

Apparently she did not proceed further than Barbados, and returned home

about 1672 (see WEBB, _Fells_, p. 278).

[140] The account of the voyage is given in detail in the _Journal of

George Fox_, Camb. ed.

[141] MS. in =D.= (Portfolio iii. 25) The copyist of this address

endorses it: “El. Hooton to yᵉ Rulers (J suppose) of Barbado’s.”

[142] MS. in =D.= (Portfolio iii. 32)

[143] James Lancaster (????-1699) was of Walney Island, Lancashire. He

was one of Fox’s fellow-travellers to the Western World.

[144] MS. in =D.= The endorsement is in three hands—Fox writes: “a

testemony of elesebeth hoton,” another adds: “before she dyed,” and a

third: “by Ja: Lancaster.”

[145] _Journal_, Camb. ed. ii. 213.

[146] MS. in =D.= Not autograph.

[147] _My Birthday_, 1871.

[148] Joseph Oxley, _Journal_, under date 1771.

[149] Bishop, _op. cit._ p. 420.

[150] Besse, _Suff._ i. 553.

[151] _Ibid._ i. 333, 334.

[152] Camb. _Jnl._ ii, 15.

[153] Muggleton, _Spiritual Epistles_, pp. 78, 227.

[154] _Suff._ i. 555.

[155] This may be the same as Oliver 3, see page 84.

[156] T. Salthouse to M. Fell (Swarth. MSS. i. 103), and _Letters of

Early Friends_, p. 165.

[157] Besse, _Suff._ ii. 290.

[158] _Relation of ... Alice Curwen_, 1680.

[159] Besse, _Suff._ ii. 313.

[160] A.R.B. MSS. 45.

[161] Besse, ii, 339.

Bibliography

WRITINGS BY ELIZABETH HOOTON

I.—In print:—

_False Prophets and False Teachers described_ [1652].

_To the King and both Houses of Parliament_ [1670].

_A Short Relation concerning William Simpson_, 1671.

II.—In manuscript:—

Hooton MSS. in =D.= (Portfolio iii.) 1653-1671.

This is a collection of seventy-nine MSS., one only, or at most two, in

the handwriting of the Author, but all of contemporary date. They are,

in the main, addresses to persons in authority or position—Cromwell,

the Mayor of London, the Lord Chamberlain, the Bishops of London and

Canterbury, the King and the Duke of York, Lieutenant Robinson of the

Tower, various “priests” and magistrates, and others.

There is another MS. in =D.= (Portfolio i. 135), being an address

respecting persecution in New England, unsigned, but doubtless by E.

Hooton, though not in her handwriting.

Letter to the Mayor of Derby. 1650. In =D.= (Swarth. MSS. ii.

43.)

Letter to George Fox, 1651. In =D.= (A.R.B. MSS. 16.)

Letter to George Fox, 1653. In =D.= (A.R.B. MSS. 14.) See

photo. reproduction, page 12.

Letter to George Fox, n.d. In =D.= (A.R.B. MSS. 153.)

Letter to Margaret Fox, 1670. In =D.= (Swarth. MSS. i. 152.)

References to Elizabeth Hooton

I.—In print:—

GERARD CRŒSE, _The General History of the Quakers_, 1696, pt.

I, p. 37.

JOHN WHITING, _Truth and Innocency Defended_, 1702.

GEORGE BISHOP, _New England Judged_, 1703.

J. H. FEUSTKING, _Gynaeceum Haeretico Fanaticum_, 1704.

WILLIAM EDMONDSON, _Journal_, 1715.

WILLIAM SEWEL, _The History of the Rise, Increase, and Progress

of the Christian People called Quakers_, 1722.

[WILLIAM GIBSON] _Saul’s Errand to Damascus_, 1728, p. 34.

JOSEPH BESSE, _Sufferings of the Quakers_, 2 vols., 1753.

JOHN GOUGH, _A History of the People called Quakers_, 4 vols.,

1789-1790, iii. 56.

WILLIAM HOGDSON, _Select Historical Memoirs of Friends_, 1844,

ch. xvii.

JAMES BOWDEN, _The History of the Society of Friends in

America_, 2 vols., 1850-1854, i. 225, 226, 255, 262.

BACKHOUSE, EDWARD & THOMAS J., and THOMAS MOUNSEY,

_Biographical Memoirs_, 1854.

_Calendar of State Papers Colonial._

SAMUEL M. JANNEY, _History of the Religious Society of

Friends_, 4 vols., 1859.

[JAMES BOURNE] _The “Friend” in his Family_, 1865, p. 7.

CHARLES EVANS, _Friends in the Seventeenth Century_, 1876.

ROBERT BARCLAY, _The Inner Life of the Religious Societies of

the Commonwealth_, 1876.

RICHARD P. HALLOWELL, _The Quaker Invasion of Massachusetts_,

1887.

_Friends’ Almanac for 1887_ (Philadelphia).

_Friends’ Intelligencer and Journal_, xliv. (1887), 243.

BROOKS ADAMS, _The Emancipation of Massachusetts_, 1887.

_The Friend_ (Philadelphia), lx. (1887), 374.

GEORGE FOX, _Journal_, bicentenary edition, 2 vols., 1891.

AUGUSTUS CHARLES BICKLEY, _Elizabeth Hooten_, in _Dictionary of

National Biography_, 1891, xxvii. 308.

_The British Friend_, 1893, pp. 118, 196.

JOSEPH J. GREEN, _Souvenir of the Address to King Edward_,

1901, p. 28.

_The Journal of the Friends Historical Society_, from 1903, iv.

154; v. 12; vi. 17, 185; vii. 62.

_The Friend_ (Philadelphia), lxxvii. (1904), 205.

“_The First Publishers of Truth_,” edited by NORMAN PENNEY,

1907.

SUSAN WILLIAMS, _Elizabeth Hooton_, in _Quaker Biographies_,

ii. 1909.

GEORGE FOX, _Journal_, Cambridge edition, edited by NORMAN

PENNEY, 2 vols., 1911.

G. LYON TURNER, _Original Records of Early Nonconformity under

Persecution and Indulgence_, 3 vols., 1911-1914.

RUFUS M. JONES, _The Quakers in the American Colonies_, 1911.

WILLIAM C. BRAITHWAITE, _The Beginnings of Quakerism_, 1912.

_Extracts from State Papers relating to Friends_, edited by

NORMAN PENNEY, 1913.

MABEL R. BRAILSFORD, _Elizabeth Hooton, a Seventeenth Century

Elizabeth Fry_, in _Quaker Women_, 1915.

II.—In manuscript:—

THOMAS ALDAM to George Fox, 1652. In =D.= (Swarth. MSS. iii.

36.)

THOMAS ALDAM, from York Castle, n.d. In =D.= (Swarth. MSS. i.

373.)

MARGARET KILLAM to George Fox, 1653. In =D.= (Swarth. MSS. i.

2.)

THOMAS SALTHOUSE to Margaret Fell, 1657. In =D.= (Swarth. MSS.

iii. 164.)

GEORGE FOX, Short Journal. In =D.=

JOAN BROCKSOPP to Margaret Fell, 1661. In =D.= (Swarth. MSS. i.

75.)

ANN CLAYTON to Margaret Fell, 1661. In =D.= (Swarth. MSS. i.

76.)

MARGARET FELL and others to the King and Council, 166-. In =D.=

(Spence MSS. iii. 116.)

ANN RICHARDSON to George Fox, 1664/5. In =D.= (Swarth. MSS.

iii. 101.)

LEONARD FELL to Margaret Fell, 1666. In =D.= (Gibson MSS. v.

247.)

THOMAS SALTHOUSE to Margaret Fell, 1668. In =D.= (Swarth. MSS.

i. 103.)

JOHN STUBBS to Elizabeth Hooton, 1670. In =D.= (A.R.B. MSS. 97.)

Sundry Ancient Manuscripts, 1671, p. 40. In =D.=

JAMES LANCASTER, Testimony concerning E. Hooton, 1672. In =D.=

EDWARD MAN to Margaret Fox, 1672. In =D.= (Swarth. MSS. i. 133.)

OLIVER HOOTON, Certificate concerning George Fox, 1686/7[?] In

=D.=

GEORGE FOX, Testimony concerning E. Hooton, 1690. In =D.=

(Portfolio xvi. 74.)

RADLEY MSS. In the possession of Francis E. Radley, of Gospel

End, Staffs.

Index

Aberdeen, 56.

Agbarus, 43n.

Aldam, Thomas, 7, n, 8, 10n, 12, 15, 77.

Allartown, 9n.

_America_, ship, 25.

Anabaptists, 4.

Angus, 55n.

Appleby, 63n.

Aquidneck, see Rhode Island.

Arlington, Lord, 69, n.

Askham, 3.

Atkins, Governor, 83.

Atkinson, ⸺, 78, 79.

Atkinson, Rose, 57n.

Austin, Anne, 21, n.

Aylesbury, 63.

Azores Islands, 70.

Babbington, Matthew, justice, 56, n, 60-62.

Balby, 13, n.

banishment, 21, 22, 24, 25, 29, 32, 44, 50n, 51, 53, 54, 63.

Baptists, 4, 41n.

Barbados, 21, 24, 26, 29n, 32, 33, 48, 49, 69n, 70-72, 83, 84.

Barclay, David, 57.

Barclay, Robert, 57.

Barke, Samuel, 75.

Barnby, 78, 84.

Barnes, Elizabeth, 57n.

Barradell, Thomas, 62.

Bayly, Mary, _form._ Fisher, _aft._ Cross, 7n.

Beckingham, 14, 78, 79.

Bellingham, Richard, governor, 43-45, 47, 54, n.

Bennet, Henry, see Arlington, Lord.

Bible, The, 43.

Billingsley, John, minister, 20n.

Bingham, John, 64.

Bingham, Robert, 3.

Birch, John, 83.

Black, William, 83.

Bootle, 50n.

Boston, Mass., 19, n, 21-26, 28-34, 36, 39, 40n, 42-44, 46, 49-51,

54, 79.

Bower, Benanuel, 41, n.

Brackney, Matthias, 81, 85.

Bradstreet, Simon, magistrate, 40n.

Breedon, Capt. Thomas, 27, 49n.

Bristol, 50n.

Brocke, James, 57, 58.

Brockshaw, Thomas, 13n.

Brocksopp, Joan, 30-34.

Brocksopp, Thomas, 30n, 64.

Brownley, Richard, 75.

Bugg, Francis, 42n.

Bullock, Noah, 7, 78.

Burden, Ann, _aft._ Richardson, 50n.

Burden, Thomas, 50n.

Burlington, N.J., 82, 83.

Burrough, Edward, 28, n.

“cage of unclean birds,” 42, n.

Callender, John, 19, n.

Cambridge, 11n, 13.

Cambridge, Mass., 26, 30, 40-42, 51, 79.

Carr, Sir Robert, commissioner, 46, 49n.

Carrier, Elizabeth, _aft._ Hooton, 2, 77.

Cartwright, George, commissioner, 46, 47, 49, n, 50.

Chapman, Rev. Francis, 3, n.

Charlestown, Mass., 41.

Charlestown, S.C., 7n.

Chatham, 64.

Chesterfield, 20n, 30n.

“Children of the Light,” 4.

chimney-money, 48.

Christison, Wenlock, 32n.

church, non-attendance at, 24, 40, 80.

churches, speaking in, 7, 13, 14, 49, 44, 79.

Clarke, Hannah, _form._ Scott, 21n.

Clarke, Robert, 62.

Clarke, Walter, governor, 21n.

Clay, Francis, 85, 86.

Clay, William, 64, 75.

Clayton, Ann, 33, n.

Cockram, George, 64, 81, 85.

Cockram, Thomas, 64.

Coleman, Sarah, 41-43.

Conventicle Act, 58, 59, n, 66.

conventicles, 3, 58.

Copeland, John, 29n.

Cornwall, 25.

Cotton, John, minister, 40n.

Cotton, Seaborne, priest, 40, n.

Cowes, I.W., 54n.

Cowland, Alice, 25.

Cowper, James, 3.

Craven, Robert, 15.

Cromwell, Notts, 20n.

Cromwell, Oliver, 10-12, 87.

Cross, Mary, _form._ Fisher and Bayly, 7n.

Curwen, Thomas and Alice, 83.

Danford, Thomas, magistrate, 40, 41, n.

Dartmouth, N.E., 25.

Davis, Nicholas, 24, n.

Deal, 69.

death sentence passed or proposed, 24-26, 31, 32, 34, 44, 49, 51.

Dedham, 41, 43, 44, 80.

Degge, Sir Simon, 78.

Derby, 6, 7, 78.

Derbyshire, 15.

Dewsbury, William, 63, n.

disownments, 8, 80-82.

Dixie, Beaumont, justice, 62.

Doncaster, 7n, 11n.

Dorchester, Mass., 79.

Dover, N.E., 40.

drink, 14, 15.

Dryden, John, 21n.

Dyer, Mary, 19, n, 24, 25, 50n.

Dyer, William, 19n.

Easton, Nicholas, 33n.

Edmondson, William, 80.

Ejected Ministers, 20n.

emigration, 19n, 50n, 82, 83, 85.

Endicott, John, governor, 28-31, 34, 43, 50, n, 86.

Evelyn, J., _Diary_, 64.

Evesham, N.J., 82.

_False Prophets_, 11, 17.

Farnsfield, 59.

Farnsworth, Richard, 57.

Farnsworth, Thomas, 81, 86.

Fell, George, 65, 66.

Fell, Hannah, 65-68.

Fell, Margaret, _aft._ Fox, 33, n, 65, 66n, 81n.

Fell, Sarah, 67n, 69n.

Fell, Thomas, judge, 33n, 66n.

Fifth Monarchists, 4.

Fisher, Martha, 68, n.

Fisher, Mary, _aft._ Bayly and Cross, 7, n, 8, 11, 21.

Fiskerton, 13n.

Foster, Thomas, 69.

Fowke, Thomas, 64.

Fox, George, 4-8n, 12, 13, 15, 29n, 33n, 42n, 50, 57, 65, 67-74, 77,

80, 83.

Fox, Margaret, _form._ Fell, 66, 68, 69.

Fretwell, John, 64.

Fry, Elizabeth, 14.

Furness, 65.

Gardner, Horred, 24n.

Garland, Timothy, 54, n, 62.

Generalists, 20.

Goggins, Daniel, magistrate, 40, 42, 43.

Goldsmith, Ralph, 29, n.

Goodaire, Thomas, 63, n.

Grace, Robert, 64, 81, 85, 86.

Greaseley, 20n.

Green, Thomas, 69n.

Grey, Henry (Earl of Stamford), 61, n, 62.

Grey, John, 61n, 62.

Halliday, James, 9, n, 10, 55n.

Hamilton, Governor, 83.

Hampton, Mass., 40n, 51.

Handsworth Woodhouse, 64.

Harby, 65.

Hassehurst, Robert, 64.

hat honour, 12, 24.

Hathorne, Capt. William, 40, n.

Hatter, Richard, 9.

Hawthorne, Nathaniel, 40n.

Heath, Elizabeth, 5, 16.

Hillborne, Elizabeth, _form._ Hooton, 82, 83.

Hillborne, Richard, 83.

Hillborne, Thomas, 82, 83.

Holder, Christopher, 21n, 29n.

Holder, Mary, _form._ Scott, 21n.

Holland, 54, 63, 64.

Holmes, Jane, 8, n, 11.

Hookes, Ellis, 67n.

Hooton, Elizabeth:

family name, 1.

birth (_c._ 1600), 1.

marriage, 2.

early religious associations, 4.

home at Ollerton (1633), 1.

removal to and residence at Skegby (_c._ 1636), 3, 16.

meeting with George Fox and convincement (1647), 4, 72.

in Derby prison (1651), 6.

in York Castle (1652-????), 7.

opposition and convincement of her husband, 4, 5.

meetings at her house, 5, 6.

imprisoned in Lincoln Castle (1654-5), 14.

assaulted by Priest Jackson, 17.

death of her husband (1657), 16.

enters New England (1661), 30.

return to England (1662), 33.

sets out again for New England, 39.

return again to England (1665-6), 53, 54.

marriage of son and daughter, 64, 80.

visits prisons, 35, 55.

correspondence _re_ Fell family, 65.

third visit to the New World (1671), 67.

illness and death (1672), 72, 73.

descendants, 80-86.

her printed writings, 11, 87.

financial condition, 34n.

numerous epistles, 35, 55, 60, 87.

Hooton, Elizabeth, _form._ Carrier, 2, 77.

Hooton, Elizabeth, _aft._ Lambert (daughter), 3, 39, 41-43, 64, 68,

82.

Hooton, Elizabeth, _aft._ Hillborne (granddaughter), 81, 82.

Hooton, Elizabeth, _form._ Smedley, 65, 80, 82-84.

Hooton, John (son), 3, 83, 85.

Hooton, Josiah (son), 3, 86.

Hooton, Martha, 84.

Hooton, Mary, _form._ Sharp, 84.

Hooton, Oliver, 2.

Hooton, Oliver (husband), 4, 5, 7, 8, 13n, 16, 77, 80.

Hooton, Oliver (son), 3, 4, n, 54, 73, 83.

Hooton, Oliver (grandson), 81, 84.

Hooton, Robert, 2.

Hooton, Samuel (son), 2, 35, 54, n, 57, 65, 75, 77, 80-84.

Hooton, Thomas (son), 3, 84.

Hopkinson, George, 75.

House, Nicholas, 62.

Howgill, Francis, 63, n.

Hubberthorne, Richard, 31n.

Hull, John, 70.

Hussey, John, 40, n.

Hussey, Rebecca, _form._ Perkins, 40n.

Hutchinson, Anne, 19-21.

Hyfield, Sarah, _aft._ Livingstone, 56.

Indians, 21, 45, 79, 82.

_Industry_, ship, 69.

Ipswich, Mass., 18.

Jackson, ⸺, priest, 17.

Jackson, Henry, 63, n.

Jackson, Thomas, 3.

Jamaica, 1, 72.

judgments, 32, 38, 51, 66, 79.

Kendal, 63.

Killam, John, 13n.

Killam, Margaret, 13, n.

King’s Commissioners, 20, 27, 44-50.

Ladd, George, 25.

Lambert, Elizabeth, _form._ Hooton, 64, 82, 83.

Lambert, Thomas, 64, 68, 82, 83.

Lancaster, 66-69n.

Lancaster, James, 72, n, 73.

_Laodiceans, Epistle to the_, 43, n.

Leddra, William, 25, 26, 29n, 32.

Leicester, 35, 55, 56, 80.

Leicestershire, 4, 35, 39, 54-56n, 60-62, 84.

Leverett, Capt. John, 28, 30.

Lewins, John, 55.

Lincoln, 13-16, 78, 79, 85.

Lincolnshire, 13-16, 65, 78, 84.

literature distributed, 21, 22, 67, n, 72.

Livingstone, Patrick, 9n, 55, n, 56.

Livingstone, Sarah, _form._ Hyfield, 56.

Lord Chamberlain, see Manchester, Earl of, 35, 49, 50, 60, n.

Lyndley, Mrs., 4.

Lyndley, Thomas, 3.

Lyndley, William, 3.

Macaulay, Lord, 56n.

Malson, William, 64, 75, 81, 85.

Malton, 8n.

Manchester, Earl of, 28, 60n, see Lord Chamberlain.

Mansfield, 2, 3, 5, 6, 13n, 16, 20n, 47, 54, n, 81, 82, 84-86.

Mansfield Woodhouse, 3.

Marbury, Francis, minister, 21n.

Marsh Grange, 65.

Maryland, 34.

Mavericke, Samuel, 46.

Medfield, 44.

Miers, Elizabeth, 69, n.

Milton, Mass., 79.

miracles, 5, 6.

Molson, see Malson.

Montagu, Edward, see Manchester, Earl of.

More, Robert, 75.

Muggleton, Lodowicke, 57, n, 80.

Nayler, James, 67n.

New England, 1, 18-34, 38-52, 54, 64, 79, 81.

Newhouse, Thomas, 79.

New Jersey, 82, 84-86.

New York, 48.

Newark, 13.

Newbould, Godfrey, 64.

Newport, R.I., 19n, 24n, 31n.

Nicholls, Richard, commissioner, 46, 49n.

Nicholson, Benjamin, 11, n.

Nicholson, Jane, 50, n.

Nicholson, Joseph, 50n.

Northampton, 63.

Northumberland, 9, n.

Nottingham, 1, 6, 16, 20n, 55n-57, 59, 80, 85.

Nottinghamshire, 4, 15, 17, 56, 59, 68, 73, 78, 81, 82, 84, 85.

oaths, 80.

Oliver, Capt. James, 26, 29, n, 39.

Ollerton, 2, 3, 77, 80, 84.

Osborne, William, 3.

Oxford, 11n.

Oxfordshire, 16.

Oxley, Joseph, 74, n.

Palmer, William, 60, 61.

Papists, 49n, 58, 63.

Parsons, Nicholas, 62.

peace, 83, 84.

Peares, William, 8, n, 11, n.

Pennsylvania, 84.

Pentrich, 20n.

Pepys, S., _Diary_, 63.

Perkins, Rebecca, _aft._ Hussey, 40n.

Pett, Peter, 64.

Philly, John, 29n.

Pidd, John, 84.

Pilgrim Fathers, 18, 30, 41n, 47, 86.

Piscataway, 25.

Piscatua, 39, 40, 46.

plotting, 56.

Plymouth, N.E., 24n.

Port Royal, Jamaica, 73.

Porter, Robert, minister, 20n.

prison fees, 10, 14, 80.

Providence, R.I., 23, 32.

Puritans, see Pilgrim Fathers.

Radley, Mary, 56n, 64n, 77, 84.

Rayner, ⸺, priest, 40.

Reading, 63.

Reeve, John, 57n.

Reynolds, William, minister, 20n.

Rhode Island, 19n-21n, 24, 31n, 32, 41, 44, 48, 73.

Richardson, Ann, _form._ Burden, 50, n.

Roadby, see Rotherby.

Roberts, Joseph, 85.

Robinson, William, 24, 25, 29n.

Rofe, George, 31n.

Rookby, Thomas, priest, 7n.

Rotherby, 56n, 60, 62.

Rotherham, 7.

Rous, John, 69, n.

Roxbury, Mass., 43, 80.

_Royal Exchange_, ship, 54n.

Rufford, 2.

Ruyter, Admiral de, 63.

Salem, Mass., 23, n, 25, 29, n, 40, n, 50n.

Salter, Hannah, _form._ Stringer, 67, n, 68, n.

Salter, Henry, 67n.

Salthouse, Thomas, 81n.

Savile, Hon. Lumley, 2.

Say and Sele, Lord, 28.

Scituate, 41, 43, 79.

Scotland, 55n.

Scott family, of N.E., 21n.

Scott, Katharine, 21, n.

Selby, 7.

Selston, 17.

Senior, Abraham, 64.

Sharp, Mary, _aft._ Hooton, 84.

Shattuck, Samuel, 29, n, 50.

Sheerness, 64.

Shrewsbury, N.J., 82.

Sibson, 84.

signs, 8n, 37, 40n, 43, 80.

Sileby, 35, 60, 84.

Skegby, 3, 4, 6, 15, 16, 54, 56, 64, 65, 77, 80, 81, 83, 84.

slavery, 24, 40, 84.

Smedley, Elizabeth, _aft._ Hooton, 65, 80.

Snooden, Thomas, 62.

Snooden, William, 62.

Snowden, John, 83.

Southwick family, of N.E., 23, n.

sports and pastimes, 58.

Stacy, Mahlon, 64.

Stacy, Robert, 64.

Stamford, Earl of, see Grey, Henry.

Stevenson, Marmaduke, 24, 25, 29n.

Stoddard, Amor, 8, n, 11.

Stringer, Hannah, _aft._ Salter, 67n.

Stringer, John, 67n.

sufferings, 10, 58, 60, see whipping.

Swarthmoor Hall, 33n, 67n, 69, n.

Swinstone, Francis, 3.

Sympson, William, 83.

Syston, 55, see Sileby.

taxes, etc., 48, 58, 66.

Taylor, Thomas, 58n, 63, n.

Thoroton, Robert, 2, 3, 77.

Throsby, John, 2, n.

Thumerstone, 56.

Thurston, Joseph, priest, 14.

Tibshelf, 3.

Tickhill, 11n, 82.

tithes, 8n, 48, 79, 81, 82, 85, 86.

Tomlinson, Richard, 7.

Tomlinson, William, 9.

Truman, Joseph, minister, 20n.

Unketty, 43, 79.

Upsall, Nicholas, 22, n.

Virginia, 24, 31, n, 34, 80.

Waker, ⸺, informer, 59.

Walcott, Humphrey, justice, 14.

Walden, Richard, magistrate, 40.

Walney Island, 72n.

Ward, ⸺, minister, 18.

Wardell, Eliakim, 40, n.

Wardell, Lydia, 40n.

Warmsworth, 7n.

Warwick, 63.

Watertown, 41.

West Indies, 7n, 69-73.

Westmorland, 63n.

Whalley, Penistone, justice, 59.

Wharton, Edward, 29n.

whipping, 21-23, 29n, 32, 40-45, 47, 48, 51, 80, see sufferings.

Whitehead, John, 13, n.

Whitlock, John, minister, 20n.

Wilkie, Thomas, 25.

Williamson, Sir Joseph, 69, n.

Windlocks [?], 44.

Worthington, A. W., minister, 20n.

York, 7-12, 77.

York, Duke of, 61, 62, n, 87.

Yorkshire, 24, 63, n, 64.

HEADLEY BROTHERS, PRINTERS, BISHOPSGATE, E.C.; AND ASHFORD, KENT.