"We feel that our obligations to general Campbell can never be

cancelled. Our final release from Ava, and our recovering all the

property that had there been taken, was owing entirely to his efforts.

This subsequent hospitality and kind attention to the accommodations for

our passage to Rangoon, have left an indelible impression on our minds,

which can never be forgotten. We daily received the congratulation of

the British officers, whose conduct towards us formed a striking

contrast to that of the Burmese. I presume to say, that no persons on

earth were ever happier than we were, during the fortnight we passed at

the English camp. For several days, this single idea wholly occupied my

mind, that we were out of the power of the Burmese government, and once

more under the protection of the English. Our feelings continually

dictated expressions like these: _What shall we render to the Lord for

all his benefits towards us?_

"The treaty of peace was soon concluded, signed by both parties, and a

termination of hostilities publicly declared. We left Yandaboo, after a

fortnight's residence, and safely reached the mission house in Rangoon,

after an absence of two years and three months.

"A review of our trip to, and adventures in, Ava, often, excites the

inquiry, Why were we permitted to go? What good has been effected? Why

did I not listen to the advice of friends in Bengal, and remain there

till the war was concluded? But all that we can say is, _It is not in

man that walketh to direct his steps._ So far as my going round to

Rangoon, at the time I did, was instrumental in bringing those heavy

afflictions upon us, I can only say, that if I ever acted from a sense

of duty in my life, it was at that time; for my conscience would not

allow me any peace, when I thought of sending for your brother to come

to Calcutta, in prospect of the approaching war. Our society at home

have lost no property in consequence of our difficulties; but two years

of precious time have been lost to the mission, unless some future

advantage may be gained, in consequence of the severe discipline to

which we ourselves have been subject. We are sometimes induced to think,

that the lesson we found so very hard to learn, will have a beneficial

effect through our lives; and that the mission may, in the end, be

advanced rather than retarded.

"We should have had no hesitation about remaining in Ava, if no part of

the Burmese empire had been ceded to the British. But as it was, we felt

it would be an unnecessary exposure, besides the missionary field being

much more limited, in consequence of intoleration. We now consider our

future missionary prospects as bright indeed; and our only anxiety is,

to be once more in that situation where our time will be exclusively

devoted to the instruction of the heathen."

In a concluding paragraph, dated Amherst, July 27, she adds:

"From the date at the commencement of this long letter, you see, my dear

brother, that my patience has continued for two months. I have

frequently been induced to throw it aside altogether, but feeling

assured that you and my other friends are expecting something of this

kind I am induced to send it with all its imperfections. This letter,

dreadful as are the scenes herein described, gives you but a faint idea

of the awful reality. The anguish, the agony of mind, resulting from a

thousand little circumstances impossible to delineate on paper, can be

known by those only who have been in similar situations. Pray for us, my

dear brother and sister, that these heavy afflictions may not be in

vain, but may be blessed to our spiritual good, and the advancement of

Christ's church among the heathen."

At the close of this long and melancholy narrative, we may appropriately

introduce the following tribute to the benevolence and talents of Mrs.

Judson, written by one of the English prisoners, who were confined at

Ava with Mr. Judson. It was published in a Calcutta paper after the

conclusion of the war:

"Mrs. Judson was the author of those eloquent and forcible appeals to

the government, which prepared them by degrees for submission to terms

of peace, never expected by any, who knew the hauteur and inflexible

pride of the Burman court.

"And while on this subject, the overflowing of grateful feelings, on

behalf of myself and fellow-prisoners, compel me to add a tribute of

public thanks to that amiable and humane female, who, though living at a

distance of two miles from our prison, without any means of conveyance,

and very feeble in health, forgot her own comfort and infirmity, and

almost every day visited us, sought out and administered to our wants,

and contributed in every way to alleviate our misery.

"While we were left by the government destitute of food, she, with

unwearied perseverance, by some means or other, obtained for us a

constant supply.

"When the tattered state of our clothes evinced the extremity of our

distress, she was ever ready to replenish our scanty wardrobe.

"When the unfeeling avarice of our keepers confined us inside, or made

our feet fast in the stocks, she, like a ministering angel, never ceased

her applications to the government, until she was authorized to

communicate to us the grateful news of our enlargement, or of a respite

from our galling oppressions.

"Besides all this, it was unquestionably owing, in a chief degree, to

the repeated eloquence, and forcible appeals of Mrs. Judson, that the

untutored Burman was finally made willing to secure the welfare and

happiness of his country, by a sincere peace."

CHAPTER XX.

PERSECUTION OF THE WESLEYAN MISSIONARIES IN THE WEST INDIES.

The exertions of Christians to spread the truths of the gospel among the

Africans in the West Indies, have met with much opposition from the

white population. Moravian missionaries, at first, sold themselves as

slaves, and laboured with the negroes on the plantations for the purpose

of preaching the gospel during the intervals of labour. The Methodist

missionaries have been treated with much indignity, and have had their

lives endangered by the violence of the white mob. In 1816, the white

rabble of Barbadoes, collected together, and totally destroyed the

Methodist chapel. The destruction of the chapel occupied two successive

nights, and so listless were the authorities, that no attempt was made

to prevent it. And when the governor issued a proclamation, offering a

reward to any person who should apprehend the leaders in this outrageous

proceeding, the mob immediately issued a counter proclamation,

threatening with death any one who should dare to comply with the

governor's orders.

In August, 1823, an insurrection took place at Demerara, among the

negroes, which was most unjustly attributed to the efforts of the

missionaries. The principal events in relation to this affair are

detailed in the subjoined account from the Missionary Herald.

Various accounts have, from time to time, appeared in the public prints,

of the insurrection of the slaves in the colony of Demerara, and of the

condemnation of the Rev. Mr. Smith, a missionary from the London

Missionary Society, on an accusation of having been accessary to the

plot. We have collected and embodied such of the leading facts, relative

to these transactions, as have come to our knowledge.

The slaves of many plantations on the eastern coast of Demerara had

formed a conspiracy to obtain their freedom. The plot was disclosed by a

servant to his master on the 18th of August; not till the conspiracy was

thoroughly organized, and arrangements made to secure simultaneous

movements; and only a few hours before the time appointed for action.

Information was immediately communicated to the commander-in-chief, and

the most efficient measures taken; but before a sufficient force could

be assembled to resist a large body of negroes, who were immediately

under arms, the evening, which was the time for executing the first

grand enterprise, had arrived. This was simultaneously to seize upon the

whites at the different plantations, confine them in the stocks, and

take possession of their arms. This was effected on nearly fifty

plantations, containing, inclusive of women and children, 10 or 12,000

negroes. The whites, to the number of about 250, were imprisoned. In

some places an ineffectual resistance was made, and several lives lost

on both sides.

On the morning of the 19th, the governor issued a proclamation,

declaring the colony under martial law, and ordered all who were capable

of bearing arms, without distinction, to be immediately enrolled. The

most vigorous measures were pursued; and in the course of a few days,

after several skirmishes, in which a considerable number of negroes lost

their lives, the insurrection was subdued.

A court martial was then constituted, and many of the negroes brought to

trial, condemned and executed. Subsequent accounts state that more than

1000 had suffered death, in consequence of the insurrection, and that

many of their heads had been fixed up on poles in various parts of the

country.

We might easily be more particular in regard to the circumstances of the

insurrection, but our object is chiefly to relate what concerns the

missionary who was accused of having a part in the scheme, and the other

missionaries in the colony. On these points we have to regret that the

information which has yet been received is very scanty and in many

respects indefinite.

The extract which follows is from the Missionary Chronicle, and was

published in the name of the Directors of the London Missionary Society.

The insurrection it should seem, manifested itself first in Mahaica, the

district to the east of that in which Mr. Smith resides. Its appearance

on the Le Ressouvenir estate, where Mr. Smith resides, was on Monday,

the 18th August, in consequence of an order to take into custody two

slaves belonging to an adjoining plantation, whom the negroes of the Le

Ressouvenir, as the prisoners had to pass over it, rose to rescue. Mr.

Smith was at home. He successfully used his endeavours, on perceiving

the tumult, to rescue the manager from the negroes, and continued his

exertions to induce them to return to their duty, till he himself was

driven with violence, and with a weapon held to his body, from the

estate.

Mr. Smith was taken into custody on the evening of the 21st August, and

all his papers seized. He is kept a prisoner in the Colony-house, and

has, since the 24th of August, had a guard stationed over him.

Mr. Elliot, another missionary, who laboured about 20 miles from Mr.

Smith, was also taken into custody, on the ground of disobedience of

orders, "which he had not understood to be such," in visiting Mr. Smith

in his confinement. He was kept about ten days, and then released. No

charge was preferred against him. The estates on which he labours had

been quiet, and none of the negroes under his instructions were

implicated in the rebellion.

In a letter to the Directors of the London Missionary Society, Mr Elliot

writes thus:

Numerous false reports have been sent forth against Mr. Smith, but

assure yourself and all the directors, that whatever reports you may

hear, the only crime the missionaries have committed is their zeal for

the conversion of the negroes. _They have neither been so weak nor so

wicked as to excite the negroes to rebellion._ The missionaries want

justice only; they have no favour to ask; they have nothing to fear. The

missionaries have not degraded their holy calling, nor dishonoured the

society of which they are members, by sowing the seeds of rebellion

instead of the Word of Life. The real causes of the rebellion are far,

very far from being the instructions given by the missionaries.

On the 13th of October, Mr. Smith was brought to trial before a _court

martial_. All the accounts which we have yet seen of the charges brought

against him are very obscure and imperfect. The January number of the

Missionary Chronicle, from which we have already quoted, says,--

The public papers have stated four charges as forming the indictment

against him, but of their accuracy the directors are not enabled to

judge. They trust that, under the direction of Divine Providence, he has

been able to prove himself _guiltless_ of them all.

It is not, however, to be concealed, that he will have had much to

contend with from the violence of public prejudice in the Colony, and it

is to be feared from the false assertions of some of the unhappy

negroes, whom the hope of favour towards themselves may have led to

bring against him "things that he knew not." Indeed, the directors are

informed, upon authority on which they can rely, that some of the

condemned negroes, finding the hope of life taken away, had in the most

solemn manner declared that they had been induced so to act; and that

others, on being questioned whether they had not been induced to

rebellion by Mr. Smith, had in the strongest terms which their broken

language could supply, denied the imputation. It is stated by the writer

of one letter, that he has often heard charges circulated against the

missionaries, as if spoken by the negroes at the time of their

execution, which he knew, (for he was a near spectator,) that they never

had uttered.

We can as yet learn little more respecting the evidence which was

produced before the court than that some of the negroes testified that

the instructions of Mr. Smith had a tendency to make them dissatisfied

with their condition, and that he knew of the plot before it was carried

into execution.

He was condemned, and sentenced to _death_. The sentence was however

transmitted by the governor, to England, for the consideration and

ultimate decision of the king. What we know of the decision will be seen

in the following paragraph, copied from the New-York Observer of March

27th.

It appears from the London papers, that "the king has remitted the

sentence of death of the court martial on Mr. Smith, the missionary of

the London Society in Demerara, (which sentence was accompanied by a

recommendation for mercy on the part of the court,) but has given orders

that he should be dismissed from the colony, and should come under

obligations not to reside within any of his majesty's colonial

possessions in the West Indies." The charges against Mr. Smith appear to

have originated in the perjury of some of the negroes engaged in the

insurrection.

In the mean time Mr. Smith was languishing under the influence of

disease, which rendered the stroke of the executioner unnecessary to

remove him from the earth. He died in prison, before the intelligence

had arrived that his sentence was reversed. The following notice of his

death appeared in the Demerara Courant.

_Died,_--In the Colonial Jail, at Demerara, February 9th, where he had

been confined, as a state prisoner since the 26th of November last, on

the termination of his trial by the general court martial, on a charge

of high treason, sentence thereon having been transmitted to his majesty

for his final decision--JOHN SMITH, missionary; he had been in a poor

state of health, and had been attended regularly by skilful physicians.

We are happy to state, from personal inquiry and inspection, that this

unhappy man had the utmost attention and kindness shewn to him, by the

humane keeper of the prison, (Mr. Padmore,) all the time of his

confinement. His apartment was airy and commodious, he had always at his

command every comfort which his taste fancied or his necessities

required. He has left a widow to deplore his fate, and deplore his loss.

The conviction which results from the present state of our information

on this subject, is that, through prejudice and exasperated feeling, Mr.

Smith was condemned, being innocent. The directors of the society under

which he laboured, have, however, given us reason to look for further

intelligence in a future number of the Missionary Chronicler, which we

hope will soon arrive.

It appears that none of the negroes under the instruction of any

missionary, either of the London or Wesleyan Missionary Society except

Mr. Smith, were implicated in the insurrection. Respecting the

Methodists in the colony we quote the following statement from the

Wesleyan Methodist Magazine:

We stated in our last number, that Messrs. Mortier and Cheesewright, our

missionaries in Demerara were safe, and that _only_ two of the members

of our society there had been apprehended on suspicion of being

implicated in the late revolt. We have received a second letter from Mr.

Mortier, dated Demerara, September seventeenth, which communicated the

gratifying intelligence that these two persons, who were servants of the

governor, had been liberated upon full conviction of their entire

innocence, and that _no one_ of the members of our large society of

twelve hundred and sixteen, chiefly slaves, had been in the least

concerned in the revolt: and that the slaves of another estate, under

the care of Mr. Cheesewright, had not only refused to join the rebels,

but had conducted their master to a vessel, by which he reached

Georgetown in safety.

_Case of Rev. John Smith._

The London Missionary Chronicle for March contains a statement

respecting Mr. Smith's case, occupying, with accompanying documents

nearly twelve pages, which confirms the impression that Mr. Smith was

innocent. The Directors of the London Missionary Society, after stating

some circumstances relative to his trial, says.

The Directors having stated these points of serious objection (and more

might easily be found,) to the proceedings on the trial, conclude that

the members of the society, and the candid beyond its circle, will

approve of their declaring that they retain the conviction formerly

expressed, of the moral and legal innocence of their missionary, Smith;

that they do not withdraw from him their confidence; and that they are

"not ashamed of his bonds." They regard him as an unmerited sufferer, in

the diligent and faithful, and it may be added, useful discharge of his

duties, as a missionary; and they earnestly wish the Divine forgiveness

may be extended to those who may have been instrumental in causing his

sufferings.

The Rev. Mr. Austin, a clergyman of the church of England, and Chaplain

of the Colony, thus expresses his opinion in a private letter.

"I feel no hesitation in declaring, from the intimate knowledge which my

most anxious inquiries have obtained, that in the late scourge which the

hand of an all-wise Creator has inflicted on this ill-fated country,

nothing but those religious impressions which, under Providence, Mr.

Smith has been instrumental in fixing--nothing but those principles of

the gospel of peace which he has been proclaiming--could have prevented

a dreadful effusion of blood here, and saved the lives of these very

persons who are now (I shudder to write it,) seeking his."

The following extract of a letter from William Arrindell, Esq. of

Demerara, Mr. Smith's counsel, addressed to Mrs. Smith, after the trial,

is also inserted.

"It is almost presumptuous in me to differ from the sentence of a Court,

but, before God, I do believe Mr. Smith to be innocent; nay, I will go

further, and defy any minister, of any sect whatever, to have shewn a

more faithful attention to his sacred duties, than he has been proved,

by the evidence on his trial, to have done."

The Directors had resolved to take further measures for obtaining, in

England the reversal of his sentence.

This subject was brought before the English parliament, and after a full

and fair discussion, the innocence of Mr. Smith was established beyond a

question. The following from the London Christian Observer gives an

account of the proceedings in Parliament.

A debate of two days' continuance on the case of the missionary Smith

has taken place in the House of Commons. A motion was made by Mr.

Brougham, to express the serious alarm and deep sorrow with which the

house contemplated the violation of law and justice, manifested in the

unexampled proceedings against Mr. Smith in Demerara, and their sense of

the necessity of adopting measures to secure a just and humane

administration of law in that colony, and to protect the voluntary

instruction of the negroes, as well as the negroes themselves, and the

rest of his Majesty's subjects from oppression. This motion was

supported by Mr. Brougham with a power of argument and eloquence which

has seldom been equalled; and he was followed on the same side by Sir

James Mackintosh, Dr. Lushington, Mr. J Williams, Mr. Wilberforce, Mr.

Denman, and Sir Joseph Yorke. The motion was opposed by Mr. Horton, Mr.

Scarlett, Mr. Tindal, the Attorney General, and Mr. Canning, on the

ground, not of the legality of the proceedings, or of the justice of the

sentence, but that the motion went to condemn unheard the governor of

Demerara, and the court that tried Mr. Smith. On this ground the

previous question was moved and carried by 193 to 146, the largest

minority in the present session. The division, under all the

circumstances of the case may be considered as a triumph. Not an

individual attempted to defend the proceedings. In short, nothing could

have been more decisive of the innocence of Mr. Smith, and the injustice

of his condemnation.

_Persecutions of the Wesleyan Methodists in St. Domingo._

We extract from the publications of the Wesleyan Missionary Society, the

following account of the aggressions committed upon the Protestant

population of Hayti, by the Roman Catholics of that Island, during the

year 1824.

_Persecutions at Port au Prince._

The following extracts from the journal of Mr. St. Denis, and letters of

Mr. Pressoir, members of the Methodist Society at Port au Prince, we

copied from the Wesleyan Magazine. The first extracts are from the

journal of Mr. St. Denis.

On Sunday, Feb. 2d, our assembly was held at Belair. During the morning

service several stones were thrown.

_Feb. 4._ Whilst we were singing, a shower of stones was thrown, but no

one received any injury.

That evening (Feb. 7th) we had a small assembly of thirty-two persons. A

plan had been laid for apprehending us, which was put in execution. We

had time to sing a hymn, read a chapter, and a homily; but whilst

singing the second hymn, the noise of the soldiers was so great in

approaching our house of prayer, that we were obliged to cease singing.

Wishing, however, to continue our meeting, an officer of the police

said, "In the name of the law, leave off that prayer!" Then we left off.

Not finding J. C. Pressoir, they made me his second. We were taken to

general Thomas's, who pretended to be ignorant of the matter. Colonel

Victor pretended to be ignorant also. When we reached the house of the

_Juge de Paix_, we were ordered to halt for a moment. Colonel Victor

knocked at his door, the _Juge de Paix_ asked who we were, and was

answered, "A band of methodists." The _Juge de Paix_ said, "Ha! ha! take

them to the jail!" Col. Victor replied, "Yes!" We were led to prison,

and each of our names was taken. The sisters were put in the debtor's

place, and the men were shut up in close confinement.

The next morning, the person who keeps the keys of the prison under the

jailer told us, that the Juge de Paix would not allow our door to be

opened; but the jailer went and spoke respecting it, and our door was

opened about nine o'clock. A moment after the Juge de Paix came to visit

us, and addressing himself to me in anger, I wished to reply: he would

not listen to me; but began to blaspheme religion, despising the Lord.

He withdrew in anger, without being able to do any thing with us. A

moment after he left us, we were taken into the debtor's prison, near to

the sisters, in a separate chamber.

When Mr. Pressoir heard of this event, he visited his brethren at the

prison. The following extract is from one of his letters.

I would not run into prison of my own accord, but having waited, and

finding nothing was said to us, I went to see my brethren and sisters. I

found there were thirty-two, and St. Denis preparing to write to the

president, which he did, and I carried this letter to his excellency, by

which we requested him to cause us to be judged, and punished, if we

were found guilty by the law. When I arrived under the piazza of the

palace, I asked an officer on duty if I could see the president, who

answered, Yes. I entered the hall, where I found the president seated,

and surrounded by a circle, as well of officers as civilians. After

saluting them, I presented the letter to the president, who asked me

from whence it came. I replied, "From the methodists who are in prison."

His good humour was immediately changed. "Methodists," said he, "I did

not know that." Colonel Victor, who was present, thinking that through

fear I would wish to conceal myself, addressed himself to the president,

saying, "President, this is a methodist," as if the president did not

know it. Immediately the president replied, "You are fanatics." "Pardon

me, president, we are not." "Why, you have changed your religion." "If I

have changed my religion, president, it is the government which has made

me do it." "How is that?" said he. "It was the late president who sent

for the missionaries. I heard the letter read, and saw the late

president's signature: this is what I can tell you." "Enough, enough,"

said he, "I will send an answer." I went to the prison and waited till

it was late; but hearing nothing, and being ill of the fever, I returned

to my mother's.

The next day orders were given for the brethren and sisters to appear

before the chief judge. A dollar was demanded of each on leaving prison,

and they were conducted by a single serjeant. On their arrival the chief

judge forbade them, in the name of the president, to assemble together

again. "No one can hinder you from worshipping God as you please; but

let every one abide at home, for as often as you are found assembled you

shall be put in prison; and if you unhappily persist, I have received

orders to disperse you every where." Several wished to reply, but he

refused to listen, saying, "It is not from me; it is not my fault; these

orders are given me." All our brethren and sisters went out, animated

with a holy zeal, determining not to abandon their assemblies. The next

day we were assembled. After an exhortation we sung a hymn which being

finished, we kneeled down to pray: a shower of stones came, as if they

would have demolished the house, and have stoned us like Stephen. With

one accord we commended ourselves to our faithful Creator, and continued

in prayer till they had ceased.

In a subsequent letter, dated July 31st, he writes:--

Since the Lord has granted us the favour of meeting again, we have

continued our assemblies without intermission, although forbidden to do

this under pain of prison and exile. The only interruption we meet with

is bad words, and a few stones now and then; and I am become so marked,

that I cannot go out without people crying after me, "Methodist!

Parson!"--with a contemptuous sneer, and a thousand other things not fit

to write, but which serve only to strengthen my faith in the promises of

Him who is faithful; till last Sunday some foolish young women came to

revile us; and on Tuesday evening, whilst reading, stones were thrown,

and whilst we were at prayer a great number rushed in, armed with

sabres, sticks, and, if I mistake not, with stones, crying out, "In the

name of the law," as if they had been authorized by the heads of the

people to arrest us. This band consisted of boys, led on to commit

disorders by a set of idle, good-for-nothing persons, of the worst

class, who had armed themselves with sabres, and were disguised with old

cocked hats; trying thus to show their bravery over those who would make

no resistance. But the hairs of our head are all numbered; nor have they

been permitted to hurt any of us to the present. It would be useless for

us to ask or hope for the protection of the law; and we are thus led to

place all our confidence in God, who can and will deliver us in his

time. And if the Lord is for me, of whom should I be afraid? He that

spared not his own Son, but delivered him up for me, will he not with

him freely give me all things? I have already experienced that all my

sufferings for his name are great blessings to me. All my care is about

His church; and what wisdom does it require to conduct so many persons

of such different dispositions! I feel new wants daily.

The following brief view of the persecutions of the methodists, in

Hayti, is taken from "Missionary Notices," published by the Wesleyan

Missionary Society. This account gave some particulars in addition to

those narrated in the details inserted above:

We regret to find,--say the committee of that society,--from the

following letter received from Mr. Pressoir, that our poor persecuted

society at Port-au-Prince, so long the object of popish rancour, has

again had to sustain the brutal outrages of an ignorant mob, incited it

would seem, in another place, by persons calling themselves

"respectable," and without experiencing any protection from the local

authorities. The committee have endeavoured to obtain for them the

common protection of the laws of their own country, by applications

through various quarters, and hope they may be ultimately successful. In

the mean time this excellent and suffering people are entitled to the

special sympathies, and earnest prayers, of the friends of missions. We

trust that they may yet, by their meek and patient suffering, and heroic

perseverance, obtain that liberty of worship which they so earnestly

desire.

The letter from Mr. Pressoir is dated about a year since. The following

extracts describe the violence of the mob:

I have read of many instances of martyrdom for the testimony of Jesus

Christ, but I have not yet read a passage which relates that the people

of a city rose up like murderers, with a very few exceptions, to stone a

few persons met together in a house, as our fathers, mothers, brethren,

and children have done unto us not long ago. O cruel people! They began

to throw stones at us at five o'clock in the afternoon, and continued

their assaults till ten o'clock, committing all kinds of violence. They

broke down the doors, broke open the windows, destroyed the first and

second partitions in the upper chambers; in a word, every thing that was

in the house, and beat with their cowskin-whips the brethren and sisters

there, without showing compassion for either age or youth or even

infancy. I believe I suffered the least of any. Only a great emissary of

Satan, seized my left hand, and lifting up his whip declared he would

knock me down, if I did not say "Almighty God, the Virgin Mary." My only

answer was, turning my back. Several times he even brought his whip to

my neck, and afterwards laid it on my shoulder, raging and abusing me

with all the fury of Anti-christ. But he that numbered my hairs did not

allow one of them to fall to the ground. Thanks be to him for confidence

in his holy word, which is firmer than heaven on earth. When the

populace entered to knock down our sisters I was in the first chamber,

and hearing their cries, I tried to force my way to them, to try if I

could render them any assistance; then the tyrant persecutor struck me

several times on my hat, but I received no injury. But we were in great

danger; those who wished to go out were stoned, beaten, torn, outraged,

and brought back to the house, where they exercised their dark cruelty.

It appeared as if Satan was unchained, and had come forth to make war

against those whom the truth of the gospel had made free, and to crush

those who had believed the testimony of the Son of God.

I ask, then, by whom have we been protected, and delivered unto this

day? Was it by magistrates, judges, and police officers? Or by the other

guards appointed to appease riots and defend the law? It is true, they

were present in great numbers, but it was rather to advise and direct

others. Some brought barrows full of stones, and others threw them, and

said to the cruel populace, that, since we were so obstinate, the

government had given us into their hands, and they might do to us

whatever they pleased; and they did treat us with inhumanity and the

greatest violence.

It was impossible to go out without being beaten, stoned, dragged,

abused, and covered with dirt, and in the end we could neither buy nor

sell without being dragged before a magistrate, beat, and covered with

spitting and mud, and all kinds of outrages. They went beyond Porte

Marchant to brother Floran's, sister Claire's, and J. P. J. Lusant's. At

brother Floran's they destroyed every thing in the garden, and treated

his wife, already broken with age, with the greatest inhumanity;

dragging sister Claire by her feet out of the house, as also her

god-daughter. And at J. P. J. Lusant's what disorders have they not

committed amongst those poor persons, who have fled from the town to

have some tranquility. I must tell you one circumstance which J. P. J.

L. told me, to show you the cowardice of persecutors; five or six of

them entered his gate, concealing their swords, making up to him with

loud vociferations; seeing them coming, he went into his house, took an

old rusty musket without flint, and levelling it at them, they all

instantly fled with all speed, saying, "The Quakers don't carry arms,

and see this old Quaker hero intends killing us."

Alluding to the letter of Mr. Pressoir, above noticed, and to other

communications received about the same time, the Wesleyan Committee

remark, in their publication for July, 1824.

In a recent number we laid before our readers some extracts of letters

from our afflicted and persecuted society at Port-au-Prince, Hayti; from

which it appeared that several of them had again been called to suffer

bonds for the cause of Christ; that the house in which they were in the

habit of assembling for religious worship was demolished; and that they

themselves were delivered up to the will of a blind and infuriated

populace, the magistrates refusing to afford them any protection against

the outrages to which they were daily exposed. From later communications

we learn, that, on an appeal being made by letter to the president,

those in prison were set at liberty; and that a proclamation was made

by his excellency's orders, forbidding any one to stone, injure, or

otherwise persecute the methodists, but at the same time prohibiting all

meetings of our society for religious worship; on pain of being

arrested.

Notwithstanding the above proclamation, our people have still to suffer,

in various ways, the insults and persecutions of the rabble. They

continue, as they are able, and can find opportunity, to meet together

for prayer, &c.

The letter to president Boyer shows very clearly the pacific character

and object of these protestants. It is too important a part of these

documents to be omitted.

President,--You are acquainted with our society, formed here six years

ago. The end of our meeting together is, to invoke the blessing of God,

not only on ourselves, but also on the government, its magistrates, and

even on those who evil entreat us without cause; for we do not hate

them, nor render evil for evil. This is what our religion commands. It

is not that we wish by our meetings to disobey our president; but our

desire is to obey God our sovereign, and his law requires that we should

love the head that he has placed over us.

We know that your excellency will not approve the conduct of those who

have stoned and evil entreated us without cause. We have been treated as

enemies to the government, yet are not such. Yesterday we were arrested

and put in prison, by order of general Thomas, who at once without

examination, pronounced our sentence. And we know this was not by order

of the president, which renders it our indisputable duty to give you

information thereof.

President, let our society be narrowly examined, and if fault is found

in us, we are willing to suffer the punishment we merit.

Confidently expecting your favourable reply, we have the honour of

saluting you most respectfully.

To this letter the president did not reply, but ordered those, who had

been arrested, to be set at liberty. Ten days after the date of the

letter to the president, a letter was written, from which the following

paragraphs are taken. The concluding sentences open the way for putting

a favourable construction on the intentions of the president.

A proclamation was made in the name of general Thomas, commandant of the

place, to prevent any one from throwing stones at the methodists,

forbidding every one to evil entreat them, or to go before their houses

to insult them. But by that proclamation we were also forbidden to meet

together, and informed that should we meet, the police is ordered to

arrest us; but as for the people, they ought not to interfere, nor throw

stones, because we are citizens of the republic. This is the substance

of the proclamation.

Although this proclamation was made, yet the people did not cease to ill

treat us, and cry after us, as we went along. General Thomas gets out of

that affair by saying, that they only made use of his name when he had

nothing to do in it. "But, take care," said he, "if that continue, that

it do not cost the life of some one."

One of our sisters visited the president, to whom she made her

complaints, and informed him that it was said, that it was by his order

that these things were done. He received her very politely, assured her

that this was not so, but that he was exceedingly sorry that we should

be improperly treated, and that he had written to general Thomas to that

effect, and if the general did not attend to his orders he could not

hold any command in the republic. In consequence of this the general

made the above proclamation. The president also told her, that he could

not allow us to hold our meetings, because we were not in peace; that

France was proposing to march upon us, &c. &c. Since the last

persecution, we enjoy, by the grace of God, the means of praying, when

several of us meet together.

CHAPTER XXI.

PERSECUTIONS IN SWITZERLAND FROM 1813 TO 1830.

The information contained in the following account of the persecution in

Switzerland, is derived principally from the Christian Spectator and the

London Christian Observer.

Scarcely any country of Continental Europe, has excited so deep an

interest in the minds of Americans, as Switzerland. Its valleys and

lakes, its streams and cataracts, its lofty mountains and the seas of

ice and deserts of snow which crown their summits, have been the Ultima

Thule of the traveller, from whatever land. But _we_ have dwelt upon

them from the very days of boyhood, with an interest belonging to

scarcely any thing earthly, because we regarded all this magnificent and

beautiful display, as the mere scenery and decoration of the stage, on

which an important act in the great drama of liberty, was exhibited. In

the christian, these magnificent objects awaken emotions perhaps less

tumultuous, but deeper and more elevating; for it is here that another

scene of that great drama was early opened, involving interests

incomparably more valuable, and a struggle far more deadly, not for the

civil liberty of Switzerland, but to free the world from a tyranny, in

comparison with which, that of Austrian dukes was paternal kindness,--a

despotism that held the soul itself chained to the papal throne, and

assumed the triple crown of heaven and earth and hell, which its

representative still wears. To the christian, the names of Tell and

Winkelreid, sink into insignificance beside those of Zuingle and Calvin;

and the war of Swiss independence scarcely deserves a thought, in

comparison with that struggle for the moral reformation of the world,

in which these men were such distinguished actors, and to whose

influence we ourselves owe that religious liberty, which is the most

precious part of our birthright.

But it is an humbling reflection, that the palladium of liberty could

not be kept inviolate, even in the fastnesses of the Alps. A few years

only have elapsed, since some of the fairest portions of this "land of

the free," were held as conquered tributaries by other cantons, and were

governed by a bailiff residing in his castle, and exercising a power

like that of a feudal baron. A considerable portion of Switzerland is

still subject to an aristocracy, as absolute in its sway, and as much

opposed to the extension of light and liberty, as any other branch of

the holy alliance. The press is, in many cantons, under severe

restrictions, and industry and enterprise are checked by the regulations

of the incorporated _trades_, which place the rod of oppression in the

hands of ignorance and self-interest; and which bring home its influence

to the work-bench of the mechanic, and too often paralyze the arm of

laborious poverty. Within ten years, and in one of the most enlightened

cantons, men and women have been arrested, and fined, and imprisoned, in

the most cruel manner, for assembling to read the word of God; have even

been banished under pain of death, and without any passport to secure

them from imprisonment as vagrants in the neighbouring countries, merely

for preaching and hearing the gospel, out of the established church.

In the protestant churches of German Switzerland, the Helvetic

confession and the Heidelberg catechism, both in the strictest sense

orthodox, are recognized as standards of faith. This, however, is the

_only_ bond of union between the different portions of the Helvetic

church. The spiritual concerns of each canton are under the direction of

what is called the "church council," established by the government, and

composed of some of its members united with some of the clergy. This

body license, locate and pay the clergy; and form the court of appeal in

the affairs of the church. A congregation have no voice in the selection

of their pastor. Baptism and confirmation, or admission to the Lord's

supper, in the established church, are required by law, as indispensable

to the exercise of civil rights; and the latter ceremony is generally

regarded as a mere introduction into life. In the canton of Berne, no

person can enter the most menial station as a domestic, without

exhibiting his certificate of communion; and so far is this from being

an obsolete law, that we have known a person incur its penalty, because

he delayed for a few days the exhibition of this certificate to the

police. In this canton, (and we believe in most others,) no person can

be excluded from the communion, except by government; and, as a

necessary consequence, no discipline exists in the church. The Lord's

supper is received with great regularity by the whole parish; and in

some districts at least, the opinion prevails, that this ordinance is a

seal of the pardon of their sins.

Such is the external state of the church in German Switzerland. In

regard to its spiritual condition, we have little encouraging to

present. The mercenary troops which Switzerland has so long been

accustomed to sell to France, Spain and Italy, have usually brought back

corrupt principles and licentious habits; and the young men of patrician

families, from whom the rulers are ultimately chosen, have been

prepared, by serving as officers to these troops, to exert a baneful

influence upon their country. Those who were destined to the ministry,

or to the learned professions, were accustomed to seek an education, if

possible, in the German universities, where they would imbibe a taste

for any thing but evangelical principles. Rousseau, Voltaire, and

Gibbon, during their residence in Switzerland, contributed not a little

to the increase of infidelity; and the French revolution seemed to sweep

away the landmarks of religion and morality, and to banish whatever

might have remained, of the character of Switzerland, from the portions

to which its emissaries had immediate access.

It will not be supposed that the church escaped untainted, amidst all

these causes of corruption. The feeling which we found extensively

prevalent, that it was indecorous to inquire into the opinions of the

clergy and the doctrines actually maintained in the church, and which

presented a serious obstacle to investigation on this subject,

sufficiently indicates, that there is something which will not bear a

comparison with the public standard. But more unequivocal evidence of

the change of opinion is found in the fact, that candidates for the

ministry are now only required to avow their belief in the new

testament, and these regulations are avowedly adopted, in order not to

exclude those who are called "liberal" or "rational" in their opinions.

We trust indeed, that there are many thousands in Switzerland, who have

not bowed the knee to Baal, in any form. We believe especially, that in

the cantons of Basle, Zurich, Appenzell, and Schaffhausen, as well as

Geneva and Vaud, there are many faithful ministers of the gospel. We

know that in the midst of decayed churches, there are little bands, who,

without separating themselves, or exciting public attention, have

adopted the principles and the devotional habits of the United Brethren,

or Moravians. The missionary seminary at Basle is a radiating point,

from which divine truth is going forth to the ends of the earth; and

there is a cluster of christian institutions around it, which are a

monument of love and zeal. Light is springing up in various directions

in the midst of darkness and these first gleamings of the dawn are a

sure and delightful presage, that the Sun of righteousness is about to

arise upon Switzerland, with healing in its beams.

For several years past, two or three of the clergy of the established

church in the city of Berne, have preached the doctrines of the gospel,

as exhibited in the standards of the church, with simplicity and

faithfulness. Much interest was thus excited in a small number of

persons, several of whom were among the class of patricians, and the

result might be termed a little revival. Public attention was called to

it, by the change of conduct in those who were its subjects. Their

consciences would no longer allow them to partake in those violations of

the Sabbath, and those questionable amusements which were customary in

the world around them; and they felt the need of assembling themselves

for social devotion and christian intercourse, during the week. Those

who felt reproved by such conduct, spared neither censure nor ridicule.

The names of "_priest_," "_methodist_," "_mummer_," etc., were

unsparingly applied to them; and in one instance, the windows of a

person who was obnoxious on this account, were broken. It is but justice

to the government to state, that immediate and vigorous measures were

taken to repress all violence; and no one was suffered to interrupt

them, so long as they continued in connexion with the established

church. Much hostility was indeed expressed against these private

assemblies; but so much patrician influence was exerted in their favour,

that the government did not venture to execute the threats, sometimes

thrown out, of prohibiting them. Pietism continued to increase, from the

increased action produced by these social meetings; and the flame was

undoubtedly nourished by the conversation and correspondence of pious

British travellers, whose influence may now be traced in every part of

the continent, from Calais to Naples, and exhibits one of these

remarkable traits in the divine government, by which the seed of the

word is scattered over the world, often by the consent of those who wish

to destroy it. The wealth of the English gives them access every where.

Even the court of Rome, rather than lose this source of revenue, allows

heresy to rear its standard of rebellion on the banks of the Tiber; and

the efforts of such as are piously disposed to spread light around them,

are winked at, to avoid offending or alarming the _national_ spirit,

even of those who are devoted to the pleasures of the world.

During the year 1828, a small number of the persons who were thus

awakened, felt it their duty to separate themselves entirely from the

established church. Their consciences were wounded by the prostitution

of the ordinance of the supper, in admitting all who chose to come;

since many of the openly vicious, and a multitude who had no apparent

interest in religion, belonged to the number. They urged the necessity

of discipline from Matt. xvi. and xviii., 1 Cor. v., etc., and

maintained that that could not be deemed a church of Christ, which

tolerated vice in its very bosom. They felt themselves bound by the

precept, 2 Thess. iii. 6, 14, 15, and 2 John 10, 11, to withdraw from a

church in which the gospel was not generally preached; and which

cherished in its bosom, so many who crucified Christ afresh, and whom

they considered themselves as recognizing as brethren, by partaking of

the same bread and the same cup. This measure was promoted by a person

who had been banished from the canton de Vaud; and who was received at

Berne, under a pledge to the police, that he would not speak of

separation. The violation of this pledge led to his expulsion, which was

the first act of the government on this subject. This excited no serious

opposition, since those who agreed with him in sentiment, did not

approve of his violation of truth. It did not however prevent the

continuance of the assemblies of separatists, and their distinct avowal

of their sentiments; and they obtained from a member of the government

belonging to the established church, the use of a room to his own house,

on condition that nothing should be said there in direct promotion of

separatism.

This decided course of conduct, notwithstanding many hints and threats,

placed the government in an embarrassing situation. Eight years before,

the canton of Vaud had treated a similar sect (of which indeed, some of

these very individuals had been members) with great severity; but with

so little effect, that their number had been constantly increasing, and

their spirit had been diffused through a large number of the established

churches; to the great annoyance of those who did not love the gospel.

Thus warned of the danger of violent measures, and yet anxious to find

reasons for expelling the leaders of the obnoxious party, they directed

the superintendent of the police to keep them and their assemblies under

constant and rigid inspection; and all who were concerned with them,

were watched with the same view. At the same time, one of the

evangelical clergymen was sent for, and warned to alter his mode of

preaching; and although he did not approve or preach separation, he was

accused of contributing to the excitement of feeling, which gave rise to

it, by his mode of exhibiting the doctrines of the bible. We need

scarcely add, that the warning was without effect on this faithful

minister of Christ.

In the year 1813, a few pious individuals began to meet in private, for

the purpose of seeking and cherishing that holy truth which was banished

from the public assemblies. These persons were directed by some students

of theology, among whom was M. Empaytaz. The venerable company of

pastors soon heard of these unauthorized proceedings, and lost no time

in evincing their disapprobation respecting them. M. Empaytaz, was

especially marked out as the object of their displeasure; and they

refused to ordain him, unless he would avoid every religious assembly

which had not their sanction. He chose rather to incur their anathema

than to wound his conscience, and departed from the city.

But the light had broke forth, and it was not easy again to extinguish

it. The honourable company seem to have been extremely troubled as to

the course to be pursued. To sit still, however, was to yield to the

rising spirit of reformation, and they determined to bestir themselves.

Accordingly, after due deliberation, they issued certain regulations,

bearing date May 3, 1817, which they hoped would be received as

articles.

These articles however, did not produce the anticipated effect. The

doctrine of the divinity of Christ, and others equally offensive to

Unitarians, continued to be preached. In 1818, M. Malan, a pious

orthodox divine, was deprived of his place of regent of the college; and

another, M. Mejanel, was ordered to quit Geneva.

For some time, however, the individuals who retained their allegiance to

the Helvetic Confession, and remained at Geneva, still held their

meetings, with little other provocation than that of a few hard names,

such as "enthusiasts," "Nazarenes," "advocates for exploded doctrines,"

&c., which the Unitarians, in the exuberance of their wit, and the

overflowing of their liberality, had the gratification to bespatter

them. These attacks produced very little impression upon the persons

assailed. The arguments next adopted, were calculated to supply the

defect. About the beginning of July, 1818, the place of meeting being

changed, when the persons assembled, they found a large mob prepared to

insult them. These enlightened and worthy abettors of the reformed

church of Geneva, and citizens of that free republic, assembled at the

house of meeting, and vociferated amidst other expressions of

hostility--we transcribe the words with shame and horror,--_A bas Jesus

Christ! A bas les Moraves! A mort, a la lanterne_, &c. and pursued the

obnoxious ministers as they came out, with similar cries. Neither did

they stop here: their valour and zeal, as is the case with all mobs,

became more impetuous as they were not resisted. "Our silence," says one

who was present, "in the midst of these insults, did not satisfy them:

we had to suffer menaces, maledictions; stoning through the streets, and

the violation of our houses." Had not the police exerted themselves to

suppress these disorders, the consequences would probably have been

still more fearful.

_Persecution in the Pays de Vaud._

In the month of December, 1823, a letter was addressed by three young

men, ministers of that canton, and subsequently signed by a few others,

to the council of state, intimating a determination to withdraw from the

established church, and requesting permission to constitute places of

worship independent of it. The cause assigned was, that the Helvetic

Confession had been virtually set aside, both by pastors and people; and

that the discipline of the church was annihilated. Their plan was to

preach according to that Confession, and to restore the discipline.

The petition to the council of state is dated Dec. 24, 1823. The

official answer bears date Jan. 15, 1824; and has all the formalities

with which the spirit of intolerance and persecution generally invests

itself, and is signed, Le Landamman en Charge, F. Clavel, Le Chandelier,

Boisot. In this instrument, the ministers and their friends are called

"Momiers;" and it is summarily decreed, that those who separate

themselves from the national church shall not be tolerated; that the

justices of the peace, &c. are specially charged instantly to dissolve

their meetings, and to report their proceedings to the council of state,

and every person who attends these prohibited assemblies, and who has

disobeyed the orders to leave them, and rendered it necessary to employ

force, shall be imprisoned three days, besides the possible infliction

of other pains and penalties; and that all persons whose measures shall

have tended to gain proselytes, shall be fined 600 livres, or imprisoned

two years; the same punishment to be awarded to him who furnishes a

place of meeting, or who has called or directed a prohibited assembly,

or who has taken any part whatever in quality of a chief or director.

The above decree was accompanied by a circular, dated Jan. 16, 1824,

emanating from the same high quarter, addressed to the justices of the

peace, municipalities, &c. and conceived in the same spirit with its

_respectable_ associate.

This iniquitous and anti-christian enactment has been carried into

effect in several instances. M. Charles Rochat, minister of the gospel,

of the Canton de Vaud, of a respectable family, and whose brother is one

of the national clergy, of the Canton, is the first on whom the severity

of the law has fallen. Five persons were found seated round a table in

his own house, with the bible open before them: the wife of M. Rochat, a

common friend, with two of his sisters, and a young person, a stranger.

This was the whole crime. M. Rochat was found guilty of reading in his

own house, before his wife and four friends, a chapter of the New

Testament! For this he was at first condemned to three year's

banishment, which, however, the tribunal of appeal reduced to one year.

Next, M. Olivier was banished for two years, by the sentence of the same

law.

Like judgments have been pronounced against M. M. Chavannes, Juvet, and

Fivas, of whom, the two former, were previously confined _ten weeks in

prison_.

Two females also were banished by the judgment de premiere instant, of

the tribunal of Orbe and Yverden, on the charge of similar meetings

being held at their houses; one of whom, however, has been since

acquitted at Lausanne, as it was proved that she lived with her mother,

and consequently that it was at her house, and not at hers, that some

friends, after dinner, read the bible together.

But it is not merely in the Canton de Vaud that these enormous instances

of injustice have occurred: at Neufchatel, an act of arbitrary power has

just been committed, almost incredible from its severity. An old law,

long obsolete, has been discovered, which, it seems, was passed two or

three hundred years back. An agriculturer has been made the first victim

of its revived powers. He received into his house M. Juvet, one of the

condemned ministers of the Canton de Vaud, and allowed him to administer

the sacrament. For this crime he was thrown into prison for three

months, and was then brought up in chains, and with a rope drawn tight

round his neck, to receive sentence. Ten years banishment was the

punishment pronounced; and that if he shall attempt to return before the

expiration of this term, he is to be marked with a hot iron for the

first offence, and for the second to be _hanged_. No passport was given

him, so that he was left to be hunted about from place to place, like

the most degraded criminal. This worthy man, whose name was Maguin, has

a wife and three children, for whom he has now no means of procuring a

support. [Wilson's Tour, 2d ed. page 325.]

These atrocities were practised by those who claim to be the only

enlightened and liberal characters of our day--by Unitarians and

Socinians--by men too, whose complaints respecting bigotry and

intolerance, have been the burden of many a long article, expressly

designed to represent orthodoxy as peculiarly relentless and cruel.

A large number of Swiss pastors have been driven into banishment, by the

inquisitorial proceedings of those who style themselves the _liberal_

party in Switzerland. Many of the exiles are now residing in different

parts of France, mostly near the frontiers of their own country--others

have found a home in different parts of Switzerland.

One of them is now in that place where the wicked cease from

troubling--and another seems rapidly advancing to it. M. Juvet, who

signed, with two other ministers, the letter to the "Council of State,"

having been banished from his own canton, sought an asylum in another

canton: this was refused. He then retired to Ferney Voltaire, and

pursued his labors. He was at that time weak from a pulmonary

consumption; but he ventured on an excursion to L'Isle of Mantrichen, to

visit those who were disposed to hear the word of God. "He was insulted,

attacked and pursued by the populace, from town to town; and at Le Isle,

where he arrived quite exhausted, and in profuse perspiration, he was

thrown into a cold dungeon, with only a chair and some chopped straw, on

which to pass the night. His friends were not permitted to give him

either food, fire, or clothing, and in this state he was detained

fifteen hours." For two months he was confined in the prison of Yverden,

under circumstances of severe illness and medical attendance was denied

him. After leaving the prison, he was presently arrested and expelled

the commune. Under such accumulated sufferings, nature at length gave

way: he slept in the Lord; and among his last prayers were petitions for

his persecutors whether the magistrates or the mob.

Recent information from Geneva, and the other cantons of Switzerland,

inform us that the spirit of persecution is still exhibited by the

_liberal_ party in that country. Those who adhere to the Helvetic

Confession, and preach conformably to the doctrines of the creed of the

established church, are called "Momiers," "enthusiasts," and other terms

equally, unkind and unchristian. The _liberal_, or infidel party, do not

confine themselves simply to reproaches. They disturb the places of

public worship--they stone the people as they return from their

devotions--they arraign them before civil tribunals for preaching Christ

and him crucified--they impose fines upon them, subject them to

imprisonment, banishment, and even death itself. All this is done too,

in the 19th century, and by those who claim to be the only enlightened

and liberal party on the continent.

CHAPTER XXII.

SKETCHES OF THE LIVES OF SOME OF THE MOST EMINENT REFORMERS.

It will not be inappropriate to devote a few pages of this work to a

brief detail of the lives of some of those men who first stepped

forward, regardless of the bigoted power which opposed all reformation,

to stem the tide of papal corruption, and to seal the pure doctrines of

the gospel with their blood. Among these, Great Britain has the honor of

taking the lead, and first maintaining that freedom in religious

controversy which astonished Europe, and demonstrated that political and

religious liberty are equally the growth of that favored island. Among

the earliest of these eminent persons was

_John Wickliffe._

This celebrated reformer, denominated the Morning Star of the

Reformation, was born about the year 1324, in the reign of Edward II. Of

his extraction we have no certain account. His parents designing him for

the church, sent him to Queen's College, Oxford, about that period

founded by Robert Eaglesfield, confessor to queen Philippi. But not

meeting with the advantages for study in that newly established house

which he expected, he removed to Merton College, which was then esteemed

one of the most learned societies in Europe.

The first thing which drew him into public notice, was his defence of

the University against the begging friars, who about this time, from

their settlement in Oxford in 1230, had been troublesome neighbours to

the University. Feuds were continually fomented; the friars appealing to

the pope, the scholars to the civil power; and sometimes one party, and

sometimes the other, prevailed. The friars became very fond of a notion

that Christ was a common beggar; that his disciples were beggars also;

and that begging was of gospel institution. This doctrine they urged

from the pulpit and wherever they had access.

Wickliffe had long held these religious friars in contempt for the

laziness of their lives, and had now a fair opportunity of exposing

them. He published a treatise against able beggary, in which he lashed

the friars, and proved that they were not only a reproach to religion,

but also to human society. The University began to consider him one of

her first champions, and he was soon promoted to the mastership of

Baliol College.

About this time, archbishop Islip founded Canterbury Hall, in Oxford,

where he established a warden and eleven scholars. To this wardenship

Wickliffe was elected by the archbishop, but upon his demise, he was

displaced by his successor, Stephen Langham, bishop of Ely. As there

was a degree of flagrant injustice in the affair, Wickliffe appealed to

the pope, who subsequently gave it against him from the following cause:

Edward the Third, then king of England, had withdrawn the tribute, which

from the time of king John had been paid to the pope. The pope menaced;

Edward called a parliament. The parliament resolved that king John had

done an illegal thing, and given up the rights of the nation, and

advised the king not to submit, whatever consequences might follow.

The clergy now began to write in favour of the pope, and a learned monk

published a spirited and plausible treatise, which had many advocates.

Wickliffe, irritated at seeing so bad a cause so well defended, opposed

the monk, and did it in so masterly a way, that he was considered no

longer as unanswerable. His suit at Rome was immediately determined

against him; and nobody doubted but his opposition to the pope, at so

critical a period, was the true cause of his being non-suited at Rome.

Wickliffe was afterward elected to the chair of the divinity professor:

and now fully convinced of the errors of the Romish church, and the

vileness of its monastic agents, he determined to expose them. In public

lectures he lashed their vices and opposed their follies. He unfolded a

variety of abuses covered by the darkness of superstition. At first he

began to loosen the prejudices of the vulgar, and proceeded by slow

advances; with the metaphysical disquisitions of the age, he mingled

opinions in divinity apparently novel. The usurpations of the court of

Rome was a favourite topic. On these he expatiated with all the keenness

of argument, joined to logical reasoning. This soon procured him the

clamour of the clergy, who, with the archbishop of Canterbury, deprived

him of his office.

At this time, the administration of affairs was in the hands of the duke

of Lancaster, well known by the name of John of Gaunt. This prince had

very free notions of religion, and was at enmity with the clergy. The

exactions of the court of Rome having become very burdensome, he

determined to send the bishop of Bangor and Wickliffe to remonstrate

against these abuses, and it was agreed that the pope should no longer

dispose of any benifices belonging to the church of England. In this

embassy, Wickliffe's observant mind penetrated into the constitution and

policy of Rome, and he returned more strongly than ever determined to

expose its avarice and ambition.

Having recovered his former situation, he inveighed, in his lectures,

against the pope--his usurpation--his infallibility--his pride--his

avarice--and his tyranny. He was the first who termed the pope

Antichrist. From the pope, he would turn to the pomp, the luxury and

trappings of the bishops, and compared them with the simplicity of

primitive bishops. Their superstitions and deceptions were topics that

he urged with energy of mind and logical precision.

From the patronage of the duke of Lancaster, Wickliffe received a good

benefice; but he was no sooner settled in his parish, than his enemies

and the bishops began to persecute him with renewed vigor. The duke of

Lancaster was his friend in this persecution, and by his presence and

that of Lord Percy, earl marshal of England, he so overawed the trial,

that the whole ended in disorder.

After the death of Edward III. his grandson Richard II. succeeded, in

the eleventh year of his age. The duke of Lancaster not obtaining to be

the sole regent, as he expected, his power began to decline, and the

enemies of Wickliffe, taking advantage of this circumstance, renewed

their articles of accusation against him. Five bulls were despatched in

consequence by the pope to the king and certain bishops, but the regency

and the people manifested a spirit of contempt at the haughty

proceedings of the pontiff, and the former at that time wanting money to

oppose an expected invasion of the French, proposed to apply a large

sum, collected for the use of the pope to that purpose. The question was

submitted to the decision of Wickliffe. The bishops, however, supported

by the papal authority, insisted upon bringing Wickliffe to trial, and

he was actually undergoing examination at Lambeth, when, from the

riotous behaviour of the populace without, and awed by the command of

sir Lewis Clifford, a gentleman of the court, that they should not

proceed to any definitive sentence, they terminated the whole affair in

a prohibition to Wickliffe, not to preach those doctrines which were

obnoxious to the pope; but this was laughed at by our reformer, who,

going about barefoot, and in a long frieze gown, preached more

vehemently than before.

In the year 1378, a contest arose between two popes, Urban VI. and

Clement VII. which was the lawful pope, and true vicegerent of God. This

was a favourable period for the exertion of Wickliffe's talents: he soon

produced a tract against popery, which was eagerly read by all sorts of

people.

About the end of the year, Wickliffe was seized with a violent disorder,

which it was feared might prove fatal. The begging friars, accompanied

by four of the most eminent citizens of Oxford, gained admittance to his

bed-chamber, and begged of him to retract, for his soul's sake, the

unjust things he had asserted of their order. Wickliffe surprised at the

solemn message, raised himself in his bed, and with a stern countenance

replied, "I shall not die, but live to declare the evil deeds of the

friars."

When Wickliffe recovered, he set about a most important work, the

translation of the bible into English. Before this work appeared, he

published a tract, wherein he showed the necessity of it. The zeal of

the bishops to suppress the scriptures, greatly promoted its sale, and

they who were not able to purchase copies, procured transcripts of

particular gospels or epistles. Afterward, when Lollardy increased, and

the flames kindled, it was a common practice to fasten about the neck of

the condemned heretic such of these scraps of scripture as were found in

his possession, which generally shared his fate.

Immediately after this transaction, Wickliffe ventured a step further,

and affected the doctrine of transubstantiation. This strange opinion

was invented by Paschade Radbert, and asserted with amazing boldness.

Wickliffe, in his lecture before the university of Oxford, 1381,

attacked this doctrine, and published a treatise on the subject. Dr.

Barton, at this time vice-chancellor of Oxford, calling together the

heads of the university, condemned Wickliffe's doctrines as heretical,

and threatened their author with excommunication. Wickliffe could now

derive no support from the duke of Lancaster, and being cited to appear

before his former adversary, William Courteney, now made archbishop of

Canterbury, he sheltered himself under the plea, that, as a member of

the university, he was exempt from episcopal jurisdiction. This plea was

admitted, as the university were determined to support their member.

The court met at the appointed time, determined, at least to sit in

judgment upon his opinions, and some they condemned as erroneous, others

as heretical. The publication on this subject was immediately answered

by Wickliffe, who had become a subject of the archbishop's determined

malice. The king, solicited by the archbishop, granted a license to

imprison the teacher of heresy, but the commons made the king revoke

this act as illegal. The primate, however, obtained letters from the

king, directing the head of the university of Oxford to search for all

heresies and the books published by Wickliffe; in consequence of which

order, the university became a scene of tumult. Wickliffe is supposed to

have retired from the storm, into an obscure part of the kingdom. The

seeds, however, were scattered, and Wickliffe's opinions were so

prevalent, that it was said, if you met two persons upon the road, you

might be sure that one was a Lollard. At this period, the disputes

between the two popes continued. Urban published a bull, in which he

earnestly called upon all who had any regard for religion, to exert

themselves in its cause; and to take up arms against Clement and his

adherents in defence of the holy see.

A war, in which the name of religion was so vilely prostituted, roused

Wickliffe's inclination, even in his declining years. He took up his pen

once more, and wrote against it with the greatest acrimony. He

expostulated with the pope in a very free manner, and asks him boldly,

"How he durst make the token of Christ on the cross (which is the token

of peace, mercy and charity) a banner to lead us to slay christian men,

for the love of two false priests, and to oppress Christendom worse than

Christ and his apostles were oppressed by the Jews? When, said he, will

the proud priest of Rome grant indulgences to mankind to live in peace

and charity, as he now does to fight and slay one another?"

This severe piece drew upon him the resentment of Urban; and was likely

to have involved him in greater troubles than he had before experienced,

but providentially he was delivered out of their hands. He was struck

with the palsy, and though he lived some time yet in such a way, that

his enemies considered him as a person below their resentment. To the

last he attended divine worship, and received the fatal stroke of his

disorder in his church at Lutterworth, in the year 1384.

_Martin Luther._

This illustrious German divine and reformer of the church, was the son

of John Luther and Margaret Lindeman, and born at Isleben, a town of

Saxony, in the county of Mansfield, November 10, 1483. His father's

extraction and condition were originally but mean, and his occupation

that of a miner: it is probable, however, that by his application and

industry he improved the fortunes of his family, as he afterward became

a magistrate of rank and dignity. Luther was early initiated into

letters, and at the age of thirteen was sent to school at Madgeburg, and

thence to Eysenach, in Thuringia, where he remained four years,

producing the early indications of his future eminence.

In 1501 he was sent to the university of Erfurt, where he went through

the usual courses of logic and philosophy. When twenty, he took a

master's degree, and then lectured on Aristotle's physics, ethics, and

other parts of philosophy. Afterward, at the instigation of his parents,

he turned himself to the civil law, with a view of advancing himself to

the bar, but was diverted from this pursuit by the following accident.

Walking out into the fields one day, he was struck by lightning so as to

fall to the ground, while a companion was killed by his side; and this

affected him so sensibly, that, without communicating his purpose to any

of his friends, he withdrew himself from the world, and retired into the

order of the hermits of St. Augustine.

Here he employed himself in reading St. Augustine and the school men;

but, in turning over the leaves of the library, he accidentally found a

copy of the Latin Bible, which he had never seen before. This raised his

curiosity to a high degree: he read it over very greedily, and was

amazed to find what a small portion of the scriptures was rehearsed to

the people. He made his profession in the monastery of Erfurt, after he

had been a novice one year; and he took priest's orders, and celebrated

his first mass in 1507. The year after, he was removed from the convent

of Erfurt to the university of Wittemberg; for this university being

just founded, nothing was thought more likely to bring it into immediate

repute and credit, than the authority and presence of a man so

celebrated, for his great parts and learning, as Luther. In 1512, seven

convents of his order having a quarrel with their vicar-general, Luther

was chosen to go to Rome to maintain their cause. At Rome he saw the

pope and the court, and had an opportunity of observing also the manners

of the clergy, whose hasty, superficial, and impious way of celebrating

mass, he has severely noted. As soon as he had adjusted the dispute

which was the business of his journey, he returned to Wittemberg, and

was created doctor of divinity, at the expense of Frederic, elector of

Saxony; who had often heard him preach, was perfectly acquainted with

his merit, and reverenced him highly. He continued in the university of

Wittemberg, where, as professor of divinity, he employed himself in the

business of his calling. Here then he began in the most earnest manner

to read lectures upon the sacred books: he explained the epistle to the

Romans, and the Psalms, which he cleared up and illustrated in a manner

so entirely new, and so different from what had been pursued by former

commentators, that "there seemed, after a long and dark night, a new day

to arise, in the judgment of all pious and prudent men." The better to

qualify himself for the task he had undertaken, he applied himself

attentively to the Greek and Hebrew languages; and in this manner was he

employed, when the general indulgences were published in 1517. Leo X.

who succeeded Julius II. in March, 1513, formed a design of building the

magnificent church of St. Peter's at Rome, which was, indeed, begun by

Julius, but still required very large sums to be finished. Leo,

therefore, 1517 published general indulgences throughout all Europe, in

favour of those who contribute any sum to the building of St. Peter's;

and appointed persons in different countries to preach up these

indulgences, and to receive money for them. These strange proceedings

gave vast offence at Wittemberg, and particularly inflamed the pious

zeal of Luther; who, being naturally warm and active, and in the present

case unable to contain himself, was determined to declare against them

at all adventures. Upon the eve of All-saints, therefore, in 1517, he

publicly fixed up, at the church next to the castle of that town, a

thesis upon indulgences; in the beginning of which, he challenged any

one to oppose it either by writing or disputation. Luther's propositions

about indulgences, were no sooner published, than Tetzel, the Dominican

friar, and commissioner for selling them, maintained and published at

Francfort, a thesis, containing a set of propositions directly contrary

to them. He did more; he stirred up the clergy of his order against

Luther; anathematized him from the pulpit, as a most damnable heretic;

and burnt his thesis publicly at Francfort. Tetzel's thesis was also

burnt, in return, by the Lutherans at Wittemburg; but Luther himself

disowned having had any hand in that procedure. In 1518, Luther, though

dissuaded from it by his friends, yet, to show obedience to authority,

went to the monastery of St. Augustine, at Heidelberg, while the chapter

was held; and here maintained, April 26, a dispute concerning

"justification by faith," which Bucer, who was present at, took down in

writing, and afterward communicated to Beatus Rhenanus, not without the

highest commendations. In the meantime, the zeal of his adversaries grew

every day more and more active against him; and he was at length accused

to Leo X. as a heretic. As soon as he returned therefore from

Heidelberg, he wrote a letter to that pope, in the most submissive

terms; and sent him, at the same time, an explication of his

propositions about indulgences. This letter is dated on Trinity-Sunday,

1518, and was accompanied with a protestation, wherein he declared, that

"he did not pretend to advance or defend any thing contrary to the holy

scriptures, or to the doctrine of the fathers, received and observed by

the church of Rome, or to the canons and decretals of the popes:

nevertheless, he thought he had the liberty either to approve or

disapprove the opinions of St. Thomas, Bonaventure, and other school-men

and canonists, which are not grounded upon any text."

The emperor Maximilian was equally solicitous with the pope about

putting a stop to the propagation of Luther's opinions in Saxony;

troublesome both to the church and empire. Maximilian, therefore,

applied to Leo, in a letter dated August 5, 1518, and begged him to

forbid, by his authority, these useless, rash, and dangerous disputes;

assuring him also, that he would strictly execute in the empire whatever

his holiness should enjoin. In the meantime Luther, as soon an he

understood what was transacting about him at Rome, used all imaginable

means to prevent his being carried thither, and to obtain a hearing of

his cause in Germany. The elector was also against Luther's going to

Rome, and desired of cardinal Cajetan, that he might be heard before

him, as the pope's legate in Germany. Upon these addresses, the pope

consented that the cause should be tried before cardinal Cajetan, to

whom he had given power to decide it. Luther, therefore, set off

immediately for Augsburg, and carried with him letters from the elector.

He arrived here in October, 1518, and, upon an assurance of his safety,

was admitted into the cardinal's presence. But Luther was soon convinced

that he had more to fear from the cardinal's power, than from

disputations of any kind; and, therefore, apprehensive of being seized,

if he did not submit, withdrew from Augsburg upon the 20th. But, before

his departure, he published a formal appeal to the pope, and finding

himself protected by the elector, continued to teach the same doctrines

at Wittemberg, and sent a challenge to all the inquisitors to come and

dispute with him.

As to Luther, Miltitius, the pope's chamberlain, had orders to require

the elector to oblige him to retract, or to deny him his protection; but

things were not now to be carried with so high a hand, Luther's credit

being too firmly established. Besides, the emperor Maximilian happened

to die upon the 12th of this month, whose death greatly altered the face

of affairs, and made the elector more able to determine Luther's fate.

Miltitius thought it best, therefore, to try what could be done by fair

and gentle means, and to that end came to some conference with Luther.

During all these treaties, the doctrine of Luther spread, and prevailed

greatly; and he himself received great encouragement at home and abroad.

The Bohemians about this time sent him a book of the celebrated John

Huss, who had fallen a martyr in the work of reformation; and also

letters, in which they exhorted him to constancy and perseverance,

owning, that the divinity which he taught was the pure, sound, and

orthodox divinity. Many great and learned men had joined themselves to

him. In 1519, he had a famous dispute at Leipsic with John Eccius. But

this dispute ended at length like all others, the parties not the least

nearer in opinion, but more to enmity with each other's persons. About

the end of this year, Luther published a book, in which he contended for

the communion being celebrated in both kinds; which was condemned by the

bishop of Misnia, January 24, 1520. While Luther was labouring to excuse

himself to the new emperor and the bishops of Germany, Eccius had gone

to Rome, to solicit his condemnation; which, it may easily be conceived,

was now become not difficult to be attained. Indeed the continual

importunities of Luther's adversaries with Leo, caused him at length to

publish a formal condemnation of him, and he did so accordingly, in a

bull, dated June 15, 1520; this was carried into Germany, and published

there by Eccius, who had solicited it at Rome; and who, together with

Jerom Alexander, a person eminent for his learning and eloquence, was

entrusted by the pope with the execution of it. In the meantime, Charles

V. of Spain, after he had set things to rights in the Low Countries,

went into Germany, and was crowned emperor, October the 21st, at

Aix-la-Chapelle. The diet of Worms was held in the beginning of 1521;

which ended at length in this single and peremptory declaration of

Luther, that "unless he was convinced by texts of scripture or evident

reason (for he did not think himself obliged to submit to the pope or

his councils,) he neither could nor would retract any thing, because it

was not lawful for him to act against his conscience." Before the diet

of Worms was dissolved, Charles V. caused an edict to be drawn up, which

was dated the 8th of May, and decreed that Martin Luther be, agreeably

to the sentence of the pope, henceforward looked upon as a member

separated from the church, a schismatic, and an obstinate and notorious

heretic. While the bull of Leo X. executed by Charles V. was thundering

throughout the empire, Luther was safely shut up in the castle of

Wittemberg; but weary at length of his retirement, he appeared publickly

again at Wittemberg, March 6, 1522, after he had been absent about ten

months. Luther now made open war with the pope and bishops; and, that he

might make the people despise their authority as much as possible, he

wrote one book against the pope's bull, and another against the order

falsely called "the order of bishops." He published also, a translation

of the "New Testament" in the German tongue, which was afterward

corrected by himself and Melancthon. Affairs were now in great confusion

in Germany; and they were not less so in Italy, for a quarrel arose

between the pope and the emperor, during which Rome was twice taken, and

the pope imprisoned. While the princes were thus employed in quarrelling

with each other, Luther persisted in carrying on the work of the

reformation, as well by opposing the papists, as by combating the

Anabaptists and other fanatical sects; which, having taken the advantage

of his contest with the church of Rome, had sprung up and established

themselves in several places.

In 1527, Luther was suddenly seized with a coagulation of the blood

about the heart, which had like to have put an end to his life. The

troubles of Germany being not likely to have any end, the emperor was

forced to call a diet at Spires, in 1529, to require the assistance of

the princes of the empire against the Turks. Fourteen cities, viz.

Stratsburg, Nuremberg, Ulm, Constance, Retlingen, Windsheim, Memmingen,

Lindow, Kempten, Hailbron, Isny, Weissemburg, Nortlingen, S. Gal, joined

against the decree of the diet protestation, which was put into writing,

and published the 19th of April, 1529. This was the famous protestation,

which gave the name of Protestants to the reformers in Germany.

After this, the protestant princes laboured to make a firm league and

enjoined the elector of Saxony and his allies to approve of what the

diet had done; but the deputies drew up an appeal, and the protestants

afterwards presented an apology for their "Confession"--that famous

confession which was drawn up by the temperate Melancthon, as also the

apology. These were signed by a variety of princes, and Luther had now

nothing else to do, but to sit down and contemplate the mighty work he

had finished: for that a single monk should be able to give the church

of Rome so rude a shock, that there needed but such another entirely to

overthrow it, may be well esteemed a mighty work.

In 1533, Luther wrote a consolatory epistle to the citizens of Oschatz,

who had suffered some hardships for adhering to the Augsburg confession

of faith: and in 1534, the Bible translated by him into German was first

printed, as the old privilege, dated at Bibliopolis, under the elector's

own hand, shows; and it was published in the year after. He also

published this year a book "against masses and the consecration of

priests." In February, 1537, an assembly was held at Smalkald about

matters of religion, to which Luther and Melancthon were called. At this

meeting Luther was seized with so grievous an illness, that there was no

hope of his recovery. As he was carried along he made his will, in which

he bequeathed his detestation of popery to his friends and brethren. In

this manner was he employed till his death, which happened in 1546. That

year, accompanied by Melancthon, he paid a visit to his own country,

which he had not seen for many years, and returned again in safety. But

soon after, he was called thither again by the earls of Mansfelt, to

compose some differences which had arisen about their boundaries, where

he was received by 100 horsemen, or more, and conducted in a very

honourable manner; but was at the same time so very ill, that it was

feared he would die. He said, that these fits of sickness often came

upon him, when he had any great business to undertake; of this, however,

he did not recover, but died February 18, in his 63d year. A little

before he expired, he admonished those that were about him to pray to

God for the propagation of the gospel; "because," said he, "the council

of Trent, which had sat once or twice, and the pope, will devise strange

things against it." Soon after, his body was put into a leaden coffin,

and carried with funeral pomp to the church at Iselbein, when Dr. Jonas

preached a sermon upon the occasion. The earls of Mansfelt desired that

his body should be interred in their territories; but the elector of

Saxony insisted upon his being brought back to Wittemberg, which was

accordingly done; and there he was buried with the greatest pomp that

perhaps ever happened to any private man. Princes, earls, nobles, and

students without number, attended the procession of this extraordinary

reformer; and Melancthon made his funeral oration.

We will close this account of the great founder of the reformation, by

subjoining a few opinions, which have been passed upon him, by both

papists and Protestants. "Luther," says Father Simon, "was the first

Protestant who ventured to translate the Bible into the vulgar tongue

from the Hebrew text, although he understood Hebrew but very

indifferently. As he was of a free and bold spirit, he accuses St Jerom

of ignorance in the Hebrew tongue; but he had more reason to accuse

himself of this fault, and for having so precipitately undertaken a work

of this nature, which required more time than he employed about it.

There is nothing great or learned in his commentaries upon the Bible;

every thing low and mean: and though he had studied divinity, he has

rather composed a rhapsody of theological questions, than a commentary

upon the scripture text: to which we may add, that he wanted

understanding, and usually followed his senses instead of his reason."

This is the language of those in the church of Rome who speak of Luther

with any degree of moderation; for the generality allow him neither

parts, nor learning, nor any attainment intellectual or moral. But let

us leave these impotent railers, and attend a little to more equitable

judges. "Luther," says Wharton, in his appendix to Cave's Historia

Literaria, "was a man of prodigious sagacity and acuteness, very warm,

and formed for great undertakings; being a man, if ever there was one,

whom nothing could daunt or intimidate. When the cause of religion was

concerned, he never regarded whose love he was likely to gain, or whose

displeasure to incur." He is also highly spoken of by Atterbury and

others.

_John Calvin._

This reformer was born at Noyon in Picardy, July 10, 1409. He was

instructed in grammar learning at Paris under Maturinus Corderius, and

studied philosophy in the college of Montaign under a Spanish professor.

His father, who discovered many marks of his early piety, particularly

in his reprehensions of the vices of his companions, designed him at

first for the church, and got him presented, May 21, 1521, to the chapel

of Notre Dame de la Gesine, in the church of Noyon. In 1527 he was

presented to the rectory of Marieville, which he exchanged in 1529 for

the rectory of Pont l'Eveque, near Noyon. His father afterward changed

his resolution, and would have him study law; to which Calvin, who, by

reading the scriptures, had conceived a dislike to the superstitions of

popery, readily consented, and resigned the chapel of Gesine and the

rectory of Pont l'Eveque, in 1534. He made a great progress in that

science, and improved no less in the knowledge of divinity by his

private studies. At Bourges he applied to the Greek tongue, under the

direction of professor Wolmar. His father's death having called him back

to Noyon, he stayed there a short time, and then went to Paris, where a

speech of Nicholas Cop, rector of the university of Paris, of which

Calvin furnished the materials, having greatly displeased the Sarbonne

and the parliament, gave rise to a persecution against the protestants,

and Calvin, who narrowly escaped being taken in the college of Forteret,

was forced to retire to Xaintonge, after having had the honour to be

introduced to the queen of Navarre, who had raised this first storm

against the protestants. Calvin returned to Paris in 1534. This year the

reformed met with severe treatment, which determined him to leave

France, after publishing a treatise against those who believe that

departed souls are in a kind of sleep. He retired to Basil, where he

studied Hebrew: at this time he published his Institutions of the

Christian religion; a work well adapted to spread his fame, though he

himself was desirous of living in obscurity. It is dedicated to the

French king, Francis I. Calvin next wrote an apology for the protestants

who were burnt for their religion in France. After the publication of

this work, Calvin went to Italy to pay a visit to the duchess of

Ferrara, a lady of eminent piety, by whom he was very kindly received.

From Italy he came back to France, and having settled his private

affairs, he proposed to go to Strasbourg or Basil, in company with his

sole surviving brother, Antony Calvin; but as the roads were not safe on

account of the war, except through the duke of Savoy's territories, he

chose that road. "This was a particular direction of Providence," says

Bayle; "it was his destiny that he should settle at Geneva, and when he

was wholly intent upon going farther, he found himself detained by an

order from heaven, if I may so speak." At Geneva, Calvin therefore was

obliged to comply with the choice which the consistory and magistrates

made of him, with the consent of the people, to be one of their

ministers, and professor of divinity. He wanted to undertake only this

last office, and not the other; but in the end he was obliged to take

both upon him, in August, 1536. The year following, he made all the

people declare, upon oath, their assent to the confession of faith,

which contained a renunciation of popery. He next intimated, that he

could not submit to a regulation which the canton of Berne had lately

made. Whereupon the syndics of Geneva, summoned an assembly of the

people; and it was ordered that Calvin, Farel, and another minister,

should leave the town in a few days, for refusing to administer the

sacrament.

Calvin retired to Strasbourg, and established a French church in that

city, of which he was the first minister: he was also appointed to be

professor of divinity there. Meanwhile the people of Geneva entreated

him so earnestly to return to them, that at last he consented and

arrived September 13, 1541, to the great satisfaction both of the

people and the magistrates; and the first thing he did, after his

arrival, was to establish a form of church discipline, and a

consistorial jurisdiction, invested with power of inflicting censures

and canonical punishments, as far as excommunication, inclusively.

_Agency of Calvin in the death of Michael Servetus._

It has long been the delight of both infidels and some professed

christians, when they wish to bring odium upon the opinions of Calvin,

to refer to his agency in the death of Michael Servetus. This action is

used on all occasions by those who have been unable to overthrow his

opinions, as a conclusive argument against his whole system. Calvin

burnt Servetus!--Calvin burnt Servetus! is good proof with a certain

class of reasoners, that the doctrine of the Trinity is not true--that

divine sovereignty is anti-scriptural,--and christianity a cheat. We

have no wish to palliate any act of Calvin's which is manifestly wrong.

All his proceedings, in relation to the unhappy affair of Servetus, we

think, cannot be defended. Still it should be remembered that the true

principles of religious toleration were very little understood in the

time of Calvin. All the other reformers then living, approved of

Calvin's conduct. Even the gentle and amiable Melancthon expressed

himself in relation to this affair, in the following manner. In a letter

addressed to Bullinger, he says, "I have read your statement respecting

the blasphemy of Servetus, and praise your piety and judgment; and am

persuaded that the Council of Geneva has done right in putting to death

this obstinate man, who would never have ceased his blasphemies. I am

astonished, that any one can be found to disapprove of this proceeding."

Farel expressly says, that "Servetus deserved a capital punishment."

Bucer did not hesitate to declare, that "Servetus deserved something

worse than death." The truth is, although Calvin had some hand in the

arrest and imprisonment of Servetus, he was unwilling that he should be

burnt at all. "I desire," says he, "that the severity of the punishment

should be remitted." "We endeavoured to commute the kind of death, but

in vain." "By wishing to mitigate the severity of the punishment," says

Farel to Calvin, "you discharge the office of a friend towards your

greatest enemy." "That Calvin was the instigator of the magistrates that

Servetus might be burned," says Turritine, "historians neither any where

affirm, nor does it appear from any considerations. Nay, it is certain,

that he, with the college of pastors, dissuaded from that kind of

punishment."

It has been often asserted, that Calvin possessed so much influence with

the magistrates of Geneva, that he might have obtained the release of

Servetus, had he not been desirous of his destruction. This however, is

not true. So far from it, that Calvin was himself once banished from

Geneva, by these very magistrates, and often opposed their arbitrary

measures in vain. So little desirous was Calvin of procuring the death

of Servetus, that he warned him of his danger and suffered him to

remain several weeks at Geneva, before he was arrested. But his

language, which was then accounted blasphemous, was the cause of his

imprisonment. When in prison, Calvin visited him, and used every

argument to persuade him to retract his horrible blasphemies, without

reference to his peculiar sentiments. This was the extent of Calvin's

agency in this unhappy affair.

It cannot, however, be denied, that in this instance, Calvin acted

contrary to the benignant spirit of the gospel. It is better to drop a

tear over the inconsistency of human nature, and to bewail those

infirmities which cannot be justified. He declares he acted

conscientiously, and publicly justified the act. Cranmer acted the same

part towards the poor Anabaptists in the reign of Edward VI. This

doctrine they had learned at Rome, and it is certain, that, with a very

few exceptions, it was at this time the opinion of all parties. The

author of the Memoirs of Literature says, "If the religion of

protestants depended on the doctrine and conduct of the reformers, he

should take care how he published his account of Servetus; but as the

protestant religion is entirely founded on Holy Scripture, so the

defaults of the reformers ought not to have any ill influence on the

reformation. The doctrine of non-toleration, which obtained to the

sixteenth century, among some protestants, was that pernicious error

which they had imbibed in the Church of Rome; and I believe, I can say,

without doing any injury to that church, that she is, in a great

measure, answerable for the execution of Servetus. If the Roman

catholics had never put any person to death for the sake of religion, I

dare say that Servetus had never been condemned to die in any protestant

city. Let us remember, that Calvin, and all the magistrates of Geneva,

in the year 1553, were born and bred up in the church of Rome: this is

the best apology that can be made for them."--_Biographia Evangelica_,

vol. II. p. 42.

The apostles John and James would have called down fire from heaven;

Calvin and Cranmer kindled it on earth. This, however, is the only fault

alleged against Calvin; but "Let him that is without sin cast the first

stone."

"It ought, however," says a sensible writer, "to be acknowledged that

persecution for religious principles was not at that time peculiar to

any party of christians, but common to all, whenever they were invested

with civil power." It was a detestable error; but it was the error of

the age. They looked upon heresy in the same light as we look upon those

crimes which are inimical to the peace of civil society; and,

accordingly, proceeded to punish heretics by the sword of the civil

magistrate. If Socinians did not persecute their adversaries so much as

Trinitarians, it was because they were not equally invested with the

power of doing so. Mr. Lindsay acknowledges, that Faustus Socinus

himself was not free from persecution in the case of Francis David,

superintendent of the Unitarian churches in Transylvania. David had

disputed with Socinus on the invocation of Christ, and died in prison in

consequence of his opinion, and some offence taken at his supposed

indiscreet propagation of it from the pulpit. "I wish I could say," adds

Mr. Lindsay, "that Socinus, or his friend Blandrata, had done all in

their power to prevent his commitment, or procure his release

afterwards." The difference between Socinus and David was very slight.

They both held Christ to be a mere man. The former, however, was for

praying to him; which the latter, with much greater consistency,

disapproved. Considering this, the persecution to which Socinus was

accessary was as great as that of Calvin; and there is no reason to

think, but that if David had differed as much from Socinus, as Servetus

did from Calvin, and if the civil magistrates had been for burning him,

Socinus would have concurred with them. To this it might be added, that

the conduct of Socinus was marked with disingenuity: in that he

considered the opinion of David in no very heinous point of light; but

was afraid of increasing the odium under which he and his party already

lay, among other Christian churches.

It was the opinion, that _erroneous religious principles are punishable

by the civil magistrate_, that did the mischief, whether at Geneva, in

Transylvania, or in Britain; and to this, rather than to Trinitarianism,

or Unitarianism, it ought to be imputed.

The inflexible rigour with which Calvin asserted, on all occasions, the

rights of his consistory, procured him many enemies: but nothing daunted

him; and one would hardly believe, if there were not unquestionable

proofs of it, that, amidst all the commotions at home, he could take so

much care as he did of the churches abroad, in France, Germany, England,

and Poland, and write so many books and letters. He did more by his pen

than his presence; nevertheless on some occasions, he acted in person,

particularly at Frankfort, in 1556, whither he went to put an end to the

disputes which divided the French church in that city. He was always

employed, having almost constantly his pen in his hand, even when

sickness confined him to his bed; and he continued the discharge of all

those duties, which his zeal for the general good of the churches

imposed on him, till the day of his death, May 27, 1564. He was a man

whom God had endowed with very eminent talents; a clear understanding, a

solid judgment, and a happy memory: he was a judicious, elegant, and

indefatigable writer, and possessed of very extensive learning and a

great zeal for truth. Joseph Scaliger, who was not lavish of his praise,

could not forbear admiring Calvin; none of the commentators, he said,

had so well hit the sense of the prophets; and he particularly commended

him for not attempting to give a comment on the Revelation. We

understand from Guy Patin, that many of the Roman catholics would do

justice to Calvin's merit, if they dared to speak their minds. It must

excite a laugh at those who have been so stupid as to accuse him of

being a lover of wine, good cheer, company, money, &c. Artful slanderers

would have owned that he was sober by constitution, and that he was not

solicitous to heap up riches.

That a men who had acquired so great a reputation and such an authority,

should yet have had but a salary of 100 crowns, and refuse to accept

more; and after living 55 years with the utmost frugality, should leave

but 300 crowns to his heirs, including the value of his library, which

sold very dear, is something so heroical, that one must have lost all

feeling not to admire. When Calvin took his leave of Strasbourg, to

return to Geneva, they wanted to continue to him the privileges of a

freeman of their town, and the revenues of a prebend, which had been

assigned to him; the former he accepted, but absolutely refused the

other. He carried one of the brothers with him to Geneva, but he never

took any pains to get him preferred to an honourable post, as any other

possessed of his credit would have done. He took care indeed of the

honour of his brother's family, by getting him freed from an adultress,

and obtaining leave for him to marry again; but even his enemies relate

that he made him learn the trade of a bookbinder, which he followed all

his life after.

_Calvin as a friend of civil liberty._

The Rev. Dr. Wisner, in his late discourse at Plymouth, on the

anniversary of the landing of the pilgrims, makes the following

assertion:--"Much as the name of Calvin has been scoffed at and loaded

with reproach by many sons of freedom, there is not an historical

proposition more susceptible of complete demonstration than this, that

_no man has lived to whom the world is under greater obligations for the

freedom it now enjoys, than John Calvin_." In a note appended to the

sermon, Dr. Wisner gives the following testimonies, from history, of the

truth of this proposition--testimonies which deserve the more attention,

as they come from Calvin's opposers. We copy the note from the Boston

Recorder.

"It may not be unacceptable to the reader, to add a few particulars in

confirmation of the statement in reference to the influence of Calvin in

forming the opinions and character of the Puritans, and thus

contributing to the discovery and establishment of the principles of

religious and civil liberty.

"The peculiarities of the religious doctrines of the Puritans had an

important influence in producing in them determined and persevering

resistance to arbitrary power, and a successful vindication of their

religious and political rights. The fact is sufficiently illustrated in

the quotation in the sermon from the Edinburg Review. It is admitted by

Hume, and by all, whatever their religious opinions, who have thoroughly

investigated the springs of action in those discoverers, and founders of

religious and civil freedom. But the doctrinal views of the Puritans

were derived from Calvin.

"Their disapprobation of the rites and ceremonies enjoined by the

English government was a prominent means of leading them to the

discovery, and stimulating to the successful vindication of the

principles of religious and civil liberty. And that disapprobation may

be directly traced to the influence of Calvin. With him many of the

leading Puritan divines studied theology, and were taught the importance

of laying aside the whole mass of popish additions to the simplicity of

apostolic worship. When the difficulties arose among the exiles at

Frankfort, in Mary's reign, about the use of King Edward's Liturgy, they

asked advice of Calvin, "who having perused the English Liturgy, took

notice, 'that there were many tolerable weaknesses in it, which, because

at first they could not be amended, were to be suffered; but that it

behooved the learned, grave, and godly ministers of Christ to enterprise

farther, and to set up something more filed from rust, and purer.' 'If

religion,' says he 'had flourished till this day in England, many of

these things would have been corrected. But since the reformation is

overthrown and a church is to be set up in another place where you are

at liberty to establish what order is most for edification, I cannot

tell what they mean, who are so fond of the leavings of popish dregs.'"

When the conformist party had triumphed at Frankfort, they "wrote to Mr.

Calvin to countenance their proceedings; which that great divine could

not do; but after a modest excuse for intermeddling in their affairs,

told them, that, 'in his opinion, they were too much addicted to the

English ceremonies; nor could he see to what purpose it was to burden

the church with such hurtful and offensive things, when there was

liberty to have simple and more pure order.'" The puritan part of the

exiles retired to Geneva, and there prepared and published a service

book, in the dedication of which they say, that "they had set up such an

order as, in the judgment of Mr. Calvin and other learned divines, was

most agreeable to scripture, and the best reformed churches. And when,

subsequently, the important step was taken, by several puritans in and

about London, of breaking off from the established churches and setting

up a separate congregation, they adopted for use, (as they say in their

'agreement' thus to separate) a book and order of preaching,

administration of sacraments and discipline, that the great Mr. Calvin

had approved of, and which was free from the superstitions of the

English service."--_Neal, i. 152, 153, 154, 155, 252._

But most important of all, in its influence on religious and civil

liberty, was the attachment of the puritans to a popular church

government. And of the origin of this system, we have the following

account from 'the judicious Hooker,' prefixed to his famous work on

Ecclesiastical Polity, written expressly against it. "A founder it had,

whom, for mine own part, I think incomparably the wisest man that ever

the French (protestant) church, did enjoy, since the hour it enjoyed

him. His bringing up was in the civil law. Divine knowledge he gathered,

not by hearing or reading, so much as by teaching others. For thousands

were debtors to him, as touching knowledge in that kind, yet he to none,

but only to God, the author of that most blessed fountain the Book of

Life, and of the admirable dexterity of wit, together with the helps of

other learning, which were his guides. Two things of principal moment

there are, which have deservedly procured him honour throughout the

world; the one, his exceeding pains in composing the institutions of the

christian religion; this other, his no less industrious travels for the

exposition of holy scripture, according to the same institutions. In

which two things, whosoever they were that after him bestowed their

labour, he gained the advantage, of prejudice against them if they

gainsayed, and of glory above them if they consented. Of what account

the Master of Sentences was in the church of Rome, the same, and more,

among the preachers of the reformed churches, Calvin had purchased; so

that the perfectest divines were judged they who were skilfulest in

Calvin's writings; his books being almost the very canon to judge both

doctrine and discipline by."

"These statements are confirmed by abundant testimony from writers of

authority who had no good opinion of Calvin or his principles. Says

Hume, (History of England, iii. 57,) "These disputes [about ceremonies,

&c.] which had been started during the reign of Edward, were carried

abroad by the protestants who fled from the persecutions of Mary; and as

the zeal of these men had received an increase from the pious zeal of

their enemies, they were generally inclined to carry their opposition to

the utmost extremity against the practices of the church of Rome. Their

communication with Calvin, and the other reformers who followed the

discipline and worship of Geneva, confirmed them in this obstinate

reluctance; and though some of the refugees, particularly those who were

established at Frankfort, still adhered to king Edward's Liturgy, the

prevailing spirit carried these confessors to seek a still further

reformation."

"The celebrated Dean Swift, in a sermon preached on what tories and high

churchmen in England, have styled, "the martyrdom of king Charles I."

makes the following statements:--Upon the cruel persecution raised

against the protestants under queen Mary, among great numbers who fled

the kingdom to seek for shelter, several went and resided at Geneva,

which is a commonwealth, governed without a king, where the religion

contrived by Calvin is without the order of bishops. When the protestant

faith was restored by queen Elizabeth, those who fled to Geneva

returned, among the rest, home to England, and were grown so fond of the

government and religion of the place they had left, that they used all

possible endeavours to introduce both into their own country; at the

same time continually preaching and railing against ceremonies and

distinct habits of the clergy, taxing whatever they disliked as a

remnant of popery; and continued exceedingly troublesome to the church

and state, under that great queen, as well as her successor, king James

I. These people called themselves puritans, as pretending to a purer

faith than those of the established church. And these were the founders

of our dissenters. They did not think it sufficient to leave all the

errors of popery; but threw off many laudable and edifying institutions

of the primitive church, and at last even the government of bishops,

which, having been ordained by the apostles themselves, had continued

without interruption, in all christian churches, for above fifteen

hundred years. And all this they did, not because those things were

evil, but because they were kept by the papists. From hence they

proceeded, by degrees, to quarrel with the kingly government, because,

as I have already said, the city of Geneva, to which their fathers had

flown for refuge, was a commonwealth, or government of the people."

Having thus stated the foundation and principles of puritanism, the Dean

proceeds with an account of its growth till the breaking out of the

civil war, and concludes the narrative as follows: "That odious

parliament had early turned the bishops out of the House of Lords, in a

few years after they murdered their king; then immediately abolished the

whole House of Lords; and so, at last obtained their wishes of having a

government of the people, and a new religion, both after the manner of

Geneva, without a king, a bishop, or a nobleman; and this they

blasphemously called, 'The kingdom of Christ and His Saints.'"

"In the same way, Dryden traced the origin of republicanism in England,

as appears from his political poem called the _Hind and the Panther_; in

which he characterizes the Romish church under the name of the Hind, the

English church under that of the Panther, and the Presbyterian under

that of the Wolf. In the following extract, the 'kennel' means the city

of Geneva; the 'puddle' its lake, and the 'wall' its rampart.

"The last of all the litter scap'd by chance,

And from Geneva first invested France.

Some authors thus his pedigree will trace;

But others write him of an upstart race,

Because of Wickliffe's brood no mark he brings

_But his innate antipathy to kings._

* * * * *

What though your native kennel still be small,

Bounded betwixt a puddle and a wall?

Yet your victorious colonies are sent,

Where the north ocean girds the continent.

Quicken'd with fire below, your monster's breed,

In fenny Holland, and in fruitful Tweed;

And like the first, the last effects to be

Drawn to the dregs of a _democracy_.

* * * * *

But as the poisons of the deadliest kind

Are to their own unhappy coasts confined,

So Presbyt'ry and pestilential zeal,

_Can only flourish in a_ COMMONWEAL."

_The Life of the Rev. John Fox._

John Fox, was born at Boston, in Lincolnshire, in 1517, where his

parents are stated to have lived in respectable circumstances. He was

deprived of his father at an early age; and notwithstanding his mother

soon married again, he still remained under the parental roof. From an

early display of talents and inclination to learning, his friends were

induced to send him to Oxford, in order to cultivate and bring them to

maturity. During his residence at this place, he was distinguished for

the excellence and acuteness of his intellect, which was improved by the

emulation of his fellow-collegians, united to an indefatigable zeal and

industry on his part. These qualities soon gained him the admiration of

all; and as a reward for his exertions and amiable conduct, he was

chosen fellow of Magdalen college; which was accounted a great honour in

the university, and seldom bestowed unless in cases of great

distinction. It appears that the first display of his genius was in

poetry; and that he composed some Latin comedies, which are still

extant. But he soon directed his thoughts to a more serious subject, the

study of the sacred scriptures: to divinity, indeed, he applied himself

with more fervency than circumspection, and discovered his partiality to

the reformation, which had then commenced, before he was known to its

supporters, or to those who protected them; a circumstance which proved

to him the source of his first troubles.

He is said to have often affirmed, that the first matter which

occasioned his search into the popish doctrine, was, that he saw divers

things, most repugnant in their nature to one another, forced upon men

at the same time; upon this foundation his resolution and intended

obedience to that church were somewhat shaken, and by degrees a dislike

to the rest took place.

His first care was to look into both the ancient and modern history of

the church; to ascertain its beginning and progress; to consider the

causes of all those controversies which in the meantime had sprung up,

and diligently to weigh their effects, solidity, infirmities, &c.

Before he had attained his thirtieth year, he had studied the Greek and

Latin fathers, and other learned authors, the transactions of the

councils, and decrees of the consistories, and had acquired a very

competent skill in the Hebrew language. In these occupations, he

frequently spent a considerable part, or even the whole of the night,

and in order to unbend his mind after such incessant study, he would

resort to a grove near the college, a place much frequented by the

students in the evening, on account of its sequestered gloominess. In

these solitary walks, he has been heard to ejaculate heavy sobs and

sighs, and with tears to pour forth his prayers to God. These nightly

retirements, in the sequel, gave rise to the first suspicion of his

alienation from the church of Rome. Being pressed for an explanation of

this alteration in his conduct, he scorned to call in fiction to his

excuse; he stated his opinions; and was, by the sentence of the college

_convicted, condemned as a heretic, and expelled_.

His friends, upon the report of this circumstance, were highly offended,

and especially his father-in-law, who was now grown altogether

implacable, either through a real hatred conceived against him for this

cause, or pretending himself aggrieved, that he might now, with more

show of justice, or at least with more security, withhold from Mr. Fox

his paternal estate; for he knew it could not be safe for one publicly

hated, and in danger of the law, to seek a remedy for his injustice.

When he was thus forsaken by his own friends, a refuge offered itself in

the house of Sir Thomas Lucy, of Warwickshire, by whom he was sent for

to instruct his children. In this house he afterwards married. But the

fear of the popish inquisitors hastened his departure thence; as they

were not contented to pursue public offences, but began also to dive

into the secrets of private families. He now began to consider what was

best to be done to free himself from further inconvenience, and resolved

either to go to his wife's father or to his father in-law.

His wife's father was a citizen of Coventry, whose heart was not

alienated from him, and he was more likely to be well entreated, for his

daughter's sake. He resolved first to go to him; and, in the meanwhile,

by letters, to try whether his father-in-law would receive him or not.

This he accordingly did, and he received for answer, "that it seemed to

him a hard condition to take one into his house whom he knew to be

guilty and condemned for a capital offence; neither was he ignorant what

hazard he should undergo in so doing; he would, however, show himself a

kinsman, and neglect his own danger." If he would alter his mind, he

might come, on condition to stay as long as he himself desired; but if

he could not be persuaded to that, he must content himself with a

shorter stay, and not bring him and his mother into danger.

No condition was to be refused; besides, he was secretly advised by his

mother to come, and not to fear his father-in-law's severity; "for that,

perchance, it was needful to write as he did, but when occasion should

be offered, he would make recompense for his words with his actions." In

fact he was better received by both of them than he had hoped for.