The chief correspondent at the German headquarters was William Howard

Russell of the _Times_, respecting whom--perhaps because he kept himself

somewhat aloof from his colleagues--a variety of scarcely good-natured

stories were related; mostly designed to show that he somewhat

over-estimated his own importance. One yarn was to the effect that

whenever the Doctor mounted his horse, it was customary for the Crown

Prince of Prussia--afterwards the Emperor Frederick--to hold his stirrup

leather for him. Personally, I can only say that, on my father calling

with me on Russell, he received us very cordially indeed (he had

previously met my father, and had well known my uncle Frank), and that

when we quitted Versailles, as I shall presently relate, he placed his

courier and his private omnibus at our disposal, in after years one of my

cousins, the late Montague Vizetelly, accompanied Russell to South

America. I still have some letters which the latter wrote me respecting

Zola's novel "La Débâcle," in which he took a great interest.

Another war-correspondent at Versailles was the present Earl of Dunraven,

then not quite thirty years of age, and known by the courtesy title of

Lord Adare. He had previously acted as the _Daily Telegraph's_

representative with Napier's expedition against Theodore of Abyssinia, and

was now staying at Versailles, on behalf, I think, of the same journal.

His rooms at the Hôtel des Réservoirs were shared by Daniel Dunglas Home,

the medium, with whom my father and myself speedily became acquainted.

Very tall and slim, with blue eyes and an abundance of yellowish hair,

Home, at this time about thirty-seven years of age, came of the old stock

of the Earls of Home, whose name figures so often in Scottish history. His

father was an illegitimate son of the tenth earl, and his mother belonged

to a family which claimed to possess the gift of "second sight." Home

himself--according to his own account--began to see visions and receive

mysterious warnings at the period of his mother's death, and as time

elapsed his many visitations from the other world so greatly upset the

aunt with whom he was living--a Mrs. McNeill Cook of Greeneville,

Connecticut [He had been taken from Scotland to America when he was about

nine years old.]--that she ended by turning him out-of-doors. Other

people, however, took an unhealthy delight in seeing their furniture

move about without human agency, and in receiving more or less ridiculous

messages from spirit-land; and in folk of this description Home found some

useful friends.

He came to London in the spring of 1855, and on giving a _séance_ at Cox's

Hotel, in Jermyn Street, he contrived to deceive Sir David Brewster (then

seventy-four years old), but was less successful with another

septuagenarian, Lord Brougham. Later, he captured the imaginative Sir

Edward Bulwer (subsequently Lord Lytton), who as author of "Zanoni" was

perhaps fated to believe in him, and he also impressed Mrs. Browning, but

not Browning himself The latter, indeed, depicted Home as "Sludge, the

Medium." Going to Italy for a time, the already notorious adventurer gave

_séances_ in a haunted villa near Florence, but on becoming converted to

the Catholic faith in 1856 he was received in private audience by that

handsome, urbane, but by no means satisfactory pontiff, Pio Nono, who,

however, eight years later caused him to be summarily expelled from Rome

as a sorcerer in league with the Devil.

Meantime, Home had ingratiated himself with a number of crowned heads--

Napoleon III and the Empress Eugénie, in whose presence he gave _séances_

at the Tuileries, Fontainebleau, and Biarritz; the King of Prussia, by

whom he was received at Baden-Baden; and Queen Sophia of Holland, who gave

him hospitality at the Hague. On marrying a Russian lady, the daughter of

General Count de Kroll, he was favoured with presents by the Czar

Alexander II, and after returning to England became one of the

"attractions" of Milner-Gibson's drawing-room--Mrs. Gibson, a daughter of

the Rev. Sir Thomas Gery Cullum, being one of the early English

patronesses of so-called spiritualism, to a faith in which she was

"converted" by Home, whom she first met whilst travelling on the

Continent. I remember hearing no little talk about him in my younger days.

Thackeray's friend, Robert Bell, wrote an article about him in _The

Cornhill_, which was the subject of considerable discussion. Bell, I

think, was also mixed up in the affair of the "Davenport Brothers," one of

whose performances I remember witnessing. They were afterwards effectively

shown up in Paris by Vicomte Alfred de Caston. Home, for his part, was

scarcely taken seriously by the Parisians, and when, at a _séance_ given

in presence of the Empress Eugénie, he blundered grossly and repeatedly

about her father, the Count of Montijo, he received an intimation that his

presence at Court could be dispensed with. He then consoled himself by

going to Peterhof and exhibiting his powers to the Czar.

Certain Scotch and English scientists, such as Dr. Lockhart Robertson, Dr.

Robert Chambers, and Dr. James Manby Gully--the apostle of hydropathy, who

came to grief in the notorious Bravo case--warmly supported Home. So did

Samuel Carter Hall and his wife, William Howitt, and Gerald Massey; and he

ended by establishing a so-called "Spiritual Athenaeum" in Sloane Street.

A wealthy widow of advanced years, a Mrs. Jane Lyon, became a subscriber

to that institution, and, growing infatuated with Home, made him a present

of some £30,000, and settled on him a similar amount to be paid at her

death. But after a year or two she repented of her infatuation, and took

legal proceedings to recover her money. She failed to substantiate some of

her charges, but Vice-Chancellor Giffard, who heard the case, decided it

in her favour, in his judgment describing Home as a needy and designing

man. Home, I should add, was at this time a widower and at loggerheads

with his late wife's relations in Russia, in respect to her property.

Among the arts ascribed to Home was that called levitation, in practising

which he was raised in the air by an unseen and unknown force, and

remained suspended there; this being, so to say, the first step towards

human flying without the assistance of any biplane, monoplane, or other

mechanical contrivance. The first occasion on which Home is said to have

displayed this power was in the late fifties, when he was at a château

near Bordeaux as the guest of the widow of Théodore Ducos, the nephew of

Bonaparte's colleague in the Consulate. In the works put forward on Home's

behalf--one of them, called "Incidents in my Life," was chiefly written,

it appears, by his friend and solicitor, a Mr. W.M. Wilkinson--it is also

asserted that his power of levitation was attested in later years by Lord

Lindsay, subsequently Earl of Crawford and Balcarres, and by the present

Earl of Dunraven. We are told, indeed, that on one occasion the last-named

actually saw Home float out of a room by one window, and into it again by

another one. I do not know whether Home also favoured Professor Crookes

with any exhibition of this kind, but the latter certainly expressed an

opinion that some of Home's feats were genuine.

When my father and I first met him at Versailles he was constantly in the

company of Lord Adare. He claimed to be acting as the correspondent of a

Californian journal, but his chief occupation appeared to be the giving of

_séances_ for the entertainment of all the German princes and princelets

staying at the Hôtel des Réservoirs. Most of these highnesses and

mightinesses formed part of what the Germans themselves sarcastically

called their "Ornamental Staff," and as Moltke seldom allowed them any

real share in the military operations, they doubtless found in Home's

performances some relief from the _taedium vitae_ which overtook them

during their long wait for the capitulation of Paris. Now that Metz had

fallen, that was the chief question which occupied the minds of all the

Germans assembled at Versailles, [Note] and Home was called upon to

foretell when it would take place. On certain occasions, I believe, he

evoked the spirits of Frederick the Great, Napoleon, Blücher, and others,

in order to obtain from them an accurate forecast. At another time he

endeavoured to peer into the future by means of crystal-gazing, in which

he required the help of a little child. "My experiments have not

succeeded," he said one day, while we were sitting with him at the café

near the Hôtel des Réservoirs; "but that is not my fault. I need an

absolutely pure-minded child, and can find none here, for this French race

is corrupt from its very infancy." He was fasting at this time, taking

apparently nothing but a little _eau sucrée_ for several days at a

stretch. "The spirits will not move me unless I do this," he said. "To

bring them to me, I have to contend against the material part of my

nature."

[Note: The Germans regarded it as the more urgent at the time of my

arrival at Versailles, as only a few data previously (November 9), the new

French Army of the Loire under D'Aurelle de Paladines had defeated the

Bavarians at Coulmiers, and thereby again secured possession of Orleans.]

A couple of years later, after another visit to St. Petersburg, where,

it seems, he was again well received by the Czar and again married a lady

of the Russian nobility, Home's health began to fail him, perhaps on

account of the semi-starvation to which at intervals he subjected himself.

I saw him occasionally during his last years, when, living at Auteuil, he

was almost a neighbour of mine. He died there in 1886, being then about

fifty-three years old. Personally, I never placed faith in him. I regarded

him at the outset with great curiosity, but some time before the war

I had read a good deal about Cagliostro, Saint Germain, Mesmer, and

other charlatans, also attending a lecture about them at the Salle des

Conferences; and all that, combined with the exposure of the Davenport

Brothers and other spiritualists and illusionists, helped to prejudice me

against such a man as Home. At the same time, this so-called "wizard of

the nineteenth century" was certainly a curious personality, possessed, I

presume, of considerable suggestive powers, which at times enabled him to

make others believe as he desired. We ought to have had Charcot's opinion

of his case.

As it had taken my father and myself three days to reach Versailles from

Paris, and we could not tell what other unpleasant experiences the future

might hold in store for us, our pecuniary position gave rise to some

concern. I mentioned previously that we quitted the capital with

comparatively little money, and it now seemed as if our journey might

become a long and somewhat costly affair, particularly as the German staff

wished to send us off through Northern France and thence by way of

Belgium. On consulting Landells, Skinner, and some other correspondents,

it appeared that several days might elapse before we could obtain

remittances from England. On the other hand, every correspondent clung to

such money as he had in his possession, for living was very expensive at

Versailles, and at any moment some emergency might arise necessitating an

unexpected outlay. It was suggested, however, that we should apply to

Colonel Beauchamp Walker, who was the official British representative with

the German headquarters' staff, for, we were told, Parliament, in its

generosity, had voted a sum of £4000 to assist any needy British subjects

who might come out of Paris, and Colonel Walker had the handling of the

money in question.

Naturally enough, my father began by demurring to this suggestion, saying

that he could not apply _in formâ pauperis_ for charity. But it was

pointed out that he need do no such thing. "Go to Walker," it was said,

"explain your difficulty, and offer him a note of hand or a draft on the

_Illustrated_, and if desired half a dozen of us will back it." Some such

plan having been decided on, we called upon Colonel Walker on the second

or third day of our stay at Versailles.

His full name was Charles Pyndar Beauchamp Walker. Born in 1817, he had

seen no little service. He had acted as an _aide-de-camp_ to Lord Lucan in

the Crimea, afterwards becoming Lieutenant-Colonel of the 2nd Dragoon

Guards. He was in India during the final operations for the suppression of

the Mutiny, and subsequently in China during the Franco-British expedition

to that country. During the Austro-Prussian war of 1866 he was attached as

British Commissioner to the forces of the Crown Prince of Prussia, and

witnessed the battle of Königgratz. He served in the same capacity during

the Franco-German War, when he was at Weissenburg, Wörth, and Sedan. In

later years he became a major-general, a lieutenant-general, a K.C.B., and

Colonel of the 2nd Dragoon Guards; and from 1878 until his retirement in

1884 he acted as Inspector General of military education. I have set out

those facts because I have no desire to minimise Walker's services and

abilities. But I cannot help smiling at a sentence which I found in the

account of him given in the "Dictionary of National Biography." It refers

to his duties during the Franco-German War, and runs as follows: "The

irritation of the Germans against England, and the number of roving

Englishmen, made his duty not an easy one, but he was well qualified for

it by his tact and geniality, and his action met with the full approval of

the Government."

The Government in question would have approved anything. But let that

pass. We called on the colonel at about half-past eleven in the morning,

and were shown into a large and comfortably furnished room, where

decanters and cigars were prominently displayed on a central table. In ten

minutes' time the colonel appeared, arrayed in a beautiful figured

dressing-gown with a tasselled girdle. I knew that the British officer was

fond of discarding his uniform, and I was well aware that French officers

also did so when on furlough in Paris, but it gave my young mind quite a

shock to see her Majesty's military representative with King William

arrayed in a gaudy dressing-gown in the middle of the day. He seated

himself, and querulously inquired of my father what his business was. It

was told him very briefly. He frowned, hummed, hawed, threw himself back

in his armchair, and curtly exclaimed, "I am not a money-lender!"

The fact that the _Illustrated London News_ was the world's premier

journal of its class went for nothing. The offers of the other

correspondents of the English Press to back my father's signature were

dismissed with disdain. When the colonel was reminded that he held a

considerable amount of money voted by Parliament, he retorted: "That is

for necessitous persons! But you ask me to _lend_ you money!" "Quite so,"

my father replied; "I do not wish to be a charge on the Treasury. I simply

want a loan, as I have a difficult and perhaps an expensive journey before

me." "How much do you want?" snapped the colonel. "Well," said my father,

"I should feel more comfortable if I had a thousand francs (£40) in my

pocket." "Forty pounds!" cried Colonel Walker, as if lost in amazement.

And getting up from his chair he went on, in the most theatrical manner

possible: "Why, do you know, sir, that if I were to let you have forty

pounds, I might find myself in the greatest possible difficulty.

To-morrow--perhaps, even to-night--there might be hundreds of our

suffering fellow-countrymen outside the gates of Versailles, and I unable

to relieve them!" "But," said my father quietly, "you would still be

holding £3960, Colonel Walker." The colonel glared, and my father, not

caring to prolong such an interview, walked out of the room, followed by

myself.

A good many of the poorer people who quitted Paris with us never repaired

to Versailles at all, but left us at Corbeil or elsewhere to make their

way across France as best they could. Another party, about one hundred

strong, was, however, subsequently sent out of the capital with the

assistance of Mr. Washburne, and in their case Colonel Walker had to

expend some money. But every grant was a very niggardly one, and it would

not surprise me to learn that the bulk of the money voted by Parliament

was ultimately returned to the Treasury--which circumstance would probably

account for the "full approval" which the Government bestowed on the

colonel's conduct at this period. He died early in 1894, and soon

afterwards some of his correspondence was published in a volume entitled

"Days of a Soldier's Life." On reading a review of that work in one of the

leading literary journals, I was struck by a passage in which Walker was

described as a disappointed and embittered man, who always felt that his

merits were not sufficiently recognized, although he was given a

knighthood and retired with the honorary rank of general. I presume

that his ambition was at least a viscounty, if not an earldom, and a

field-marshal's _bâton_.

On leaving the gentleman whose "tact and geniality" are commemorated in

the "Dictionary of National Biography," we repaired--my father and I--to

the café where most of the English newspaper men met. Several were there,

and my father was at once assailed with inquiries respecting his interview

with Colonel Walker. His account of it led to some laughter and a variety

of comments, which would scarcely have improved the colonel's temper. I

remember, however, that Captain, afterwards Colonel Sir, Henry Hozier, the

author of "The Seven Weeks' War," smiled quietly, but otherwise kept his

own counsel. At last my father was asked what he intended to do under the

circumstances, and he replied that he meant to communicate with England as

speedily as possible, and remain in the interval at Versailles, although

he particularly wished to get away.

Now, it happened that among the customers at the café there were two

American officers, one being Brigadier-General Duff, a brother of Andrew

Halliday, the dramatic author and essayist, whose real patronymic was also

Duff. My father knew Halliday through their mutual friends Henry Mayhew

and the Broughs. The other American officer was Major-General William

Babcook Hazen, whose name will be found occasionally mentioned in that

popular record of President Garfield's career, "From Log Cabin to White

House." During the Civil War in the United States he had commanded a

division in Sherman's march to the sea. He also introduced the cold-wave

signal system into the American army, and in 1870-71 he was following the

operations of the Germans on behalf of his Government.

I do not remember whether General Duff (who, I have been told, is still

alive) was also at Versailles in an official capacity, but in the course

of conversation he heard of my father's interview with Colonel Walker, and

spoke to General Hazen on the subject. Hazen did not hesitate, but came to

my father, had a brief chat with him, unbuttoned his uniform, produced a

case containing bank-notes, and asked my father how much he wanted,

telling him not to pinch himself. The whole transaction was completed in a

few minutes. My father was unwilling to take quite as much as he had asked

of Colonel Walker, but General Hazen handed him some £20 or £30 in notes,

one or two of which were afterwards changed, for a handsome consideration,

by one of the German Jews who then infested Versailles and profited by the

scarcity of gold. We were indebted, then, on two occasions to the

representatives of the United States. The _laisser-passer_ enabling us to

leave Paris had been supplied by Mr. Washburne, and the means of

continuing our journey in comfort were furnished by General Hazen. I raise

my hat to the memory of both those gentlemen.

During the few days that we remained at Versailles, we caught glimpses of

King William and Bismarck, both of whom we had previously seen in Paris in

1867, when they were the guests of Napoleon III. I find in my diary a

memorandum, dictated perhaps by my father: "Bismarck much fatter and

bloated." We saw him one day leaving the Prefecture, where the King had

his quarters. He stood for a moment outside, chatting and laughing noisily

with some other German personages, then strode away with a companion. He

was only fifty-five years old, and was full of vigour at that time, even

though he might have put on flesh during recent years, and therefore have

renounced dancing--his last partner in the waltz having been Mme. Carette,

the Empress Eugénie's reader, whom he led out at one of the '67 balls at

the Tuileries. Very hale and hearty, too, looked the King whom Bismarck

was about to turn into an Emperor. Yet the victor of Sedan was already

seventy-three years old. I only saw him on horseback during my stay at

Versailles. My recollections of him, Bismarck, and Moltke, belong more

particularly to the year 1872, when I was in Berlin in connexion with the

famous meeting of the three Emperors.

My father and myself had kept in touch with Mr. Wodehouse, from whom we

learnt that we should have to apply to the German General commanding

at Versailles with respect to any further safe-conducts. At first we were

informed that there could be no departure from the plan of sending us out

of France by way of Epernay, Reims, and Sedan, and this by no means

coincided with the desires of most of the Englishmen who had come out of

Paris, they wishing to proceed westward, and secure a passage across the

Channel from Le Hâvre or Dieppe. My father and myself also wanted to go

westward, but in order to make our way into Brittany, my stepmother and

her children being at Saint Servan, near Saint Malo. At last the German

authorities decided to give us the alternative routes of Mantes and Dreux,

the first-named being the preferable one for those people who were bound

for England. It was chosen also by my father, as the Dreux route would

have led us into a region where hostilities were in progress, and where we

might suddenly have found ourselves "held up."

The entire party of British refugees was now limited to fifteen or sixteen

persons, some, tired of waiting, having taken themselves off by the Sedan

route, whilst a few others--such as coachmen and grooms--on securing

employment from German princes and generals, resolved to stay at

Versailles. Mr. Wodehouse also remained there for a short time. Previously

in poor health, he had further contracted a chill during our three days'

drive in an open vehicle. As most of those who were going on to England at

once now found themselves almost insolvent, it was arranged to pay their

expenses through the German lines, and to give each of them a sum of fifty

shillings, so that they might make their way Channelwards when they had

reached an uninvaded part of France. Colonel Walker, of course, parted

with as little money as possible.

At Versailles it was absolutely impossible to hire vehicles to take us as

far as Mantes, but we were assured that conveyances might be procured at

Saint Germain-en-Laye; and it was thus that Dr. Russell lent my father his

little omnibus for the journey to the last-named town, at the same time

sending his courier to assist in making further arrangements. I do not

recollect that courier's nationality, but he spoke English, French, and

German, and his services were extremely useful. We drove to Saint Germain

by way of Rocquencourt, where we found a number of country-folk gathered

by the roadside with little stalls, at which they sold wine and fruit to

the German soldiers. This part of the environs of Paris seemed to have

suffered less than the eastern and southern districts. So far, there had

been only one sortie on this side--that made by Ducrot in the direction of

La Malmaison. It had, however, momentarily alarmed the investing forces,

and whilst we were at Versailles I learnt that, on the day in question,

everything had been got ready for King William's removal to Saint Germain

in the event of the French achieving a real success. But it proved to be a

small affair, Ducrot's force being altogether incommensurate with the

effort required of it.

My Days of Adventure The Fall of France, 1870-71 · 第 13 / 23 段