CHAPTER IX

THE hyphen editorial spent the following morning on the hook. Its

author gave it an affectionate and yearning glance as he passed early

to his desk to touch up his substitute leader on the State Council of

Defense. Once fully determined upon the casting of his verbal bomb, he

was eager for the explosion and the resultant battle which should end

the armed truce. But, as Andrew Galpin had said, fair play demanded that

he hold off now, lest he hamper the development of the Governor’s new

plan. Any time was suitable for his challenge. Meanwhile copies of

it from the stolen galleys had been circulated among the elect of

Deutschtum, and a synopsis taken to Governor Embree. He had bidden his

informants not to worry. There would be no occasion for the publication

of that screed. A plan was already completed which would take care

of Mr. Robson. It was observed that the Governor looked weary but

optimistic.

Short though the notice had been, the invited conferees responded to

the official call for a meeting upon the State Council of Defense

plan, almost unanimously. It was a curiously assorted gathering that

surrounded the long table in the council room, when Jeremy Robson

arrived, a trifle late from his work of re-casting the day’s page. That

it was broadly representative was beyond denial. Yet as the newcomer

reckoned it up, he felt a more than vague uneasiness.

Appropriating the nearest vacant chair he found himself between a

down-state lawyer and politician named Lerch on one side, and Cassius

Kimball, of The Bellair Journal, on the other. Next to Kimball sat State

Senator Bredle from Embree’s county, beyond him a lake-district dairyman

of indeterminate political sympathies, and then Gordon Fliess, of

the Fliess Brewing Company, the Lieutenant-Governor, an imposing and

obsequious puppet of the Governor’s, and Ernst Bauer of the Marlittstown

Herold und Zeitung. Bunched at the upper end of the table were an

ill-assorted trio of The Guardian’s enemies, Montrose Clark, Judge Dana,

and that anomaly of Teutonic type-reversion, Robert Wanser, grandson of

the Young Germany of ’48.

In the other direction, the prospect was no less puzzling nor more

reassuring. Half a dozen men from the Southern Tier, a section

unfamiliar to Jeremy, suggested a predominance of the Swedish type,

which, in Centralia, meant anti-war sentiment. Concerning the next

figure, tall, plethoric, ceremonially garbed, there was at least

no uncertainty. Emil Bausch’s local letter-writing bureau of German

propaganda was at that moment represented in The Guardian’s

waste-basket by half a dozen grossly pro-German and subtly anti-American

communications to the editor. Bausch had for neighbor that fire-eating

Seminarian, the Reverend Theo Gunst, next to whom, in turn, sat Arthur

Betts, of Kelter & Betts, looking uncomfortable but flattered. Milliken,

presumptively representing the Socialist element, flanked him on the far

side with Girdner, appearing for Labor, on his left.

But when Jeremy’s anxious glance finally reached the Governor’s high

chair he breathed a temporary sigh of relief. In the place of honor, on

the right of the gubernatorial smile, sat Magnus Laurens. Surely that

indicated an acceptance by Embree of Jeremy’s argument; Laurens was to

be appointed chairman of the council, after all. The Governor’s left was

occupied by Ensign, the millionaire absentee owner of The Record. In a

less crowded moment Jeremy would have given some thought to this curious

preferment. Directly across the table from the central group there

protruded loftily from between a pursy judge and a northwestern

corn-raiser, a figure tall, stiff, and meager, a lean, hard-wood lath of

a man lost in the dim, untroubled contemplation of an awful example of

political portraiture on the far wall. Why Professor Rappelje should

have been included, Jeremy could not surmise, unless it was that

Governor Embree could count upon him as an unquestioning follower

through thick and thin. In fact the whole composition of the meeting

suggested that the summons had been apportioned with a view to safe

control by the Governor.

To the watchful Jeremy it seemed that Governor Embree was nervous. The

smile at the corners of the conciliatory lips was disturbed by a restless

twitching. After an anxiously calculating glance over the assemblage he

began to read from a typed sheet a preamble, concluding: “Therefore, I

present for the consideration of this honorable body the following names

to constitute the Centralia State Council of Defense.”

The first nomination fell upon Jeremy’s ears like a burst of thunder. It

was that of Emil Bausch, chairman.

The second nomination fell upon his brain like a bludgeon. It was that

of Jeremy Robson, vice-chairman.

From down the table he caught the confirmatory sneer of Montrose Clark.

His eyes darted to Magnus Laurens, squarest and most honorable of

enemies, and met in his face a wrathful contempt. Cassius Kimball leaned

to him and whispered:

“First you knew of it?”

“Yes.”

“He’s put it over on you.”

Jeremy sat in a daze. His mind was confused by the suddenness of the

thrust; his will was blurred. Instinctively he felt that he must do

something. But what? Protest? Decline to serve? Announce his attitude?

And already his time was past! The monotonous, fateful reading had gone

beyond him.

Wanser and Fliess, Kimball, Laurens, ex-Governor Scudder, Montrose Clark,

the Reverend Theo Gunst, Lieutenant-Governor Maxwell, Ensign, Bredle,

Girdner, Ivanson, the Swede, and so on with the German and pacifist

element always slightly but safely in the majority. Not a word was

spoken, except once when in a brief breathing-pause some one shot out,

like an arrow through the tense quiet, the contemptuous monosyllable:

“Packed!”

Jeremy thought that he identified the voice as that of Judge Selden

Dana. Then the reader pronounced the name of Professor Harvey Rappelje.

“Wait!” said that gentleman.

“Order! Order!” protested Wanser and Bausch with suspicious readiness.

“I am in order,” retorted the economist, rising in his place to confront

the Governor opposite.

The Governor smiled, but thrust out a nervous tongue and licked the

corners of the smile. The professor’s face was as set and still as

a frozen river, and much the same color. Embree, motioning with a

placating hand for silence, resumed: “The Honorable Carter N. Rock--”

“Wait!” The scholar’s keener voice cut off the reading. “I rise to a

point of order, sir.”

“State the point.”

“Governor Embree, is that your honest conception of a council to fight

this war?”

“Out of order!” cried Bausch again, and was reinforced by Girdner,

Fliess, and others. “Who said fight?”

“We are not making war.”

“Keep to the point.”

“Discussion is not in order.”

“Sit down.”

But the hard challenge of the professor’s glare compelled the Governor.

“It is my carefully considered selection,” said he with a suggestion of

sulkiness.

There leapt from Rappelje’s lips a blasting oath. From any mouth in that

environment it would have been startling. From the lean dry, silent,

repressed scholar it had something of the shock of nature’s forces in

outbreak. Not less appalling was the single word to follow:

“Treason!”

Embree’s smile did not fade; but it shriveled into a masklike grimace,

the rictus of a child before the convulsion racks it.

“You--you will retract--” he began chokingly.

Two astounding tears welled from the scholar’s pale eyes, tears of a

still man’s uttermost fury.

“I will demonstrate to you,” said he precisely, “what it is to fight.”

He launched himself across the table at the Governor’s throat.

The steel-framed Laurens seized and forced him back; but not before

Embree had collapsed into his chair. From his place, up the table,

the Lieutenant-Governor, quite beside himself, squealed for a totally

imaginary sergeant-at-arms. The corn-belt farmer, in thunderous tones

with a wailing inflection besought any and all not to forget that they

were gentlemen. Girdner, huge and formidable, had jumped to his feet.

The white-haired, alert Milliken caught up a heavy paper-weight. Bausch

was solemnly, almost sacrificially taking off his coat. A medley of

voices demanded “Order!”

“Throw him out!”

“Arrest him!” There were all the elements of a lively and scandalous

mêlée, waiting only the fusing act.

Laurens checked it with one sufficient threat. Brandishing the

weighty official gavel of lignum vitæ, he stood, a modern Thor, in

the unconscious pose and with the menace of the Berseker, and, in a

full-throated bellow proclaimed:

“I’ll brain the first man that strikes a blow.”

Before that intimidation they dropped into their chairs. There was a

ripple of the shamed and foolish laughter of self-realization as the

strain eased. The warrior-scholar’s neighbors, who had been holding him

in his chair, felt his limbs relax, and mistakenly thinking his effort

spent, released him. Instantly he rose.

“I apologize to this honorable body,” he said with quiet courtesy, “and

to the State of Centralia as represented by its chief executive. And, as

a question of privilege preliminary to my resignation, I ask whether the

list as read is to stand.”

“I will not submit to be bulldozed or intimidated,” declared the

Governor huskily.

“The list stands?” persisted the other.

“It stands, subject to the approval of this body.”

“Doubtless you can carry it,” conceded the objector, ranging the

assemblage with his clear and contemptuous glance.

“Vote,” piped up an uncertain and tentative voice.

“But you would be well advised not to make the attempt.”

Martin Embree conceived that the proper course now was to ignore this

unforeseen assailant of his plan. “I will proceed with the reading,” he

announced.

“I beg your pardon,” said the relentless and polite voice. “One moment.

You will have until this evening to withdraw your list.”

“And vot then? Vot then?” broke in Emil Bausch, thrusting upward a

truculent face.

“Do you want civil war in this State?” challenged Fliess.

“If necessary,” retorted Rappelje, and stared him down with a steady and

intolerable eye. He turned again to the Governor. “Unless that list is

withdrawn before night, Martin Embree,” said he solemnly, “so help me

the God of my country, I will raise the University and hang you to the

highest tree on the campus.”

[Illustration: 0351]

He made a stiff, formal, absurd little jerk of a bow and marched from

the room.

“By gosh! He’s the boy could do it,” confirmed Milliken in an

unexpectedly cheerful chirp.

“Finish the reading,” said somebody weakly.

“Vote! Vote!” came a mutter of several voices.

No vote was taken. Under the corroding acid of the professor’s passion

the fabric of that meeting’s purpose dissolved. The session did not

adjourn. It disintegrated. Jeremy Robson stood irresolute as the groups

edged past him.

“Congratulations, Mr. Vice-Chairman,” purred Montrose Clark. It was the

first time since the interview about the note that he had conceded the

fact of the editor’s existence.

“Bad politics, my boy! Bad politics!” said Judge Dana, his head wagging

with reprehension, but a malicious twinkle in his somnolent eyes.

Cassius Kimball set a friendly hand on Jeremy’s shoulder. “Pretty shrewd

of old Martin, eh?” he observed. “But we can square that, among us. Let

me know what you want The Journal to do.”

Jeremy nodded his gratitude, but did not move. Laurens was the man he

wanted to see, to set himself right before. Moreover, with him as leader

a counter-stroke could be planned to bring Embree to his senses. The

viking form strode toward him.

“Mr. Laurens,” began Jeremy, “I want--”

“Stand out of my way!” warned the magnate, and swerving not an inch

from his stride, he jostled the other aside. But for Kimball’s quick

interposition Jeremy’s fury would have launched him upon the insulter.

“Steady!” soothed that experienced diplomat. “You come outside with me,

and cool off.”

“No,” said Jeremy, mastering himself. “I’ve got to wait. I’ve got to see

the Governor.”

“But has he got to see you?” inquired the other suggestively.

“He has,” said Jeremy with grim positiveness. Governor Embree had

closeted himself with Wanser, Bausch, and Fliess. He sent out word that

he would see Mr. Robson in half an hour.

Jeremy telephoned to Andrew Galpin to hold the editorial page make-up

open. He strolled to the window and got an unpleasant shock. Montrose

Clark, Judge Dana, and Nicholas Milliken were standing in earnest

conference, near one of the park benches. The Socialist, the public

utilitarian grafter, and the legal manipulator! It came back to Jeremy’s

mind that, according to Galpin, there was a leak of information from The

Guardian office to the Fenchester Public Utilities Corporation. Milliken

was perhaps the go-between, unlikely though such an association might

seem, at first thought. He would speak to Galpin about it. Meantime he

had another editorial to outline, and set about it, seated at the table

across which the first real action of the war in Centralia had just been

fought to an indeterminate result.

A buzz of guttural voices inside the door interrupted him. Glancing at

the clock he was astonished to see that it marked twenty minutes of one.

The half-hour had grown into more than an hour. An inner door opened and

the waiting man heard Smiling Mart Embree’s weary but clear-toned “That

can wait, gentlemen.” The Germans passed Jeremy, Wanser giving him

a civil word and Bausch nodding sardonically, as one might to a

none-too-welcome accomplice by compulsion.

“Come in, Jem,” summoned the Governor, and the editor of The Guardian

advanced to confront his longtime friend, aide, and ally.

Common Cause: A Novel of the War in America · 第 9 / 22 章