WORDS occasionally take epidemic form. Such was the course of the word
“hyphen” through the United States in the year 1916, with its alternate
phases, “hyphenate” and “hyphenated.” Centralia, however, established
a quarantine against the terms. They were checked at the borders of the
State. Where they did creep in and break out into print, it was but a
sporadic appearance, the references being both cautious and resentful
that such a characterization should be allowed to the license of an
unbridled Eastern press. None was willing to admit that the hyphen could
be an issue in the future.
It fell to The Guardian to make the first use of “hyphenate” as a term
carrying a suggestion of reproach. Quite casually, indeed carelessly,
it was written in a sentence of no special import in one of Jeremy’s
editorials. Where bolder and more direct offense might have passed with
no more than the usual retaliation, this by-word was seized upon by the
enemy. It came in the more pat in that, since Jeremy’s talk with Miss
Pritchard, The Guardian had assumed a more positive tone upon war
issues. Now the hyphenated press again fell upon him tooth and nail. The
Marlittstown Herold und Zeitung sounded the keynote in declaring
that The Guardian, not content with playing England’s game and
misrepresenting Germany’s part in the war, had now descended to calling
the loyal German-Americans foul names. “Hyphenate” did n’t seem to
Jeremy a very villainously foul name. He was much inclined to dismiss
the whole thing from mind as a petty excuse for renewed hostilities, had
not the flood of letters in his mail apprised him that the chance word
had been salt upon the raw surfaces of the Teutonic skin. Selecting
a typical letter, he replied to it in a moderate and good-tempered
editorial, pointing out that in the hyphen itself was no harm; but that
essentially the Nation had a right to expect every German-American,
Irish-American, Swedish-American, or other adoptive citizen, to consider
the interests of this country as paramount in any crisis. Far from
soothing the exacerbated press, this seemed rather to inflame them.
Their principles were not clear (other than that they were not to be
“dictated to” by Jeremy or any one else), but their temper was. That one
misstep had landed The Guardian in a hornet’s nest.
Just about the time when the buzzing and whirring were the loudest,
Judge Selden Dana called to see Jeremy, and requested the favor of half
an hour’s uninterrupted conference upon a subject of importance. When
the long-jawed, sleepy-eyed, crafty-spoken lawyer settled down to his
topic, it manifested itself as the imminent fight in the Legislature
over the public utilities bills. On behalf of certain clients, Judge
Dana would be pleased to know what attitude The Guardian might be
expected to assume.
“Don’t you read The Guardian, Judge?” inquired its editor.
“Always. I may add, carefully.”
“Then do you have to ask where we stand?”
“Circumstances change, Mr. Robson. Conditions also. Sometimes opinions.”
“Changed circumstances or conditions might alter The Guardian’s
opinions. Is that the idea?”
“I suppose that The Guardian’s circumstances are changed,” murmured the
lawyer.
Jeremy’s easy smile vanished. “The Guardian is able to take care of
itself.”
“Up to a point. That I will concede. But, all things considered, would
not the paper do well to make some friends now, instead of enemies?”
“That depends on the price to be paid.”
“Small. Ridiculously small.” Judge Dana spread out a pair of candid
hands. “Mr. Robson, I’m not going to ask that The Guardian oppose the
Corporation Control Bill when it comes up.”
“Indeed!”
“Nor that you’ll support the Blanket Franchise Bill.”
“I appreciate your forbearance.”
“But The Guardian has professed a profound regard for neutrality.”
“As to the war only.”
“Neutrality,” repeated the lawyer, “as to the war. Whether you
have practiced what you preach is another matter. Some of our most
influential citizens and business men--_and_ business men--appear
to think not. I don’t know,” he continued with intent, “whether The
Guardian’s note for a considerable amount--say, well, twenty thousand
dollars--would be considered safe today by the best of our local banks.
I say, I don’t know.”
“There’s very little you don’t know, isn’t there, Judge?” retorted the
editor evenly.
“I try to keep informed; I try to keep informed.” The long jaw relaxed
a trifle. “Now, Mr. Robson, a reasonable neutrality as to these pending
measures would be greatly appreciated by us.”
“Appreciation is a vague sort of thing.”
“Don’t think you’re going to trap me, young man,” warned the visitor
keenly. “I’m not here to make offers. Every man may have his price, but
I don’t happen to be fool enough to think that I know yours or could pay
it if I did. I want to appeal to your sense of fairness.”
Jeremy laughed, not unpleasantly. “Don’t scare me, Judge.”
“No. This is plain talk. The P.-U. intends to open up soon its extensive
educational campaign of advertising, to instruct the public on these new
issues.”
“Through the newspapers?”
“Through the newspapers. Would The Guardian refuse that advertising?”
“I don’t see any reason why it should.”
“Very good. Would it accept the advertising and take our money in
payment for value received, and then turn about and destroy all the
value to us by attacking our arguments editorially?”
“Very ingenious,” smiled Jeremy. “But we’ve been over that before, have
n’t we?”
“Not ingenious. Simple fairness. Is n’t it?”
“Maybe it is.”
“Then--”
“Then it’s quite plain that we can’t take your ads. In other words,
Judge Dana, you can’t buy our editorial opinions.”
“See, now, how you divert my meaning,” reproached the lawyer. “I’ve
distinctly said that all we expected in The Guardian is neutrality.”
“You can’t buy our silence, either,”
“What’ll you take for The Guardian?” asked the lawyer abruptly.
“The Guardian’s not for sale.”
“It will be before the year’s end.”
“As a prophet you don’t qualify, Judge.”
“As a man who knows what is going on, I do. Figure out what the loss
of the P.-U. advertising will cost you; the present advertising and the
coming campaign. Figure on top of that the other railroad advertising
affected by this strike bill of Embree’s. Add what you’re losing every
day by your war-policy. Then figure out where you’re going to get your
next loan. After that, come and see me. Delighted to have you call at
any time. Good-bye.”
“Now, I wonder how much of that is bluff,” Jeremy communed with himself,
after his caller had left.
He had not long to wonder. The P.-U. contract was cancelled on
the following day: a sure sixteen hundred dollars and a potential
twenty-five hundred dollars a year. On top of that every railroad
company advertising in The Guardian gave notice of withdrawal.
At least four thousand dollars more, gone. True, Jeremy might have
brought suit, but the contracts were so loosely drawn that the issue
would have been doubtful. As if by a preconcerted signal, various
concerns in Bellair and the other large cities, which had been
consistent patrons of The Guardian for years, dropped out. One chum
manufacturing company was quite frank as to the reason. So much
criticism had poured in from the German farmers, against The Guardian
and any one supporting it, that the concern deemed it wise to remove the
cause of offense. Jeremy pondered upon the probability that the P.-U.,
represented for political reasons in the Deutscher Club by Judge Dana,
was working with the hyphenate element to down the paper. He foresaw
that he would need all his resources, editorial and financial, to
weather the storm. No hope, for the present, of paying off that
twenty-thou-sand-dollar note at the Drovers’ Bank. Upon the heels of the
thought, he recalled Dana’s innuendo.
He went at once to the bank and asked for the president, Mr. Warrington.
Mr. Warrington was gently regretful, but could not see his way to renew
the note. No, not even for half the amount. Money was in great demand.
Newspaper security was proverbially unstable. Finally: “One of our
directors who is in a position to be informed strongly advises against
continuing the loan.” Knowing beforehand what name he should find,
Jeremy looked up a list of the directors. There it was, “Montrose Clark,
President Fenchester Public Utilities Corporation.”
Pride, an excellent quality in an editor, is no asset to a borrower.
Swallowing his, Jeremy made a pilgrimage of mortification to the
offices of the P.-U. Corporation, where he presented to Garson, the
hand-perfected secretary, his application to see Mr. Montrose Clark.
Garson, discreetly and condescendingly smiling from above the carnation
in his curvy black coat, said that he would see if it could be arranged.
Thereafter Jeremy had leisure to do more swallowing, for he was kept
waiting a humiliating and purposeful hour. Admitted, at length, to the
presence, he went at once to the point.
“Mr. Clark, it is going to be very inconvenient not to have The Guardian
note renewed.”
The president of the P.-U. was no foe to time-saving directness. “It
would be very inconvenient for us to have The Guardian misrepresenting
the new franchise plan.”
“That’s not a franchise. It’s a Hudson’s Bay Company charter. It would
give you the right to do anything from conducting a revival to raising
beans on the right of way. It is n’t even constitutional.”
“Lesser legal authorities than yourself venture to dissent,” returned
the other, sardonically. “Such as Judge Dana.”
“He’s paid to.”
“As you are paid for your partisanship, in circulation among
sensation-seekers, and in the favors of that blatherskite, Embree.”
“The Guardian stands by the Governor in this fight.”
“Go to him for your loan, then.”
“Am I to understand that unless I play the corporation game here, the
banks are closed to me?”
“Not from anything I have said.”
“_Said_: no. It’s pretty plain what you mean. Well, the plant is good
security. I can get money from the Chicago banks.”
“Probably not,” was the quiet retort.
It fell upon Jeremy’s consciousness, with chill foreboding, that this
might be true. Little though he knew of banking, he guessed that any
large, out-of-town banks would take counsel of the local institutions
before making a loan. What information would thus be elicited would
hardly be favorable. He rose.
“All right, Mr. Clark. If you ‘re going to fight that way, it can’t be
helped. The Guardian is n’t going to back down. We’ll fight you on
your own terms, to a finish.” The red face of the local great man grew
redder. “With this difference, that we’ll fight fair.” The face turned
purple. “I bid you good-day, sir.”
“What do you mean by talking to me about fairness?” burst out the other.
“You don’t know what fairness is.”
“Call it patriotism, then. If I were in your position, Mr. Clark, I
don’t think I’d care to make a deal with the Deutscher Club committee,
to try and ruin a newspaper for daring to be American and not
hyphen-American.” Montrose Clark bolted up out of his chair. “It’s a
lie,” he roared.
“It’s the truth. Ask Judge Dana. You’re going to put him up for the
Court of Appeals, I hear. Let me suggest that you read his record first.
Or, you can read it later in The Guardian.”
“Don’t you threaten your betters, sir.” Jeremy laughed. “Let me tell
you before you go,” pursued the exacerbated banker, “that I have n’t
forgotten your impertinence in pretending to expect me to trot around to
your wretched little newspaper office.”
Instead of annoying, this final flash of pettiness rather cheered
Jeremy. After all, he reflected, on his way back, a man so small-souled
could not be a very formidable opponent. Montrose Clark, he surmised,
was powerful chiefly because nobody had ever boldly challenged his
power. Nevertheless, Jeremy did not under-reckon the seriousness of
his situation. Money the paper must have, and at once. By gutting his
reserve and selling some high-grade stocks in an unfavorable market, he
could pay off the note. But, in that case, The Guardian would have to
continue on a shoe-string, and with obvious troubles looming ahead. He
laid the problem in conference before Andrew Galpin and Max Verrall.
Verrall, who for weeks had been prowling about the office with his pale
and bony fingers plunged in his brickish hair, ready at any moment, one
might infer, to pluck out some desperate handfuls, promptly made the
same suggestion that Montrose Clark had proffered, though in a different
tone.
“Go to the Governor.”
“How would he have any spare money?” demanded Galpin.
“He can get it easy enough. His name on a note would go with any bank in
the Northern Tier.”
“No. That won’t do,” objected Jeremy. “We’re too close politically. That
would compromise The Guardian if it were ever known.”
“Let him fix it up for you, then, without his endorsement,” insisted the
other. “I’ll go up and see him now.”
Arrangements were quickly completed. Nothing easier, the Governor had
said, smiling. He had sent Verrall up to Spencerville with letters. All
was concluded that evening. The Spencerville Agricultural Savings Bank
would be glad to loan to Mr. Robson, on the security of The Guardian
plant, any sum up to twenty-five thousand dollars. Verrall brought back
the glad news in the morning.
“Too easy,” grumbled Galpin. “Don’t close yet,” he advised his chief
privately. “I’m taking a day off.”
The general manager made a flying trip to Spencerville. On his return,
he held a long conference with Jeremy, the upshot of which was that the
Governor was warmly thanked for his kind offices, but informed that the
loan would not be needed as another arrangement had been made. The
other arrangement was a second-mortgage loan on the building for fifteen
thousand dollars. This, they hoped, would pull them through.
Andrew Galpin had won his point by a silent exhibit of a snap-shot taken
in Spencerville. It showed the obliging bank, with its front window
bearing this inscription:
“Landwirtschaftliche Spar-Bank.”
The lettering was German text.