CHAPTER XVIII_From Peking to Mandalay A Journey from North China to Burma through Tibetan Ssuch'uan and Yunnan

CONCLUSION

From Burma I returned to north China by slow and easy stages, covering

a period of two and a half months. As, however, I visited no part

of the Far East which is not thoroughly well known to the ordinary

tourist, I will spare my readers an account of peoples and localities

which have been often and well described by others. Leaving Rangoon

by steamer on 19th July, I reached Colombo on the 24th, and as the

guest of Sir Henry Blake, G.C.M.G., then Governor of Ceylon, I spent

six delightful weeks in touring through the island by train and

motor-car. At Anuradhapura I obtained a seedling from the famous

Bo-tree[393]--probably the oldest surviving historical tree in the

world--and took it away to plant in the Public Gardens of Hongkong. I

trust it is still there, and that it will do credit to its illustrious

origin. From Ceylon I passed through Singapore, Hongkong and Shanghai,

and crossed thence to Japan. After nearly a fortnight in the island

of Kyūshū I paid a short visit to Korea, and finally returned to

Weihaiwei on 5th October, after an absence of exactly nine months. My

faithful dog, which had accompanied me through all the vicissitudes of

my journey and had never had a day's illness, died suddenly, shortly

after my return to China.

* * * * *

[Illustration: RUINS AT ANURADHAPURA, CEYLON. [_To face p._ 354.]

[Sidenote: RETURN TO CHINA]

After the various journeys that I have made in different parts of

China, I am often asked how I have been treated by the Chinese people,

and to what extent I have suffered inconvenience from their notorious

hatred for foreigners. The reader who has been so indulgent as to

follow me carefully through the preceding pages has probably a good

idea of what my answer to such questions is likely to be. In the course

of more than nine years' residence in China I have travelled in ten

provinces, and have never had cause for a single serious complaint

against any class or any individual. By the official classes I have

almost invariably been treated with scrupulous courtesy, and at the

hands of the people I have experienced only kindness and hospitality.

It is hardly possible for me to cite a single exception to this rule;

and if it were not for the fact that other Europeans--missionaries

and travellers--have sometimes had a different tale to tell, I should

have no hesitation in saying that no more kindly or hospitable people

exist than the people of China. They have certainly not the charm

and grace of manner that are so characteristic of some of the Shan

tribes or the people of Burma, Siam and Japan, and it is sometimes

a little disconcerting to see them hurrying their children out of

sight in case the Western ogre should want to cut out their eyes to

make into foreign medicine. There are Chinese and Chinese, and good

manners are less characteristic of one locality than of another. My

own experience of the peasantry of eastern Shantung, with whom I am

best acquainted, goes to show that they are good-tempered, reasonable,

orderly and law-abiding, inveterate gamblers, quick to appreciate a

kindness, good husbands and devoted fathers, neither more nor less

intelligent than others of their class elsewhere, rather too fond of

flattering the foreign official because they think he is fool enough

to like it, singularly lacking in the proverbial conceit of his race,

full of humour, a liar in the law-courts but truthful and honest

outside them, and courageous in facing hardship and disappointment. My

slighter acquaintance with the agricultural classes of other provinces

forbids me to attempt any general characterisation, and even in our

little territory of Weihaiwei--about 300 square miles in extent,

with 160,000 people--there are differences and exceptions which must

modify any general statement. The people of Kuangtung--the province

from which issue the majority of Chinese emigrants--are in my opinion

less attractive than those of many other provinces. They have sturdy

qualities, are sober and industrious, enterprising and independent,

but are rather too truculent and too much given to brawling. But

this applies only to the lower classes, and especially to the

"rolling-stones" that find their way to the coast-ports, for the

typical Cantonese gentleman would be an ornament to any society in the

world.

[Illustration: A VILLAGE FAIR IN CHINA, WITH OPEN-AIR THEATRE.

[_To face p._ 356.]

[Sidenote: CHINESE OF THE COAST-PORTS]

That the Chinese people have in the past been misunderstood is due to a

variety of quite unavoidable circumstances for which no one can be said

to be responsible. The intolerable arrogance of the Chinese Court, up

to very recent days, in all its dealings with other Powers, tended to

spread the belief that this attitude was characteristic of the whole

Chinese people. The admission of foreign merchants to certain "treaty

ports" did not tend to bring about much change of feeling, for though

the Chinese mercantile classes soon won, through their honesty and fair

dealing, a liking or respect which they have never ceased to deserve,

the European settlements early became the resort of the worst type of

Chinese ruffian. The emigrants from Kuangtung and other provinces of

south-eastern China have in the Straits Settlements, California and

Australia proved themselves well-behaved and law-abiding members of

society; but among them, too, there were many who left their country

"for their country's good," and who, had they not prudently sought

refuge on foreign shores, would have suffered a worse fate than mere

exile. Great numbers of the coolies who were sent to work in the South

African mines, and whose various malpractices there have raised so

natural an outburst of disgust and indignation, belonged to the vicious

and criminal classes of north China, and even the best of them were

recruited from the lowest ranks of society. Chinese officialdom,

needless to say, was only too delighted to see the last of them.

Unfortunately, even a visit to Shanghai or Hongkong does not tend to

modify very appreciably the unfavourable opinion of the Chinese which

the average Englishman may have formed from his previous knowledge

of that race. Whatever may be the cause--and several causes might be

assigned--the lower-class Chinese of Hongkong probably have worse

manners than any other inhabitants of the Chinese empire. The coolies

who wilfully jostle Europeans in Queen's and Des Vœux Roads, and snatch

watches and purses from ladies and children, the house-servants who are

impertinent to their European mistresses in their masters' absence,

and the shopkeepers who blink rudely at their foreign customers and

remain seated, sleepily fanning their paunches, when according to their

own canons of good manners they should be on their feet murmuring

polite salutations--all these are persons to whom a glimpse of Western

civilisation seems to have done nothing but harm. They have lost

their own manners, and have altogether failed to acquire those of the

Occident. For my own part, I may say that though I have travelled

through a great part of China and visited many of her large cities, I

have found nowhere such lack of manners as unfortunately characterises

a large proportion of our fellow-subjects in Hongkong.

[Sidenote: RACIAL ANTIPATHIES]

It must be admitted that the Chinese do not like foreigners. It is

all the more creditable to them that their native courtesy--outside

the European settlements--so often prevents them from showing their

dislike. Here and there, no doubt, a real friendship springs up

between a foreigner and a Chinese, owing to qualities which each finds

and appreciates in the other, but as a rule the feeling hardly goes

beyond one of respect. Though many Chinese gentlemen in Hongkong are

naturalised British subjects and are men of education and culture, they

are practically excluded from the charmed circle of Hongkong "Society."

It must be granted, of course, that a difficulty is introduced into

the situation through the incompatible social customs of the two

races, especially with regard to the position of women. But the

difficulty is not, as it may be in the case of English and Hindus, an

insuperable one. The total absence of caste-rules and the willingness

of intelligent Chinese to relax the rigidity of their own social laws

deprive Europeans of the excuse that friendly intercourse with the

Chinese is from the nature of things an impossibility.

Dr Martineau tells us that the man who goes abroad and comes in contact

with alien civilisations is at first chafed by every sound and sight of

foreign things, and thinks he has left everything good behind him at

home; but that as he grows accustomed to his surroundings he is "hit

by many a happy phrase and won by many a graceful usage, and fairly

conquered at last by a literature and art and national life which

reveal to him an unimagined type of human culture."[394] Unfortunately

all travellers and residents in foreign lands are not so easily

dragged out of their prejudices as this passage would seem to imply.

Indeed, it is hardly an exaggeration to say that the stay-at-home

Englishman is often more apparently sympathetic towards alien races

than those who come in daily contact with them. This, however, is too

frequently due to a most dangerous form of ignorance,[395] that has

already--within the British Empire--caused a good deal of possibly

irreparable mischief. In spite of warning after warning, many an

Englishman is still apt to think that Orientals under British rule

should be put in possession of all the political "rights" of the

Briton at home, and is constitutionally unable to see that a political

and social system which has been slowly created during centuries of

national growth by and for men of his own race may prove not only

detrimental but even ruinous to the true interests--political, social

and moral--of his Oriental fellow-subjects. It is quite possible--I

desire to lay special stress on this point--that a sympathetic and

broad-minded Englishman may have the highest regard for the individuals

of an Oriental race, the deepest admiration for many aspects of

Oriental life and character, and the keenest appreciation of the many

splendid achievements of the East in art, philosophy and religion, and

that he may nevertheless consistently repudiate any concurrence with

the illogical doctrine that what is good for one is good for all, and

that the aspirations of the Englishman must necessarily coincide with

the aspirations of the Hindu or the Chinese. I would even go further,

and say that the man who wishes to fit out the Oriental with a complete

equipment of Western ideals proves thereby that he has either no

understanding of or no true sympathy with Eastern peoples and Eastern

modes of thought: and that if he tries to give practical effect to

his theories he will prove himself that most dangerous of foes--the

mischief-maker who comes in the guise of a smiling friend.

[Sidenote: DIFFERENT APTITUDES]

Every exiled Englishman who as a Government official is brought into

direct contact with a large population of Asiatics is well aware that

if his object is to win a certain kind of precarious popularity among

those whom he assists in ruling, there is ready to his hand a cheap

and nasty way of attaining his ambition. Fortunately for the honour of

England and the stability of the Empire, he is generally content with

the less dazzling rewards that come from the honest performance of

duty. It has recently been reported by the newspapers that an English

politician, a few hours after he had set foot on Indian soil for the

first time, informed crowded Hindu audiences that he proposed to assist

them in securing a constitution similar to that possessed by Canada,

on the ground that "what was good for the Canadians must be good for

the Indians"; in consequence of which it was arranged by half-educated

Hindu demagogues that he should be greeted with the plaudits of

million-throated Bengal, garlanded with flowers and hailed as "an angel

and not a man." Meanwhile, scattered throughout India are hundreds of

able and experienced Englishmen--members of the Civil Service--who are

giving the best years of their lives to India and her people, who can

speak the Indian vernaculars and know the Indian mind and character as

well as they can be known by any foreigner, and who are carrying on

day by day the great administrative work that saves India from chaos.

Few of their names are known to the British public, and not one of

them--so far as I am aware--has ever been hailed by a Hindu mob as

"an angel." How is it that a roving politician has managed so quickly

to out-run them all in the race for popularity? Perhaps, if the truth

were known, most of them could, if they so desired, attain the dizzy

elevation of this kind of angelhood without much difficulty; but the

pity of it is that as time went on they would find the conditions of

continued success growing ever more and more stringent, till at last

they would have to be something greater even than angels to satisfy the

expectations of their admirers. The young Englishmen of half a century

hence might have cause to lament that their fathers had not limited

their ambitions in this life to terrestrial instead of extending them

to celestial promotion, and the young Hindus, as they sat amid the

ruins of their violated temples or crouched under the lash of the

Mohammedan, would perhaps bitterly wish that their sires had known how

to give honour where honour was due, and had turned a deaf ear to the

ignorant rhetoric of native and foreign demagogues.

[Sidenote: PREJUDICES]

But the Englishman at home, who in a spirit of misdirected generosity

aims at conferring on the Asiatic all the political and other

"blessings" (if indeed they are such, even in England) that he himself

enjoys, oblivious of the fact that under Asiatic conditions the

blessings may turn into curses, is guilty of a blunder no graver nor

more dangerous than that committed by the Englishman abroad who acts

on the other assumption that the Oriental was created to be the white

man's slave. This attitude is unfortunately traceable among a certain

class of Europeans in both India and China;[396] and in China it has

certainly tended to widen the natural gulf that Nature has fixed

between the hearts and intellects of East and West.

That the Chinese in general have no liking for the foreigner seems

to me a matter for no surprise whatever. I think I am not far wrong

when I say that the average young European comes to the East with a

prejudice against the Chinese, and a distinct idea that they are his

inferiors. Of course in a sense this form of national prejudice exists

all the world over. The English schoolboy used to believe that every

Englishman was as good as three Frenchmen.[397] The French of the

Middle Ages used to retort that Englishmen had tails, which is just

what many educated Chinese of the present day believe of the Miao-tzŭ

tribes. The ancient Greeks called every one else "barbarian." In our

own day we have it on the word of an emperor that the real "salt of

the earth" are the people of Germany: more recently, indeed, the salt

has been metamorphosed "into the block of granite upon which the Lord

God can complete His work of civilising the world."[398] Yet was it

not only a few years ago that a statesman assured us that the torch

of civilisation had now definitely passed to Russia? It was a Russian

statesman, of course, who said so: and the Englishman or the American

may smile at the self-assurance of this or any other nation that

arrogates to itself the rôle which, as he has always been convinced,

exclusively belongs to the Anglo-Saxon. Yet this kind of national

partiality--provided it is accompanied by a belief in the principle of

_noblesse oblige_--is by no means to be sneered at or despised. "The

sense of greatness keeps a nation great," and an honest belief in our

own lofty destiny will stand us in good stead in the day of trial.

If two nations of equal powers and resources come to blows, and one

of them happens to be actuated by a belief, lacking to the other, in

its "divine mission," we need be in no doubt as to the side on which

victory will declare itself. But the feelings with which Europeans

and Chinese too often regard each other are different in kind from the

national prejudices that we know so well and make allowances for in the

West.

[Sidenote: OFFICIAL BEARING]

In our relations with China we have been constantly offended by the air

of superiority that is assumed towards us by the Chinese Government

and by Chinese officials. They used to call us "barbarians" even in

official documents, just as the street urchins of Canton still hail us

as "foreign devils"; and we can never forget that Chinese officialdom

used to do its best to humiliate us in our relations with the Court at

Peking in a manner which was altogether intolerable. Of course, the

Chinese were wrong in assuming a non-existing superiority, and they

have had to pay bitterly for their arrogance. But is it not the case

that we, as individuals and as Governments, have shown in different but

not less provocative ways just as much unreasonable arrogance in our

treatment of the Chinese? "The Chinese complain," writes a fair-minded

American diplomatist,[399] "that an air of proprietorship is constantly

manifested in unreasonable demands and impertinent criticisms, in

denunciation of any of their officials who manifest a disposition to

protect native interests, and that it practically amounts to a refusal

to recognise China as the property of the Chinese. They object, perhaps

unreasonably, against the application to their empire of those two

well-known declarations, said to have been made by the unanimous voice

of a religious body: 'Resolved, that the righteous shall inherit the

earth. Resolved, that we are the righteous.'"

Many Europeans not only hold the view that Chinese civilisation is

inferior to that of Europe--which is doubtless to a great extent true,

though there is another aspect of that question--but they are strongly

convinced that the Chinese represent a lower type of humanity--that

they are, in fact, less far advanced in the scale of evolution than

Europeans. An educated Englishman once told me that the Chinese were

evidently a mean and inferior people, because when you whacked a

Chinese coolie in the streets of Canton[400] he did not hit you back.

This argument is curiously typical of the aggressive attitude which is

so often assumed by Europeans not only in their dealings with Chinese,

but also in their relations with all other Oriental races, whose lack

of "grit" is supposed to be proved by the fact that they are not so

ready with their fists as we are. One of the most enlightened Hindus of

our own day--the late Swami Vivekananda--quotes as a curious instance

of this attitude a remark that was made to him in London. "What have

you Hindus done?" said an English girl, full of the pride of race. "You

have never even conquered a single nation."

[Sidenote: "INFERIORITY"]

Now, setting aside all considerations of national prejudice and

patriotism, is it a fact that the Chinese are as a race inferior to

the peoples of the West? The question, when we examine it closely,

has really very little to do with political strength or military

efficiency, or (_pace_ Mr Benjamin Kidd) relative standards of living,

or even the usual material accompaniments of what we call an advanced

civilisation; it is a question for the trained anthropologist and the

craniologist rather than for the casual observer of men and manners.

The Japanese people are now much more highly civilised, according to

Western notions, than they were half a century ago, but it would be

ludicrously erroneous to say that they are now a higher race, from

the evolutionary point of view, than they were then. Evolution does

not work quite so rapidly as that even in these days of "hustle."

The Japanese have advanced, not because their brains have suddenly

become larger, or their moral and intellectual capabilities have

all at once made a leap forward, but because their intercourse with

Western nations, after centuries of isolated seclusion, showed them

that certain characteristic features of European civilisation would

be of great use in strengthening and enriching their own country,

developing its resources, and giving it the power to resist aggression.

If the Japanese were as members of the genus _homo sapiens_ inferior

to us fifty years ago, they are inferior to us now. If they are our

equals to-day--and the burden of proof certainly now rests on him who

wishes to show that they are not--our knowledge of the origin and

history of Eastern peoples, scanty though it is, should certainly tend

to assure us that the Chinese are our equals too. There is no valid

reason for supposing that the Chinese people are ethnically inferior

to the Japanese. They have preserved their isolated seclusion longer

than the Japanese, because until very recently it was less urgently

necessary for them to come out of it. They have taken a longer time to

appreciate the value of Western science and certain features of Western

civilisation, because new ideas take longer to permeate a very large

country than a small one, and because China was rich in the possession

within her own borders of all the necessaries of life.

[Sidenote: STAGES IN CIVILISATION]

Many Europeans, dazzled and blinded by the marvellous inventions and

discoveries of modern times, and the huge strides made by physical

science, are apt to conclude too hastily that our ethnical superiority

is sufficiently proved by the fact that all or nearly all such

achievements are due to the white races only.[401] Even the Japanese,

we are often reminded, are after all only our imitators, and being

so must necessarily be our inferiors. If an artist were to make so

excellent a copy of the Madonna di San Sisto as to deceive connoisseurs

into the belief that it was the original, he would not thereby elevate

himself to an equality with Raphael. But surely it is much too soon

to make generalisations about the relative development of Eastern

and Western nations from the few facts at our command. It is only

during the last one or two hundred years that science has achieved

her greatest triumphs in Europe, and it is with the aid of those

triumphs of science and partly as a direct result of them that European

civilisation has progressed during that time. Yet even with us popular

opinion has not always been on the side of advancing science. I once

heard a charming old lady declare that balloons or air-machines of any

kind would never be successful, because the Almighty in His wisdom had

decreed that mankind was to restrict its movements to the solid earth,

and that even the attempt to make such machines was--like the building

of a certain mythical tower that we have all heard of--an act of

impiety which would certainly bring down divine vengeance. Yet the man

who now denies that we are within measurable distance of the conquest

of the air--especially if he denies it on religious grounds--is not

likely to be listened to with much respect at the present day. Many

persons--pious and other--were strongly opposed to the construction

of railways in England in the early part of the nineteenth century.

We grew impatient with the Chinese, because, until very recently,

they showed similar reluctance to the introduction of railways and

machinery into their own country, thus proving that they were oblivious

of the enormous economic benefits that such innovations had conferred

upon every country that had adopted them; yet we do not regard the

University of Oxford as having been the last stronghold of barbarism

in England, because that venerable corporation for a long time opposed

the approach of a railway to its classic halls, nor do we consider

that Lancashire was less civilised than the rest of England in the

eighteenth century, because its cotton-spinners rose in their thousands

to resist by force the introduction of Sir Richard Arkwright's

spinning-frame. If we are willing to admit that Oxford and Lancashire

did not act from a mere blind hostility to modern inventions as such,

we should at least be willing to enquire whether the opposition of the

Chinese has not also been due to other causes than mere barbarism or

lack of intelligence.

I do not think it can be seriously contended that the civilisation

of China to-day is on the whole lower than that of Europe in the

comparatively recent days of the thumb-screw and the Holy Office,

and it is possible that in the K'ang Hsi period (1662-1722) China

was as civilised as most of the countries of Europe were at the same

period. In that case it is not much more than two hundred years since

European civilisation began to move ahead of that of China--a very

short period in a nation's history, and almost infinitesimal from the

point of view of the evolution of mankind.[402] Our racial superiority

to the Chinese may be an anthropological truth, but it cannot be

deduced merely from the fact that during the most recent portion of

our national existence we have invented steam engines or wireless

telegraphy or quick-firing guns or turbine battleships or even party

government.

[Illustration: A TEMPLE-THEATRE IN NORTH CHINA. [_To face p. 371._]

[Sidenote: CHINESE CIVILISATION]

That Chinese civilisation has for many years been allowed to get into

a very bad state of repair is, of course, an undoubted fact. Not to

mention the various terrible outbursts of hatred against foreigners,

for which the aggression of foreign Governments has generally been to

a great extent responsible, no excuse can be found for the atrocities

committed in the Chinese criminal law-courts, or the unsatisfactory

position of women, or the binding of girls' feet, or the defective

educational system, or the low state of the arts of medicine and

surgery, or the corruption of the official classes and the numberless

administrative abuses. All these and many other evils must be rectified

before China can expect to take her proper place in the front rank of

the nations of the world. That she is now making an honest endeavour

to rectify them in the face of immense difficulties must, I think, be

apparent to all observers, but we cannot expect that great social and

political changes can be introduced into so enormous a country as China

merely by the issue of a series of imperial decrees, and it is but too

probable that before she can enter upon the heritage that is rightly

hers, China has yet to pass through a terrible ordeal of fire. It is

also far from unlikely that in the early stages of her new career she

will be forced by circumstances into various reactionary phases which

may give foreigners the mistaken impression that she is about to fall

back again into her old lethargy and somnolence.

[Sidenote: SYSTEM OF GOVERNMENT]

Some of the existing features of Chinese civilisation are so admirably

suited to the genius of the people that they might with great advantage

be allowed to remain almost unchanged. If everything goes into the

melting pot, China will lose almost as much as she can ever hope

to gain. It is a great mistake, for example, to suppose that the

Chinese system of government is thoroughly bad. The Government has

failed so often and so signally to uphold the dignity of China in

her quarrels with other Powers that we are apt to regard the whole

system as rotten, inside and out. We are told so much about official

corruption and the inhumanities of Chinese gaols and the cruel acts

of oppression practised by the ruling classes and their underlings,

that some may be surprised to learn not only that there are hundreds

of admirable officials, zealous and single-minded in the discharge of

their duties, but that the majority of the people of China are quite

unconscious of being oppressed, and would be bewildered if one were

to suggest that such was the case. The "squeezes" of the officials

and their subordinates are thoroughly well recognised by every one

concerned, and acts of real extortion are by no means so common as

Europeans believe, though there have no doubt been several serious

cases of malversation of funds subscribed by Chinese and foreigners

for such laudable objects as famine relief. It is true, moreover, that

the official classes have often shown a cynical disregard for the

sanctity of private property, and this has compelled many rich Chinese

to invest their money in Shanghai and Hongkong. As regards the ordinary

"squeezes," the imperial Government knows quite well that the salaries

paid to the officials do not amount to a living wage, and that to eke

out their slender incomes they must pocket fees and percentages which

have no legal sanction.

The criminal convicted in a Chinese court is well aware that he must

fee his gaolers--that is practically part of his punishment for being

a criminal. The party to a civil lawsuit knows equally well that he

cannot hope to get a hearing till he has paid something to every one

connected with the court, from door-keeper to magistrate's secretaries,

and that if he wins his case he will have to pay more: but he, too,

knew all this before he decided to go to law, and he regards all these

payments much as we should regard a solicitor's bill of costs. Real

acts of extortion and oppression are often practised in individual

cases, but it is a strong light that beats upon the judgment seat

of a Chinese official, and if he becomes notorious for such acts he

must have exceedingly influential support if he expects to escape

denunciation and disgrace. It is the sale of offices, the selfishness

of the highest ruling classes, the ignorance and prejudices of the

court, the malversation of funds that ought to be devoted to paying for

fleets and armies and public works, that China suffers from so bitterly

to-day, not the comparatively small extortions practised by local

officials.

[Sidenote: ADMINISTRATION OF JUSTICE]

Even taking extortion and "squeezes" into consideration, China is a

lightly-taxed country; and we should remember that in times of famine

or other distress it is quite common for the Government to remit all

direct taxes throughout the whole area affected. A Chinese magistrate

is held responsible for the peace and well-being of his district just

as a father is held responsible for the conduct of his son. The people

whom he rules know this very well, and are fully conscious of their own

power to ruin his official career if he consistently tries to extort

more than the recognised "squeezes," or is guilty of any gross acts of

maladministration.[403] In connection with civil lawsuits, intentional

miscarriages of justice are far less frequent than is usually supposed.

The parties may be required to pay what we should call bribes, and

sometimes the hearing of a case is intentionally postponed from day to

day until the bribes offered are sufficiently large; but the important

point to notice is, that all this bribery does not necessarily imply a

miscarriage of justice. Considering the wide areas over which Chinese

district magistrates preside, and the slight amount of supervision

exercised over their proceedings, it is not an exaggeration to say that

great numbers of them are able and well-meaning officials who have

an honest desire to benefit the people committed to their charge and

to serve their country loyally. We find, too, that the men who show

such qualifications in a conspicuous degree are almost sure of rapid

advancement; nor do they fail to earn the respect and affection of the

people whom they rule, for there is no one quicker than a Chinese to

realise when he is well governed, and perhaps no one more appreciative.

The social organisation of China, especially for an agricultural

people, is in many respects thoroughly sound. In ordinary times--that

is, when no extraordinary events such as famines or political troubles

occur to complicate matters--China is one of the most profoundly

peaceful countries in the world. The fact that hated foreigners can

safely go through the country from end to end without any means of

self-protection is in itself a striking proof of this. The people are

singularly law-abiding. There are no policemen in the European sense

except in a few large cities like Peking, Ch'êng-tu and K'ai-fêng-fu,

where Western institutions are beginning to be copied, and yet there

is probably a smaller percentage of crime in China than in any

country in Europe. This is partly due, no doubt, to the naturally

peaceful and industrious character of the people, but it is an almost

necessary corollary of their semi-patriarchal village system and

the responsibility of each family for the good behaviour of all its

members. In the three hundred and ten villages of the leased territory

of Weihaiwei the policy of the British Government has been to rule the

people as far as possible in the way to which from time immemorial they

have been accustomed. The village organisation is maintained, and in

the courts of the two British magistrates the law that is administered

is the law of China (tempered by local custom), so far as such law

and custom are not repugnant to British conceptions of justice and

morality. In my own district, which is nearly 200 square miles in

extent, and contains about two hundred villages with nearly a hundred

thousand inhabitants, there are eight police constables permanently

stationed at headquarters, ready to be sent out to discharge any duties

that may be necessary, but apart from them there is not a policeman

in the district. During a recent period of six months--including

the winter months, which are always the season for serious crime in

north China--the cases of robbery reported to the police were three

in number. Out of about eighty cases in which during the same period

imprisonment or fines were imposed, nearly half were gambling cases and

the rest of a more or less trifling nature. When riding through the

villages of the territory I do not remember to have seen more than one

intoxicated man, and he had been to market and sold all his pigs.

[Illustration: THE GRAVE OF "JIM," WEIHAIWEI. [_To face p. 376._]

[Sidenote: WEIHAIWEI]

During more than two years in Weihaiwei I have tried Englishmen and

Japanese for being "drunk and disorderly," but never a single Chinese.

I must hasten to explain that the absence of crime and disorder in

Weihaiwei is not in the least degree due to any reforms introduced by

the British Government: the neighbouring districts under Chinese rule

are just as well behaved, if not, indeed, rather more so. Perhaps I

should add that civil lawsuits in Weihaiwei are exceptionally numerous.

Such cases are decided by the two British magistrates in accordance

with Chinese law and are conducted in the Chinese language. The only

expense which a litigant incurs is a shilling or two for hiring a

petition-writer to state his case, and even this outlay he can avoid

if he happens to be an educated man and can write out an intelligible

statement for himself, or get a friend to do it for him. There are no

court fees, no "squeezes," and solicitors and barristers are unknown.

I am not quite satisfied that the facilities offered to litigants in

our courts in Weihaiwei are altogether beneficial in their results.

Litigation has become so cheap and easy that it is often resorted to

before the least serious attempt has been made by the parties to come

to an amicable settlement out of court. The British magistrates are

called upon to decide such trumpery questions that if a litigant were

to submit them to a Chinese tribunal the magistrate would probably

order him to be flogged for needlessly stirring up litigious strife.

By taking cognisance of the simplest village disputes it may be that

we are gradually weakening the solidarity of the village organisation,

which, if once destroyed, can never be restored; and we are possibly

storing up a good deal of trouble for the Chinese officials who will

resume their functions in Weihaiwei on the expiry of our lease.

[Sidenote: CHINESE ART AND MUSIC]

If the high development of literary and artistic tastes is to be taken

as a criterion of civilisation it is not likely that even in this

respect Europe has much cause to throw contemptuous glances at China.

But many of those European collectors who admire and are willing to

pay enormous prices for specimens of Chinese porcelain[404]--much of

it stolen from private houses in Peking and elsewhere--are perhaps

not aware of the high standard which Chinese artists have reached in

other directions. Fine examples of their pictorial art are still not

very numerous in Europe, or at least are not easily accessible to

the public, though the British Museum contains, among other Chinese

drawings and paintings, characteristic sketches by such famous artists

as Lin Liang of the Ming dynasty. But the rapidity with which the art

of Japan has gained the admiration of Europe is proof enough that

Chinese art--to which that of Japan owes its most characteristic

qualities and nearly all its inspiration--will some day arouse no less

enthusiasm among the art critics of Europe. An English critic, who is

also a poet--Mr Laurence Binyon--says of the landscape painting of

the Sung dynasty (the tenth to the thirteenth centuries of our era)

that "not till the nineteenth century in Europe do we find anything

like the landscape art of China in the Sung period,--a disinterested

love of beauty in nature for its own sake, regardless of associations

imposed by the struggles of existence.... To the Sung artists and

poets, mountains were a passion, as to Wordsworth. The landscape art

thus founded, and continued by the Japanese in the fifteenth century,

must rank as the greatest school of landscape which the world has

seen."[405] In art, as in literature and politics, the great days of

China lie in the past, but there are probably more artists at work

at the present day in China than anywhere else, and the zeal and

enthusiasm with which they execute their best work--generally without

any expectation of material reward--is a sure indication that the

artistic sense of the Chinese is still full of vigorous vitality, and

may lead to great results in the future.

In music it must be admitted that China lags as yet far behind Europe.

It has been reported of one of the foremost pianists and composers of

the present day that when he visited California and heard Chinese music

for the first time, he volunteered the opinion that "it really was

music," a truth which some of us perhaps might be inclined to doubt.

If an intelligent Chinese who had never before been outside his own

country were taken without previous instruction to the performance of

an Italian opera, or had the privilege of hearing the _Agnus Dei_ of

Mozart's 1st Mass or Meyerbeer's _Qui in manu Dei requiescit_ as sung,

for example, in Magdalen College Chapel, he would be merely puzzled.

The music would be devoid of meaning to him, and he would probably

regard it as unintelligible noise. Yet, after all, a musical ear--apart

from the almost universal liking for simple melody--is by no means too

common even in Europe, and an average Englishman would repudiate the

idea that he was less civilised or less highly evolved than a German

because he had less appreciation of the wonders of harmony. Time

was--not so very long ago--when Wagner's music was regarded in England

as a kind of joke; and few people are really able to understand and

appreciate the grandest music of the nineteenth century--though they

often think they do--without some previous training. Some are even

frank enough to confess that it bores them, much as it would bore a man

who did not understand Greek to listen to a reading from Sophocles.

But are the Chinese capable of being musically trained? Judging from

a few cases within my own knowledge, I am inclined to think they are.

But in any case we should remember that music as we understand it is

the youngest of the arts, and time only can show whether all the great

music of the future is to be exclusively a Western product.

[Sidenote: LITERATURE]

As regards literature, the difficulty of the Chinese written language

has no doubt stood in the way of spreading a knowledge of the Chinese

masterpieces in Europe, and most of the translations that exist

are--even when verbally exact--far from reproducing the spirit of the

original. The probability is that in future the best translations will

come from the pens of native scholars. Mr Ku Hung-Ming,[406] graduate

of a Scottish university, has rendered good service to Europe in

giving us what are perhaps the best existing English translations of a

portion of the Confucian classics. Yet the ignorance still shown even

by European residents in China of the extent and richness of Chinese

literature is very remarkable. Some time ago, in conversation with an

Englishman who had lived many years in China, I happened to allude to

the works of one of the most famous of Chinese poets. My friend had

never heard his name, and was surprised to learn that China had any

poets at all. Professor Giles, with his happy gift of apt translation

and paraphrase, has turned into good English verse[407] a few short

specimens of the beautiful poetry of the T'ang and Sung dynasties, and

the contents of his little volume must have surprised some Western

readers who had little idea that while the Mercians and West Saxons

were still struggling for supremacy in England under their Ecgberhts

and Beorhtrics, such exquisite flowers of poesy were springing up on

the soil of distant China. Yet the translations that have already

appeared in foreign languages are but a trifle compared with the wealth

of poetry that still remains unknown to Europe; and Chinese poetry,

like that of all other languages, loses half its beauty when clothed

in the words of an alien tongue. A Chinese gentleman's education is

not regarded as complete if he cannot clothe his ideas in graceful

verse; nor does he, like the English schoolboy who seldom meddles with

Latin hexameters and Greek iambics when his education is "finished,"

neglect this pleasant accomplishment when he has left the halls of

learning. Such poetry, naturally, is rarely of a high order; but though

the published poetry of the present day is poor compared with that of

the past--even in England we have not always with us singers of the

Elizabethan standard--the great poets of China are still quoted and

read with the same appreciation as of old. That real poetic feeling

is far from extinct may be seen by any English reader who peruses Mr

C. Clementi's translation of the Cantonese Love-songs,[408] which are

quite modern. The genius of Chinese poetry tends to be elegiac and

idyllic. It is seldom or never intensely lyrical, even when it is

intended for a musical accompaniment, like the love-songs just referred

to. But if Chinese literature can boast of no Shelleys or Swinburnes,

there are many writers whose poems may well be compared with the best

work of our English elegiac and descriptive poets, such as Gray. It

must, I think, be admitted that the Chinese language is not the most

perfect existing vehicle for poetical expression. We need only take

a single test-line from Homer--say line 198 of _Odyssey_ xi.,--or a

couplet from Shelley--say lines 5 and 6 of the third stanza of _The

Question_,--to realise a rhythmical music and movement of which the

Chinese language is, I fear, incapable; yet the words used by Lafcadio

Hearn to describe the best Japanese poetry may with equal justice be

applied to the idyllic poetry of China: "compositions which, with a few

chosen syllables only, can either create a perfect coloured picture in

the mind, or bestir the finest sensations of memory with marvellous

penetrative delicacy."[409]

* * * * *

[Sidenote: EUROPEAN ATTITUDE]

All that I have said of the amenities of Chinese civilisation will no

doubt bewilder some readers who have never visited the country and

who never think of China unless it happens to figure conspicuously

in the newspapers in connection with wars and massacres. They have

had detailed accounts of how ruffianly hordes of cut-throats tried

to exterminate the Europeans in the legations at Peking, and every

now and then they hear of the brutal murder of a missionary and his

family. But does it never occur to them to ask what has led to such

outbreaks? Surely these murders and outrages are not committed from

sheer love of blood and slaughter? If such frenzied attacks are made

from time to time upon foreigners, surely they cannot result from a

mere loathing of fellow human beings who happen to belong to a Western

land? It is well to seek information on such points, for the questioner

may rest assured that the fault has not always been on the side of

China, that these ebullitions of frenzy do not spring from mere wild

barbarism, and that a real or fancied wrong is invariably at their

root. For the Chinese are as keen as the proudest race in Europe to

resent insult or injustice. It is no doubt true that on occasions when

the Chinese find their own antiquated fighting implements totally

inadequate to enable them to meet on equal terms the powerfully-armed

and well-drilled soldiers of Europe, they will then, in frenzy and

desperation, and stung with a sense of wrong, be guilty of grave

crimes against humanity, choosing moments when their victims are few

and defenceless to strike them in the dark; but they are not actuated

by mere savagery and lust of blood. Nor are they cowards. That they

will flee panic-stricken from a foe armed with the most deadly modern

weapons of precision, is true enough: so would have fled the fathers

of the splendid heroes who recently beat the best soldiers and sailors

of one of the foremost Powers of Europe, yet no one dares to assume

that the fathers of the Japanese soldiers of to-day were cowards. Let

us hesitate before we condemn the Chinese as a cowardly race because

they shrink from facing odds which we Englishmen are never called upon

to face ourselves. Let us at least wait till they have met us on equal

terms, armed with weapons as good as our own, and led by officers

trained in the art of war.[410]

[Sidenote: TREATMENT OF ORIENTALS]

Many will excuse Western aggression in China and in the Orient

generally on many grounds: even Kiaochou will have its apologists.

But can any fair-minded gentleman of England, Germany, France or

Russia say with perfect sincerity that the military Powers of Europe

have behaved chivalrously towards the East? Have they not too often

acted as bullies, too often taken advantage of their brute strength?

Even so, the apologists may say, the methods of nations cannot and

must not be the same as those of individual men. Conduct that the

public-school boy would denounce as caddish becomes statecraft and

_la haute politique_ when nation deals with nation. Yet is it not

conceivable that if we treated the East with the same chivalry and

courtesy which the well-bred English gentleman in private life shows

to those who are weaker or humbler than himself, we might before many

years are past find in China a loyal and powerful friend instead of a

possible sullen and suspicious foe? It should never be forgotten that

the true Oriental--even more than the Englishman bred at Winchester and

New College--is a firm believer in the truth embodied in William of

Wykeham's old motto, _Manners makyth man_; and nothing is more certain

than that if we want China to welcome us as teachers, as engineers, as

builders of railways, as merchants, as missionaries or as capitalists

we must approach her with frankness and courtesy, not with professions

of altruism covering only greedy selfishness, not with the sinister

motives of Chaucer's "smyler with the knyf under the cloke."

As far as British relations with China are concerned, by far the

brightest sign of the times is the willingness of our Government to

assist China in stamping out the curse of opium--almost as great a

curse as alcohol in our own country--and in doing what in us lies

to prevent the further dismemberment of the empire. That this is

a policy which commends itself to all Englishmen who have fairly

considered the questions at issue, I have very little doubt; but it

is to be feared that there will always be some who, from selfish

dread of losing some material advantage which they hoped to gain from

exploiting China, will always be ready to urge a narrower policy.

They are indignant at the idea of the subjects of a foreign Power

obtaining any valuable concessions or rights in England itself--as

when the newspapers report the acquisition of Welsh coal-fields by a

syndicate of Germans--yet they are intolerant of the cry of "China for

the Chinese." Fortunately, the English Press of Hongkong and Shanghai

is generally very fair-minded in its attitude towards international

questions, and the intelligent and sympathetic view which it has taken

of some of the recent regrettable episodes in Anglo-Chinese relations

at Shanghai and elsewhere must go far towards broadening the ideas

of many of its readers. Yet too often, I am afraid, the European in

China almost prides himself on the fact that he has no liking for or

sympathy with the Chinese; and those who are convicted of showing such

sympathy are as often as not stigmatised as "pro-Chinese"--apparently

the worst offence of which any Englishman in China can be guilty. In

the treaty ports one often hears the very foolish remark made, that

the acquisition of a scholarly knowledge of the Chinese language

and literature leads to a kind of softening of the brain: "that way

madness lies." This attitude is analogous to that of the modern man

of business, who, having had only a commercial or technical training

himself, and regarding all education merely as a means for acquiring

money and "getting on," scoffs at what he knows nothing about, and

ridicules those who maintain the advantages of a study of Greek.

Without a knowledge of that language it cannot, of course, be expected

that they should take to heart a valuable old warning:

πᾶς τις ἀπαίδευτος φρονιμωτάτος ἐστὶ σιωπῶν.

[Sidenote: THE AWAKENING OF CHINA]

China has only recently begun to awake from her old lethargy, and

in her recent attempts to assert her independence and to repudiate

foreign interference it must be admitted by her best friends that she

has already made some grievous and foolish mistakes that may cost

her dear. More than one Western Power watches these mistakes with

sullen interest, sword in hand. It is to be hoped for China's sake

that the statesmen who are to guide her fortunes during the next few

years--which will too probably be years of strife and bloodshed--will

not attempt to compress the work of a century into a year; and it is to

be hoped that the great Western Powers for their own sakes will show

reasonable patience in dealing with the blunders which in the course

of so vast a work as the readjustment of the social and political

forces of China must from time to time be committed by her responsible

leaders. Chinese patriotism, for the first time since the history of

European relations with China began, is becoming a force to be reckoned

with. Crude manifestations of this patriotism have recently given rise

to unfortunate incidents and to acts which Europe and America cannot

be expected to sympathise with or to admire; indeed, in some cases the

West is undoubtedly right in insisting that China should show a proper

respect for her treaty obligations. But surely this is not the time to

show selfish hostility to the new hopes and ideals of a great people

who are struggling in the throes of regeneration. The next fifteen

years will probably be decisive in determining the whole course of

China's future history. If wise statesmanship brings her successfully

through her present struggle she need have no fear for the remoter

future. She will then be on the way to become one of the greatest

nations--perhaps the greatest--in the world, and I know of little in

her past history to discourage the hope that she will use her great

powers for the good of mankind and the preservation of the world's

peace.[411]

[Sidenote: THE MIDDLE KINGDOM]

After all, it is only in recent years that we have begun to realise how

large the world is--a curious fact when we consider how the advance

of science has tended to the annihilation of space. The Roman empire

and the _pax Romana_ were of such enormous importance for all the

races that now people Europe that we have hardly yet rid ourselves of

the old idea that the Romans at the period of their widest dominion

ruled the world; yet we ought to know now that the Mediterranean

"world" was only a fraction of our globe, and by no means the only

civilised fraction. The Chinese called their country "The Middle

Kingdom," meaning that it was the centre from which all civilisation

and all light and learning radiated. The countries outside China, when

their existence was known of at all, were regarded as more or less

civilised according as they were nearer to or further removed from

that brilliant centre. Those that were altogether beyond the reach of

China's influence were outside civilisation; they were countries on

the fringe of the world, inhabited by barbarians. Our own attitude

has hitherto been very much the same. We who have inherited, more or

less directly, the civilisation and culture of Rome and Greece have

for centuries past regarded ourselves as "the world." When we began to

have relations with Eastern countries we found that somehow or other we

could not make Oriental culture and civilisation quite fit in with our

preconceived notions of those things. We regarded the East--especially

China--with a kind of mingled contempt and amusement. Even to this day

superficial writers cannot deny themselves the pleasure of dwelling on

what to their minds are the oddities and absurdities of Chinese life:

and so we have humorous descriptions from their pens of how everything

in China is distorted and "upside down"--the writers forgetting that

some of the salient features of our own civilisation must be quite as

ridiculous when looked at from the Chinese standpoint. But the truth

is, of course, that neither Europe nor China has any right to regard

the other as a subject for caricature. The time has come when we should

realise that Europe and North America are not "the world"; that even

the glorious heritage handed down to us by Greece, of which we are

so justly proud, did not include everything that was worth having or

worth knowing; that we people of the West have a monopoly neither

in virtue nor in culture; and that the Far East, as well as the Far

West, has inherited something of the wisdom of the ages. When we have

realised these things it may then be possible for East and West to

meet in friendship and frankness instead of with mutual suspicion or

contempt, each ready to give the other something of the best that it

has inherited from its own past. It may then be that we shall begin to

trade with China in something more than cottons and silks, machinery

and rifles; that a commerce will be inaugurated of which political

economy knows nothing, in which customs tariffs will be unnecessary,

and in which sympathy and tolerance, not money, will be the medium of

exchange.

FOOTNOTES:

[393] A cutting from the sacred tree (a species subsequently known as

the _ficus religiosa_) under which Gautama is believed to have sat when

he attained Buddhahood, was brought from India to Ceylon about the year

245 B.C. and planted at Anuradhapura, then the Singhalese capital. It

is still growing there, and is annually visited by countless pilgrims

from all parts of the Buddhist world.

[394] _A Study of Religion_, vol. i. p. 374 (2nd ed.).

[395] See an excellent anonymous article in _Macmillan's Magazine_,

vol. ii. No. 16, N.S. It is entitled "The White Man and the British

Empire."

[396] Herbert Spencer, in the _Principles of Ethics_, speaks of "the

many who, in the East, tacitly assume that Indians exist for the

benefit of Anglo-Indians." He is right in saying it is tacitly assumed;

for few go so far as to say openly that the Indians are destined by

Nature to be exploited by the White races. But the tacit assumption

often leavens their thoughts and discourses on "the native question."

One recent writer, indeed, distinctly states that "it is an inexorable

law of progress that inferior races are made for the purpose of serving

the superior; and if they refuse to serve, they are fatally condemned

to disappear." (W. H. Brown, _On the South African Frontier_). But who

is to decide which are "the inferior races"?

[397] See Shakespeare, _King Henry V._, Act iii. Sc. 6.

[398] The _Times_, 4th Sept. 1907.

[399] Mr Chester Holcombe, in _The Real Chinese Question_, p. 242.

[400] _Mutato coelo mores mutantur!_

[401] I earnestly commend to the reader's notice an admirable leader

in the _Times_ of 15th January 1907, which closes with these words:

"Altogether it seems to be time for the white races to take a fresh

survey of the whole situation, and to recognise that, in the changed

conditions, the old haughty and dictatorial attitude stands in need of

modification."

[402] Lest it may appear that I am under-rating the speed with which

evolutionary forces have operated among the European races during the

last few centuries, I venture to quote the words of one whose opinion

is likely to be listened to with respect, and who was the last man to

minimise the significance of the conquests made by science. "There can

be no doubt that vast changes have taken place in English civilisation

since the reign of the Tudors. But I am not aware of a particle of

evidence in favour of the conclusion that this evolutionary process

has been accompanied by any modification of the physical or the mental

characters of the men who have been the subjects of it. I have not met

with any grounds for suspecting that the average Englishmen of to-day

are sensibly different from those that Shakespeare knew and drew.... In

my belief the innate qualities, physical, intellectual and moral, of

our nation have remained substantially the same for the last four or

five centuries" (T. H. Huxley, _Prolegomena to Evolution and Ethics_).

[403] A few years ago a certain Chinese magistrate in a district

very near Weihaiwei was much disgusted, on arriving at his post, to

find that the opportunities for "squeeze" were so severely limited

that he was likely to remain a poor man. On his own responsibility

he decided to tap a new source of revenue, and issued a proclamation

to the necessary effect. In a few days the populace was up in arms,

the magistrate's official residence was pulled to pieces (it is still

almost a ruin), and he was himself a disgraced fugitive.

[404] The _Times_ of 15th December 1906 reports the sale at Christie's

of a pair of vases of the K'ang Hsi period for 3,700 guineas, and a

pair of beakers of the Yung Chêng period for 3,100 guineas.

[405] Quoted in Professor Giles' _Chinese Pictorial Art_.

[406] Author of _Papers from a Viceroy's Yamen_, and other works.

[407] _Chinese Poetry in English Verse_ (Shanghai and London: 1898).

[408] Published by the Clarendon Press, 1904.

[409] Lafcadio Hearn's _Kokoro_, p. 335.

[410] See Note 47 (p. 442).

[411] See Note 48 (p. 443).

APPENDIX A: VOCABULARIES

+------------------+----------------+------------------+--------------+

+------------------+----------------+------------------+--------------+

| | | | |

| One | t'i | chih | ti |

| | | | |

| Two | nyi | nyi | nö |

| | | | |

| Three | sa | so | son |

| | | | |

| Four | li | ru | zhi, or zha |

| | | | |

| Five | nga | nga or ua | ngo |

| | | | |

| Six | ch'u | k'uo or k'o | t'ru |

| Nine | gu | gu | yö, or yi |

| Ten | t'zŭ | ts'e or t'zŭ | ka-te |

| One hundred | t'i hya | ... | shi |

| Day after to- |

| morrow | ... | ... | ko-se-nö |

| Three days hence | ... | ... | ko-de-nö |

| | | | |

| | | | |

| I, me | ngo, nga | nya | a |

| Old | ... | ... | mi gi |

| Young | ... | ... | djen |

| Small | ... | dji | k'o dze mö |

+------------------+----------------+------------------+--------------+

-----------+--------------+--------------+------------+---------------------------+

-----------+--------------+--------------+------------+---------------------------+

| | | {|Compare _Wa_: te; _Karen_: |

One | ta | ta | chig. {| ta; _British Li-so_ |

| | | {| (_Leesaw_): hti. |

| | | {|Compare _Cantonese_: yi; |

Two | nyi | ni | nyi. {| _Karen_: nö; _British |

| | | {| Li-so_: nyi. |

| | | {|Compare _Chinese_ (_Mand._):|

Three | zi | son | sum. {| san; (_Cantonese_): sam; |

| | | {| _Siamese and Lao_, sam. |

Four | ri | zhi | zhi. | |

Five | nga | nga | nga. {| _Shan_, _Siamese and Lao_:|

| | | {| Ha. |

Six | tru | dru | d'rug. | |

Seven | dun | dun | dün. | |

Eight | dji | zhei | gye. | |

Nine | gu | gu | gu. |Compare _Cantonese_: kao. |

Ten | ka-den | tchi | chu. | |

Eleven | ... | ... | chug chig. | |

Twelve | ... | ... | chu nyi. | |

Thirteen | ... | ... | chug sum. | |

Fourteen | ... | ... | chug zhi. | |

Fifteen | ... | ... | chug nga. | |

Sixteen | ... | ... | chug d'rug.| |

Seventeen | ... | ... | chug dün. | |

Eighteen | ... | ... | chug gye. | |

Nineteen | ... | ... | chug gu. | |

Twenty-one | ... | ... | nyi shu chig.| |

One hundred| ta ra | ... | gya. | |

Yesterday | ... | ... | k'a sa. | |

To-day | ... | ... | d'e ring, | |

Day after | ... | ... | nang (-nyi).| |

Three days | ... | ... | zhe (-nyin ga).| |

Spring | ... | djang-u | chi-ka. {|Moso _so-le_ means a |

| | | {| period of three months. |

Winter | ... | ... | gün-ka. | |

I, me | ... | ... | nga. | _Cantonese_: ngo. |

Old | ... | ... | nying-ba. | |

Young | ... | ... | lo zhön-ba.| |

Large | dja | ... | ch'en-po. | |

Go | ... | ... | p'eb, dro. | |

-----------+--------------+--------------+------------+---------------------------+

+---------------------+----------------+----------------+--------------+

+---------------------+----------------+----------------+--------------+

| Eat | dza dza | ... | dzu |

| Beat | di | la | dzu |

| Kill · | si | k'o | ne se |

| Man | ... | hyi (strong | |

| | | aspirate) | me |

| Year | ... | du k'u | gu |

| Day | t'i nyi | t'i nyi | nyi |

| Sun | mi mi | nyi me | nyi |

| Star | ... | ... | dru |

| Cloud | ... | ... | hlieh wei |

| Rain | ... | ... | kwi |

| Snow | ... | ... | p'u |

| Wind | ... | ... | mo-ho |

| Sky | mu | mu | me nyi |

| Water | yi ta | dji | djö |

| Hill | ... | dji na me | don |

| Earth (soil) | ne hö | dj[)i] | dja |

| Wood | ssŭ | ssŭ | hsieh |

| Silver | p'ü | ngu | nyou |

| Iron | hu | shi | she |

| Copper | ... | ... | ni |

| Grass | ... | ... | zhon |

| Rice | ... | ... | tch'e |

| Tobacco | ... | ... | ye |

| Barley | ... | ... | mi-dji |

| Silk | ... | ... | go-ch'en |

| Tea | ... | ... | dje |

| Yak, cow | ... | ye | roa |

| Water-buffalo | ... | dji ye | ... |

| Dog | a-na | k'u | ka-dra |

| Goat | a-ch'ih | t'zŭ | la |

| Pig | ... | ... | dzö |

| Fowl | ... | a | ro |

| Hare | ... | ... | ... |

| Sheep | ... | ... | ... |

| Elder brother | a-bu | a-mu | a-pei |

| Ears | ... | ... | ne dju |

| Teeth | ... | ... | hsru |

| Tongue | ... | ... | hle |

| Fish | ... | ... | ... |

| Mouth | ... | ... | k'a no |

+---------------------+----------------+----------------+--------------+

--------------+-----------+------------+------------------+-----------------+

--------------+-----------+------------+------------------+-----------------+

Eat | ... | ... | za-wa. | |

Sleep | abi | ... | nyal-wa. | |

Beat | ... | ... | dung-wa; zhu-wa. | |

Kill | ... | ... | sö pa; se pa. | |

Man | nyi | mi | mi. | |

Year | go | ... | lo. | |

Month | yi | ... | da wa. | |

Day | nyi | ... | nyin; nyi ma. | |

Cloud | ... | ... | trin-pa. | |

Rain | ... | ... | ch'ar-pa. | |

Sky | ngi ru-ru | ni ru-ru | nam. | |

Fire | na tsa-tsa| ma | me. | |

Water | dji | dji | ch'u. | |

Hill | o | ... | ri. | |

Stone | ... | ... | do. | |

Earth (soil) | ... | dra | sa. | |

Gold | ngei | ... | ser. | |

Bone | ro | ... | rü-pa. | |

Rice | bre | ... | dre. | |

Tobacco | ... | ... | t'a ma. | |

Barley | ... | ... | ne; tsam-pa. | |

Silk | ... | ... | g'o-ch'en. | |

Tea | ... | hla | j'a; sö j'a. | _Chinese_: ch'a.|

Water-buffalo | ... | ... | ... | |

Dog | ma hla mi | ... | k'yi. | |

Goat | kü-na | ... | ra. | |

Pig | dja | ... | p'ag-pa. | |

Fowl | ... | ra-ma | j'a. | |

Sheep | rong | ... | lug. | |

Elder brother | ... | ... | a j'o; j'o la. | |

Younger brother| ... | ... | nu-o. | |

Head | ... | k'o | go. | |

Hair | ko ma | ... | tra. | |

Teeth | ... | ra hu | so. | |

Tongue | ... | ... | ... | |

Fish | jü | ... | nya. | |

--------------+-----------+------------+------------------+-----------------+

+---------------------+----------------+----------------+--------------+

+---------------------+----------------+----------------+--------------+

| Red | p'u shih chih | ... | |

| | ma | ... | nye mö |

| Green | ... | ... | |

| Yellow | ... | ... | nyö mö |

| This | ... | ... | o tei |

| That | ... | ... | dei pei |

| Arm | ... | ... | ... |

| Fingers | ... | lu | hla-dzu |

| | | ... | hla-dzu |

| | | ... | hla-dzu |

| | | ... | hla-dzu |

| | | ... | hla-dzu |

| Finger-nail | ... | ... | ... |

| Last year | ... | ... | zhei p'u |

| Next year | ... | ... | zhei k'u |

| Heart | ... | ... | hua |

| Fast | ... | ... | tr'om p'u |

| Slow | ... | ... | tei tei p'u |

| Stand | ... | ... | di ch'in |

| Walk | ... | ... | shi ki |

| Blood | ... | ... | se |

| Son, boy | nga za | zo | ... |

| Go fast | mi mi ze | ... | ... |

| Go slow | za zu | ... | ... |

| Bed | ... | ... | ... |

| Civil official | ... | ssŭ p'in | ... |

| Road | ... | zha me | ... |

| Flower | ... | ba ba | ... |

| Tree | ... | ssŭ tzŭ | ... |

| Go up | ... | kö be be | ... |

| Go down | ... | me ch'a be | ... |

| Feet | ... | k'ö ts'e | ... |

| Die, dead | ... | le shih | ... |

| Face | ... | pa k'ua | ... |

| No, not | ... | me be | ... |

| Yes, be, is | ... | k'ë | ... |

| Late | ... | hua k'o | ... |

| Early | ... | nya | ... |

| Have | ... | t'e djo | ... |

| Good | ... | djei | ... |

| Bad | ... | mo djei | ... |

| Body | ... | ... | ... |

| Book | ... | ... | ... |

+---------------------+----------------+----------------+--------------+

[1] Literally, "The side where the sun rises."]

[2] Literally, "The side where the sun sets."]

------------------+-----------+------------+------------------+--------+

------------------+-----------+------------+------------------+--------+

Red | hu li-li | ... | mar-po. | |

Blue | ... | ... | njön-po. | |

Yellow | ... | ... | ser-po. | |

This | ... | i-bei | di. | |

That | ... | o-bei | d'e. | |

Arm | ya | ya | lag-pa. | |

Eyes | byu | | mig. | |

First finger | ... | dan-yi-da | ... | |

Second finger | ... | som bü | ... | |

Third finger | ... | ... | ... | |

Fourth finger | ... | ... | ... | |

Thumb | ... | dza | t'e-po. | |

Horse | dü | dü | ta. | |

Blood | ... | ... | tr'ag. | |

North | ch'a | ... | ch'ang. | |

South | lo | ... | lho. | |

East | lu | ... | shar-ch'og. | |

| ... | s'a | pu; pu-g'u. | |

Go fast | ... | ... | gyog-pô dro. | |

Go slow | ... | ... | g'a-li dro. | |

Bed | ... | dra | nya t'ri. | |

Road | ... | ... | lam. | |

Flower | ... | ... | me-tog. | |

Go up | ... | ... | yar. | |

Go down | ... | ... | mar. | |

Feet | ... | ... | kang-pa. | |

Die, dead | ... | ... | ch'i wa; | |

| ... | ... | k'oshisong. | |

Face | ... | ... | dong; ngo. | |

No, not | ... | ... | ma; ma re. | |

Yes, be, is | ... | ... | la so; yö pa. | |

Late | ... | ... | ch'i po. | |

Early | ... | ... | nga po. | |

Have | ... | ... | yö pa. | |

Bad | za ru | ... | ngen-pa. | |

------------------+-----------+------------+------------------+--------+

APPENDIX B: ITINERARY

DATE. | NAME OF PLACE. | REMARKS.

----------+---------------------------+------------------------------

Jan. 6-9, | Weihaiwei to Peking | By steamer and train.

1906 | (威海衛：北京)

" 13-16| Peking to Hankow (漢口) | By train.

" 19-30| Hankow to Ichang (宜昌) | By steamer.

Feb. 2-12 | Ichang to Wan-hsien (萬縣) | About 200 miles in "Red-boat."

" 13 | Fu-tzŭ-p'u (福自鋪) | Village.

| Fên Shui (分水) | Large village; good inn.

" 14 | Shang Ku Ling (晌鼓嶺) | Village.

| Liang-shan (梁山縣) | District city.

" 15 | Sha Ho P'u (沙河鋪) | Village.

| Lao Yin Ch'ang (老音塲) | Village.

| Yüan Pa I (元壩驛) | Village.

" 16 | Huang Ni Pien (黃泥邊) | Village.

| Ta Chu (大竹) | District city; good inn.

" 17 | Chüan Tung Mên (卷東門) | Large village.

| Li Tu (李渡) | Small town on Ch'ü River.

" 18 | Crossed Ch'ü River (渠河) | Ferry.

| Wu Chia Ch'ang (吳家塲) | Busy unwalled town.

| Ch'ing Shih Chêng (青石正) | Large village.

" 19 | Lo Chia Ch'ang (羅家塲) | Village.

Feb. 19 |T'iao Têng Ch'ang (跳登塲) | Village; bad inn.

" 20 |Lao Chün Ch'iao (老君橋) | Village.

|Shun-ch'ing-fu (順慶府) | Prefectural city on Chia-ling

| | River. Good inn named the

| | Shang Shêng Tien (上陞店).

" 21 |Wu Lung Ch'ang (五龍塲) | Village.

|P'êng-hsi-hsien (蓬溪縣) | District city.

" 22 |Kuan Shêng Tien (雚聖殿) | Village.

|T'ai Ho Chên (太河鎮) | Small town on right bank of

| | Fou Chiang. Many pottery

| | factories and shrimp-shops.

| | River navigable for narrow

| | boats.

" 23 |Kao Fên Tsui (高墳嘴) | Village; good inn.

|Kuan Yin Ch'iao (觀音橋) | Bridge and village.

" 24 |Lu Pan Ch'iao (魯板橋) | Village.

|Ta Sang Tun (大磉墩) | Village.

" 25 |Hsing Lung Ch'ang (興隆塲) | Large village.

|Chao Chia Tu (趙家渡) | Small town.

" 26 |Yao Chia Tu (姚家渡) | Village.

|Ch'êng-tu-fu (成都府) |Capital of Ssuch'uan.

| | Elevation, 1,500 feet above

| | sea-level.

Mar. 1-4 |Ch'êng-tu to Chia-ting-fu |By boat. Chia-ting is a small

| (嘉定府) | prefectural city at

| | junction of Min, Ya and Ta

| | Tu Rivers. Elevation,

| | 1,100 feet.

Mar. 6 |Chia-ting to Omei-hsien |Omei-hsien is a small

| (峨眉縣) | district city at the foot

| | of Mount Omei, 1,500 feet.

" 7-10|Mount Omei (峨眉山) |11,000 feet.

" 11 |Omei-hsien to Chia-chiang |Small town on Ya River.

| (夾江) |

" 12 |Hung-Ya-hsien (洪雅縣) |District city.

|Chih-kuo-chên (止戈鎮) |Small village; bad inn.

" 13 |Kuan Yin Ch'ang (雚音塲) |Small village.

| Ts'ao Pa (草垻) |Small town.

" 14 | Ya-chou-fu (雅州府) |Prefectural city, 2,500 feet.

" 16 | Fei Lung Pass (飛龍嶺) |3,600 feet.

| Shih-chia Ch'iao (石家橋) |Small village; good inn.

" 17 | Jung-Ching-hsien (榮經縣) |Small town, 2,300 feet.

| Huang-ni-p'u (黃坭舖) |Small village, 3,870 feet.

" 18 | Ta Hsiang Ling (大象嶺) |Pass, 9,200 feet.

| Ch'ing-ch'i-hsien (清溪縣)|Small district city, 5,750 feet.

" 19 | Fu Chuang (富庄) |Small village, 3,900 feet.

| Ni (I) T'ou I (宜頭驛) |Small village; good inns;

| | 4,900 feet.

" 20 | Fei Yüeh Ling (飛越嶺) |9,000 feet; steep pass.

| Hua-lin-p'ing (花林坪) |Small village, 7,100 feet.

" 21 | Lêng Chi (洽磧) |Large village, 4,700 feet.

| Lu Ting Ch'iao (鑪定橋) |Small town on the left bank

| | of Ta Tu River, 4,850 feet.

| | Suspension bridge.

Mar. 22 |Ta P'êng Pa (大烹壩) |Hamlet.

|Wa Ssŭ Kou (瓦寺溝) |Small village near junction

| | of Tachienlu River and Ta

| | Tu River, 5,300 feet.

" 23 |Tachienlu (打箭鑪) |Small City, 8,400 feet.

Apr. 15 |Chê To (折多) |Scattered hamlet, 10,650

| | feet.

" 16 |Solitary house. |

|Chê Ri La |Two passes: the higher about

| | 17,400 feet.

|A Te |Scattered hamlet, 13,000

| | feet.

" 17 |Du Sz Drung |Village, 10,800 feet.

|Dza Ri K'u |Village.

|Ring I Drung |Village.

|Bridge and village. |

|Ba Lu |Village.

|P'un Bu Shi |Solitary house.

" 18 |Octagonal towers. |

|Ch'un Bo |Solitary house.

|Large House |Residence of T'u Pai Hu,

| | 11,400 feet.

" 19 |Bridges. |

|Sho Ti Ba Dze |Village.

|Tan Ga La |Pass, 15,000 feet.

|Tu (_Chinese_, Lu Li) |Village.

" 20 |Bridge. |

Apr. 20 |Dro Dse Drung (_Ch._ San |

| Chia-tzŭ: 三家子) |Village.

|Na K'i (_Ch._ Hsia |Village.

| Ch'êng-tzŭ: 下成子) |

|Long Obo. |

|Dra Shê |Village.

|Octagonal tower. |

|Ri Wa (_Ch._ Wu Chia-tzŭ: |

| 五家子) |

|Ko Ri Drung (_Ch._ Chung |Hamlet, 13,000 feet.

| Ku: 中古) |

" 21 |Dji Dju La |Pass, 17,500 feet.

|Dur (_Ch._ Hei Lao: 黑老) |Village, 12,500 feet.

" 22 |Wu Shu La (_Ch._ Wu Shu |

| Shan: 五樹山) |Pass, 15,500 feet.

|Wu Shu (_Ch._ Wu Shu: 五樹) |Village, 11,000 feet.

" 23 |Sin Go La |Pass, 15,000 feet.

|Nai Yu La |Pass, 16,000 feet.

|Hlan Go La |Pass, 17,200 feet.

|Gur Dja (_Ch._ Yin Cho: 銀棹) |Village, 12,000 feet.

" 24 |Ri Go La |Pass, 16,500 feet.

|Pu Ti La |Pass, 10,800 feet.

|Pei T'ai (_Ch._ Pai T'ai: 白泰)|Village, 10,000 feet.

" 25 |Lan Yi Pa |Valley with one house.

|Hsin Yi La |Hill from which signal-gun is

| | fired.

|Pa-U-Rong |Flourishing cluster of

| | villages overlooking valley

| | of Yalung, 7,700 feet.

Apr. 27 |Yalung River (Nya Ch'u, |Crossed by single-rope

| or Chin Ho) (鴉礱江) | bridge. River, 7,500 feet.

|Dju Mu |Hamlet, 9,000 feet.

" 28 |Tê Ben |One house, 10,000 feet.

" 29 |Pa Sung |Hamlet.

|Ten Ba K'a |Hamlet, 10,800 feet.

" 30 |Pass |12,500 feet.

|Hu Dra |Solitary house, 10,100 feet.

May 1 |Two ruined huts. |

|Wa-chin Gompa, or Lha-k'ang|Lamasery, 9,600 feet.

|Ta K'oa |Hamlet.

" 2 |Dje Ru |Hamlet.

|Tong Yi |Bridge Over Li Ch'u or Litang

| | River.

|Wu |Hamlet.

|Obos and Chorten |Camp in the open, 9,000 feet.

" 3 |Bridges. |

|Ku-Dze |Hamlet.

|Muli (木裏) |Lamasery and headquarters of

| | lama-prince of

| | "Huang-Lama," 9,500 feet.

" 6 |Solitary house | 9,500 feet.

" 7 |Shi Li La | Pass, 15,500 feet.

|Li She Tzŭ | Mo-so hamlet, 11,000 feet.

" 8 |Li Rang Tzŭ | Hamlet, the last in

| | "Huang-Lama" and in

| | Ssuch'uan.

May 8 |Boundary of Ssuch'uan and |

| YunnanProvinces. |

|Djo Dji |Village.

|Wo La |Village.

|Yi Ma Wa |Village.

|A-ko Am-ni Wa |Village.

|A-gu Wa |Village.

|Yung-ning-t'u-fu (永甯土府) |A Mo-so town with a lamasery.

| | Chief centre of district

| | ruled by Mo-so chief, on

| | whom Chinese Government has

| | conferred hereditary rank

| | of Prefect; 9,500 feet.

" 10 |Ge Wa Ya K'ou |Pass, 13,000 feet.

|Solitary hut. |

" 11 |Lan Ga Lo |House.

|La Ka Shi |Village.

|Ferry |Yangtse River, 5,200 feet.

|Fêng K'o |Village, 7,200 feet.

" 12 |Shrine and spring. |

|Cottages. |

|Camp in forest. |

" 13 |Go Ka A |Pass, 15,000 feet.

|T'o Ko Sho |Hamlet.

|Camp in forest. |

May 14 |Ming Yin Chi (鳴音汲) |Village, 9,200 feet.

|Camp |8,900 feet.

" 15 |Pass |10,600 feet.

|Bridge over Hei Shui (黑水) |8,900 feet.

|Three passes |Highest about 11,000 feet.

|Stony plateau |Overlooked by snowy peaks,

| | 18,500 feet.

|Li-chiang plain and |

| villages. |

|Li-chiang (麗江府) |Prefectural town: seat of

| | native chief, and also of

| | Chinese Prefect and

| | Magistrate, 8,200 feet.

" 18 |Shang La Shih (上喇是), |Village, 8,100 feet.

| or Lashi |

|Pass |10,000 feet.

|Kuan Hsia (關下), |Village at north end of Chien

| or P'o Chiao (坡□) | Ch'uan plain.

" 19 |Tu Ho (渡河) |Village.

|Wa Ch'ang (瓦塲) |Village.

|Chi Wu (雞勿) |Village.

|Chiu Ho Pa (九河霸) |Village.

|Mei Tzŭ (梅子) |Village.

|Shao Chin Ch'ang (哨金塲) |Village.

|Chien-ch'uan-chou (劍川州) |Departmental city, 7,500 feet.

|Lake. |

|Han Têng Ts'un (漢登村) |Village.

|Hai Wei (海尾) |River and bridge.

May 19 |Tien Wei Kai (甸尾街) |Village.

" 20 |Hao Shou Bridge (寉壽橋) |House, temple and bridge.

|Niu Kai (牛街) |Village.

|Huo Yen Shan (水燄山) |Hill with hot springs.

|San Ying (三營) |Small market town; good inn.

" 21 |Ch'ang Ying (長營) |Village.

|Ying-shan-p'u (映山鋪) |Large village.

|Pai Sha Ho (白沙河) |Small river and canal.

|Chung So (中所) |Village.

|Yu So (右所) |Village.

|Lung Kai Tzŭ (龍街子) |Village.

|Têng-ch'uan-chou (登川州) |Small departmental city,

| | 7,000 feet.

|Erh Hai (洱海) |Lake of Tali-fu.

|Sha P'ing (沙坪) |Village near north end of

| | lake.

" 22 |Shang Kuan (上關) |Walled village.

|Numerous villages. |

|Tali-fu (大理府) |Prefectural city, 6,700 feet.

" 25 |Hsia Kuan (下關) |Busy town, 6,900 feet.

|Ho Chiang-p'u (河港鋪) |Small village.

" 26 |Yang Pi |Small town, 5,160 feet.

|Suspension bridge. |

|Mountain hamlet |Not the usual stage.

May 27 |Pass |8,350 feet.

|T'ai-p'ing-p'u (太平鋪) |Hamlet, 7,370 feet.

|Suspension bridge |Over Ch'ing Lien Ho (淸連河).

|Huang-lien-p'u |Village.

" 28 |Chiao Kou Shan |Huts.

|Wan Sung An |Small temple.

|Yung P'ing (永平) |Small town.

" 29 |Hsiao T'ien Pa (小田垻) |Village.

|Hsiao Hua Ch'iao (小花橋) |Village.

|Ta Hua Ch'iao (大花橋) |Village.

|Pass |8,150 feet.

|Sha Yang |Village.

" 30 |Bridge of the Phœnix Cry |

| (鳳嗚石橋) |

|Pass |

|Mekong River (瀾滄江) |4,000 feet. Bridge of 60

| | yards span.

|P'ing P'o |Hamlet.

|Shui Chai |Village.

" 31 |Pass |7,800 feet.

|Niu Chio Kuan |Village.

|Kuan P'o |Village.

|Shih K'o Ts'un |Village.

|Pan Ch'iao (板橋) |Village.

May 31 |Yung-ch'ang-fu (永昌府) |Prefectural city, 5,500 feet.

June 1 |Wo Shih Wo (臥獅窩) |Village.

|Hao Tzŭ P'u |Village.

|Pass |

|Lêng Shui Ching (冷水井) |Village.

|P'u Piao |Large village.

" 2 |Fang Ma Ch'ang (放馬塲) |Villages.

|Ta Pan Ching (大板井) |Hamlet, 4,500 feet.

" 3 |Salwen River |Suspension bridge, 2,400

| | feet.

|Hu Mu Shu |Hamlet, 5,560 feet.

" 4 |Hsiang Po (象脖) |Hamlet, 7,230 feet.

|Pass |8,730 feet.

|T'ai P'ing (太平) |Hamlet, 7,780 feet.

|Shwe-Li or Lung River |Suspension bridge, 4,300 feet.

|Kan-Lan-Chan (乾欖站) |Village, 4,810 feet.

" 5 |Chin Chai P'u (金齋鋪) |Village.

|T'êng-Yüeh (謄越), or Momein |City. British Consulate and

| | Chinese Imperial Customs.

| | 5,365 feet.

" 8 |Jê Shui T'ang (熱水盪) |Village.

|Nan Tien (南甸) |Village. Seat of a Shan Sawbwa.

" 9 |Kau Ngai |Market village.

" 10 |Hsiao Hsin Kai (小新街) |Village; good inn.

June 11 |Lung Chang Kai |Village. Customs station.

|Man-hsien |Village. Seat of a Shan sawbwa.

" 12 |Kamsa Bridge |Iron bridge, completed 1905.

|Kulika |British frontier.

|Mong-kung-ka |First Government Bungalow.

" 13 |Kulong-ka |Government Bungalow.

" 14 |Kalachet |Bungalow.

|Momauk |Bungalow.

" 15 |Bhamo |Frontier garrison-town, on

| | Irrawaddy, 361 feet.

" 20 |Mandalay |By steamer from Bhamo.

NOTES

NOTE 1 (p. 61)

MOUNT OMEI AND CHOU KUNG SHAN

There are vague traditions that Mount Omei was a centre of primitive

nature-worship long before the days of Buddhism. There is a passage in

the _Shu Ching_ from which we learn that the semi-mythical emperor Yü

(about the twenty-third century B.C.), after the completion of some

of the famous drainage and irrigation works with which his name is

associated, offered sacrifices on (or to) certain hills named Ts'ai and

Mêng. It is a disputed point among the commentators where these hills

are. Mêng is said to be one of the mountains that overlook Ya-chou,

and we shall see in Chapter VIII. that one of those mountains is still

the resort of pilgrims. As to Ts'ai, one commentator at least has

inclined to the opinion that it must be looked for in the Omei range

(see Legge's _Chinese Classics_, vol. iii. part i. p. 121). If this

identification be correct, we must regard the brief notice in the _Shu

Ching_ as the oldest reference in extant literature to Mount Omei. The

student of Chinese who wishes to pursue further the vexed question

of Mêng and Ts'ai will find a discussion of it in the 16th _chüan_

of the _Ssuch'uan T'ung Chih_. The probability seems to be that both

Mêng and Ts'ai were close to Ya-chou, and that neither of them should

be identified with Omei. Mêng seems to be one of the hills that lie

to the south of the city; Ts'ai may or may not be the somewhat famous

mountain generally known as Chou Kung Shan, or the Hill of Duke Chou,

which is situated a couple of miles to the east. Chou Kung, who is said

to have died in B.C. 1105, is perhaps chiefly known to Europeans as the

legendary inventor of the famous "south-pointing chariot," but he is

regarded by the Chinese as a pattern of many virtues. His zeal for the

public good was so great that he seems--if we may believe Mencius--to

have anticipated the all-night sittings of the House of Commons. His

merits indeed were of so extraordinary a nature that, as we know from

the _Lun Yü_, Confucius regarded it as a sign of his approaching dotage

that for a long time he had ceased to dream of Chou Kung.

Other people besides Confucius were in the habit of dreaming of

this great and good man. The hill near Ya-chou, according to a story

preserved in the official annals of Ssuch'uan, owes its name to a

dream-vision that came to the famous Chinese general, Chu-ko Liang.

This distinguished warrior flourished in the second and third centuries

of our era. He made his name by his successful campaigns against the

Wild Men of the West--the Man-tzŭ and others--and on one occasion when

he was proceeding at the head of his army to inflict chastisement upon

them he spent a night on the slopes of the Ya-chou Hill and dreamed

that Chou Kung paid him a visit. He regarded this as of such happy omen

for the success of his expedition that he immediately caused a temple

to Chou Kung to be erected on the auspicious spot. Since that time, the

hill--which may or may not have been already sacred, under the name of

Ts'ai, to the memory of the Emperor Yü--has always been known as Chou

Kung Shan. The fame of the general Chu-ko Liang has almost rivalled

that of Chou Kung himself. This "darling hero of the Chinese people,"

as Professor Giles calls him, has had temples erected in his honour in

many towns of Ssuch'uan, and he is a well-known and popular figure on

the Chinese theatrical stage.

NOTE 2 (p. 65)

BODHIDARMA

Bodhidarma (逹摩大師) is the original of the _Ta Mo_ so often found in

Ssuch'uanese temples. Catholic missionaries, struck by the sound of the

name and the fact that Ta-Mo is sometimes found wearing an ornament

shaped like a Christian cross, have clung to the idea that Ta-Mo was

no other than the Apostle St Thomas. (See _Croix et Swastika_, by

Father Gaillard, pp. 80 _seq._) Bodhidarma is regarded as the founder

of the Zen sect in Japan. Japanese children know him well, for he is a

conspicuous object in the toy-shops in the form of the legless Daruma.

(See Lafcadio Hearn's charming essay in _A Japanese Miscellany_.)

NOTE 3 (p. 70)

"GODS" IN BUDDHISM

[Sidenote: NIRVANA]

On this subject may be consulted the passage on the "Eel-wrigglers"

in the Brahma-gâla Suttanta, translated by Rhys Davids in the _Sacred

Books of the Buddhists_, vol. ii. Buddhism refrains from denying,

rather than distinctly affirms, the existence of the Brahmanical gods;

but these gods, if existent, are regarded as neither omnipotent nor

immortal. They are subject to the law of karma just as man himself is

subject. The Arahat is greater than any "god" because released from all

change and illusion, to which the "gods" are still subject. (See Rhys

Davids, _Hibbert Lectures_, pp. 210 _seq._, 4th edn.) The abolition or

retention of the Brahmanical deities would really make little or no

difference to the philosophical position of canonical Buddhism.

NOTE 4 (p. 71)

NIRVANA

The view of Nirvana set forth in the text is that taught by Professor

Rhys Davids, the veteran scholar to whom all European students of

Buddhism owe so deep a debt of gratitude. (See his _Buddhism_, _Hibbert

Lectures_, _American Lectures_, and his valuable contributions to the

_Sacred Books of the East_. With regard to Nirvana, see especially

his _Questions of King Milinda_, vol. i. pp. 106-108 and vol. ii. pp.

181 _seq._) As regards the _tanha_ or "thirst" for existence, which

according to the Buddhist theory keeps us in the net of illusion and

prevents the attainment of Nirvana, Huxley (_Evolution and Ethics_)

mentions as a curious fact that a parallel may be found in the

_aviditas vitae_ of Stoicism.

The Japanese views of Nirvana are set forth clearly and authoritatively

in Fujishima's _Le Bouddhisme Japonais_. "Selon les écoles du Mahâyâna,

ce qui est vide au dedans et au dehors c'est l'existence composée

et visible (_samkrita_): l'anéantissement de ce vide n'est donc pas

lui-même le vide, mais plutôt la plénitude." The author goes on to

quote from a sutra which declares that "illusion passes away; reality

remains; that is Nirvana." To an English reader this naturally recalls

some of Shelley's lines in _Adonais_, too well known to quote. Japanese

Buddhism has, of course, developed somewhat on lines of its own. The

popular Buddhism of Japan is portrayed with rare insight by Lafcadio

Hearn, as in his _Gleanings from Buddha-Fields_, pp. 211 _seq._

Among recent attempts to escape from the pessimistic conclusion that,

according to strict Buddhism, Arahatship must lead after all to

complete extinction, Schrader's interesting essay in the _Journal_ of

the Pali Text Society, 1904-1905, is worth consulting. The question

is one of deep philosophic interest, but a discussion of it cannot be

attempted in the narrow space at our disposal here.

NOTE 5 (p. 76)

THE MAHAYANA

For explanations of the rise of the Mahayana, see (among many other

authorities) Max Mūller's _India_, p. 87 (1905 edn.) and his _Last

Essays_ (First Series) pp. 260 _seq._ (Longmans: 1901); see also p. 376

in R. Sewell's essay on _Early Buddhist Symbolism_ (J.R.A.S., July,

1886). For the growth of the Mahayana and kindred schools in China,

the works of Beal, Edkins, Eitel and Watters are among the first that

should be consulted. There is still a great deal that is mysterious in

the early history of Mahayana and allied systems, and it is reasonable

to hope that the discoveries recently made, and still being made

almost daily by Stein and others in Chinese Turkestan and neighbouring

regions, will throw a flood of light on the whole subject, and perhaps

destroy many existing theories regarding the history of Buddhism during

the ten or twelve first centuries of the Christian era.

NOTE 6 (p. 86)

ANTIQUITIES OF MOUNT OMEI

As Baber's discovery of the _chüan tien_ or spiral-shaped brick

hall and the bronze elephant which it contains aroused very natural

enthusiasm among persons interested in Far Eastern antiquities, and is

still repeatedly referred to in connection with Chinese archæology,

it is with hesitation that I suggest a doubt as to whether either the

building or the elephant is as old as Baber--and others after him--have

supposed. (See _Supplementary Papers_, R.G.S., vol. i. pp. 34-36, and

Archibald Little's _Mount Omi and Beyond_, pp. 64-5.)

In the 41st _chüan_ of the _Ssuch'uan T'ung Chih_ there are two

passages relating to the Wan-nien Ssŭ, and one of them Baber apparently

overlooked. It was written about 1665 in commemoration of a restoration

of the Wan-nien and Kuang Hsiang monasteries under the auspices of a

Provincial Governor. In it occur some remarks of which the following

is a rough translation. "From the T'ang to the Sung dynasties the name

of the monastery was _Pai Shui P'u Hsien Ssŭ_. In the time of Wan Li

of the Ming, its name was changed to _Shêng-shou Wan-nien Ssŭ_. As

originally built (_yüan chien_) it contained a _tsang ching ko_ (_i.e._

a library) consisting of a revolving (circular?) spiral structure of

brick, strongly built, of exceptionally delicate workmanship, very

lofty and imposing, and of a beauty unsurpassed in the world." Now

the existing _tien_ is a most curious building of a foreign (probably

Indian) type, but to describe it as lofty and imposing and of delicate

and elaborate workmanship would be to spin a traveller's yarn of the

baser sort. How, without impugning the good faith of the chronicler,

can we reconcile such a glowing description with existing facts?

[Sidenote: MOUNT OMEI]

When we learn from the local records that the Wan-nien Ssŭ has been

several times destroyed by fire, the obvious supposition is that the

original splendid structure described in my quotation perished with the

rest of the monastic pile. Baber himself points out that the tusks of

the elephant inside the _tien_ are of late date, the old ones having

been "melted off," he was told, "by the intense heat." It seems natural

to suppose that when the rebuilding of the monastery took place (and

it was rebuilt, as we know, late in the sixteenth or early in the

seventeenth century, and again about 1665) the monks had neither funds

nor skill sufficient to enable them to restore the _chüan tien_ to its

pristine magnificence, and contented themselves with putting up a much

smaller and meaner building, preserving as far as possible the original

peculiarities of design.

This, however, is mere supposition. I now return to our Chinese

authorities, and in the 9th _chüan_ of the _Omei-hsien Chih_ I find an

allusion to the Wan-nien Ssŭ by one Li Hua Nan (李化楠), an official

who apparently flourished in the seventeenth century. He states most

emphatically that the monastery was restored or rebuilt in both the

Sung and the Ming periods, but had undergone such complete destruction

by fire that nothing was left _except a chüan tien belonging to the

period of Wan Li_. Wan Li was the reign-title of a Ming emperor who

reigned from 1573 to 1619. That the _chüan tien_ was _carefully and

thoroughly restored_ under Wan Li is admitted by the authority quoted

by Baber himself: the only question seems to be whether the restoration

left enough of the original building to justify our regarding it as a

veritable monument "fifteen centuries old"--as Baber conjectured--or

whether, as the evidence seems to indicate, the restoration was such

that we have only a small and inferior copy of "a lofty and imposing

building, of a beauty unsurpassed in the world."

No one, so far as I know, has yet drawn attention to the fact that

the spiral building of the Wan-nien Ssŭ is not--or was not--the only

building of its kind on Mount Omei. Among the few monasteries on the

lower slopes of the mountain which I did not enter is the Hua Yen Ssŭ

(not to be confused with the temple of the Hua Yen Ting mentioned on

page 91). It was not till after I had left the province that I came

across a description of this monastery, which made me much regret

that I had not visited it. I translate the following passage from the

_Omei-Shan Chih_ (quoted in the 41st _chüan_ of the _T'ung Chih_):

"There is a very ancient and wonderful revolving (circular?) spiral

building (有旋螺殿極奇古), and a tablet of the Shao Hsing period of the

Sung dynasty, on the left side of which are carved the words '15 _li_

to Omei-hsien' and on the right the words '70 _li_ to the summit of

the mountain.'" The words used to describe the shape of the "revolving

spiral" building are identical--so far as they go--with those applied

to the brick edifice in the Wan-nien Ssŭ: and the whole passage

certainly implies that, whatever the date of the spiral building in the

Hua Yen Ssŭ might be, it was at any rate prior to the Sung dynasty. The

next visitor to Mount Omei should not fail to examine the curiosities

of the Hua Yen Ssŭ; a close inspection of its spiral building--if it

still exists--and a comparison of it with that of the Wan-nien Ssŭ

might assist us in assigning a date to the latter, and might perhaps

prove that however old the latter may be it is not without a rival in

mere antiquity.

So much for the brick building. What is to be said about the bronze

elephant that Baber so properly admired, and which he believed to be

"the most ancient bronze casting of any great size in existence"?

Li Hua Nan, the writer who ascribes the _chüan tien_ to the Wan Li

period, goes on to add a piece of information which is much to our

purpose. "There is a P'u Hsien 1 _chang_ 6 _ch'ih_ in height, with a

gilded body, riding a bronze elephant, set up in the _Jên Tsung period

of the Sung dynasty_." The sentence is somewhat ambiguous, for the date

might refer to the image of P'u Hsien only and not to the elephant.

Baber believed, on artistic grounds, that the P'u Hsien was of much

later date than the elephant. On the whole, however, it seems probable

that Li Hua Nan referred to both images. The Jên Tsung reign lasted

from 1023 to 1063, so that if we select the middle of the period we

may assign the elephant approximately to the year 1043. This cuts many

centuries off the age of the elephant as reckoned by Baber.

There is no reason for doubting whether so fine a bronze casting of an

animal unknown to China could have been made as late as the eleventh

century. There were still Buddhists in India at that time, and Chinese

pilgrims had not yet given up the habit of visiting India in search

of relics and _pei to yeh_ (palm-leaf manuscripts). Indian Buddhists,

too, frequently came to Mount Omei. There is, indeed, no necessity for

mere guesswork, for the monastic and provincial records contain ample

evidence that the casting of large bronzes for Buddhist shrines was,

during the Sung period at least, a regular industry in the city of

Ch'êng-tu.

[Sidenote: BUDDHA'S TEETH]

The numerous miniature "Buddhas" that line the walls of the present

_chüan tien_ have attracted the attention of several European visitors,

and perhaps deserve a few words of comment. Some are the property of

pilgrims who leave them in the holy building in order that they may

acquire sanctity, but the greater number are evidently antique and

seem to be of uniform pattern. Baber was informed that they were of

silver--darkened with age and the smoke of incense. Mr Archibald Little

says they are of bronze. I made my own enquiries on the matter and was

assured by the monks that they were of iron. Where did they come from?

I conjecture that they are the images that once adorned a vanished hall

of the Wan-nien Ssŭ, known as the _San Ch'ien T'ieh Fo Tien_--Pavilion

of the Three Thousand Iron Buddhas. I cannot find any history of this

building, but from a poem by Ku Kuang Hsü, a Ssuch'uan chief justice of

the Ming dynasty, I gather that it was remembered but had disappeared

by his time. It existed in the Sung dynasty, for it is mentioned by one

Fan Ch'êng Ta (范成大) who visited it during that period. The number of

the images is easily explained as an allusion to the three thousand

disciples who are said to have sat at the feet of P'u Hsien in the days

when, according to the legend, that great Bodhisattva expounded the

Good Law amid the forests of Mount Omei.

NOTE 7 (p. 86)

"BUDDHA'S TEETH"

The most famous of the supposed teeth of Buddha is, of course, the

celebrated relic preserved in Kandy. The Buddhists of Ceylon will

have none of the story that the original tooth was ground into powder

by a pious Portuguese archbishop of the sixteenth century, and they

firmly believe that the genuine relic still reposes in Kandy at the

Malagawa Vihara. China possesses, or is supposed to possess, several

of the alleged Buddha's teeth, but they seem to have acquired no more

than a local reputation. One--similar in appearance to that of Mount

Omei--is described by Fortune as being in possession of a monastery at

Fu-chou. A writer in the _Fan Ju Tzŭ Chi_ (范汝梓記), commenting upon

the specimen in the Wan-nien Ssŭ, remarks that it weighs 15 catties,

equivalent to about 20 lbs. He says that in the Ching Yin (淨因寺) in

Ch'êng-tu there is one that weighs 3⅓ lbs., and another in the Chao

Chiao Ssŭ (昭覺寺) in the same city that weighs 9½ lbs. He goes on to

describe a far more remarkable specimen that had the singular property

of producing out of its own substance myriads of other _shê li_ or

Buddhistic relics, some of which flew off into space while others fell

on the floor and knocked against the furniture with a jingling sound.

This surprising tooth appeared by special command before the emperor,

but we are not informed whether the _séance_ was a successful one.

Our historian shows something of a tendency to indulge in frivolous

speculations regarding the capacity and measurements of the mouth

that could accommodate teeth of such monstrous sizes and singular

properties, and he points out that according to tradition a true

Buddha's tooth is always marked with certain sacred symbols, such as

the _dharma chakra_ or Wheel of the Law.

Marco Polo mentions a great embassy sent by the emperor of China to

Ceylon in 1284 for the purpose of obtaining certain relics of "our

first father Adam," such as his hair and teeth and a dish from which he

ate; and he remarks that the ambassadors, besides acquiring the dish,

which was of "very beautiful green porphyry," and some of the hair,

"also succeeded in getting two of the grinder teeth, which were passing

great and thick." It need hardly be said that the monarchs of the Yüan

dynasty took a very considerable interest in Buddha, but none at all

in "our first father Adam." That they sent embassies to Ceylon for

Buddhist relics is probably true, for the fact is mentioned in Chinese

Chronicles; but it is impossible to say whether any of the numerous

"teeth of Buddha" that have appeared in different localities in China

formed part of the relics then brought from Ceylon. (The notes appended

to Cordier's edition of Yule's _Marco Polo_, vol. ii. chap. xv., should

be consulted by all interested in the subject of the migrations of

Buddhist relics.)

NOTE 8 (p. 89)

THE K'AI SHAN CH'U TIEN

The name of this monastery shows that it claims to be one of the

original religious foundations of Mount Omei. According to tradition it

was here that P'u Kung, as related in Chapter VI., was gathering herbs

when he came across "in a misty hollow" the tracks of the lily-footed

deer that led him to the mountain-top. The monastery is supposed to

have been founded in commemoration of the occurrence.

NOTE 9 (p. 95)

TA SHÊNG SSŬ OR GREAT VEHICLE MONASTERY

[Sidenote: THE HOLY LAMPS]

The old name of this monastery was Hua Ch'êng (化成), and the name was

chosen by its founder, "a holy monk from the foreign countries of the

West," who said that the scenery reminded him of his native country.

Tradition says that he built the original hermitage of the bark of

trees; hence the additional name _Mu-p'i_ by which the foundation was

known for centuries afterwards. One of the stories about this part of

the mountain is that two hungry pilgrims were fed with fruit here by a

wonderful white monkey.

NOTE 10 (p. 102)

"THE GLORY OF BUDDHA"

Several Chinese descriptions of the Fo Kuang will be found in the

chronicles of Mount Omei and of Omei-hsien, notably those of Ho Shih

Hêng (何式恒) and Yüan Tzŭ Jang (袁子讓). According to the latter, there

are more than five colours. He describes the appearance somewhat as

follows. The central circle is of jade-green; the outermost circle

consists of a layer of pale red, and the successive inner circles are

of green, white, purple, yellow and crimson. Each beholder, he says,

sees his own shadow in the mist of the central circle.

A crude drawing of the "Glory" may be noticed near the upper left-hand

corner of the Chinese plan of Mount Omei, which is reproduced in this

book.

NOTE 11 (p. 108)

"THE HOLY LAMPS"

Among good Chinese descriptions of this phenomenon may be mentioned

those of Yüan Tzŭ Jang (袁子讓) of the Ming and Ho Shih Hêng (何式恒) of

the present dynasty. Both writers have been mentioned in the preceding

note. The former wrote a delightful account of his visit to Mount Omei.

It is in a flowing unpedantic style, and it proves that its writer

had a keenly observant eye and a great liking for old-world legends

combined with a power of working them up into a graceful narrative.

NOTE 12 (p. 109)

THE HSIEN TSU TIEN, CHUNG FÊNG SSŬ AND TA O SSŬ

The _Hsien Tsu Tien_ represents the earliest of the Mount Omei

monasteries, and is said to have been built by P'u Kung in the reign of

Ming Ti of the Han dynasty after the famous episode of the lily-footed

deer. Probably if the searchlight of strict historical enquiry were to

be turned on the legends and records of Mount Omei, it would be found

that the mountain knew nothing of Buddhism until the third or fourth

centuries of our era. It is a significant fact that some of the legends

about P'u Kung--the herb-gathering official who followed the deer and

first saw the "Glory"--state or imply that he belonged to the Chin

period, which did not begin till the year 265. There is more than a

likelihood that the historians of such ancient monasteries as the Hsien

Tsu Tien and the Wan-nien Ssŭ deliberately ante-dated their foundation

in order to throw back the beginnings of Omei's Buddhistic history to

the earliest possible period. It is almost inconceivable that Omei can

have become the resort of Buddhist monks during the very reign of the

emperor who is credited with the first introduction of Buddhism into

China.

According to the monastic chronicles, the earliest name of the

monastery we are considering was P'u Kaung Tien, "The Pavilion of

Universal Glory." The name was subsequently altered to Kuang Hsiang

Ssŭ (光相寺), and so it was known during the T'ang and Sung periods.

In the time of Hung Wu, first emperor of the Ming, it was rebuilt and

roofed with iron. Associated with it were four small bronze pagodas,

some of the remains of which are still lying on the ground within the

precincts of the present Chin Tien (which was apparently first built

in the reign of Wan Li of the Ming). A thorough restoration--carried

out during a period of three years--took place in the second half of

the fifteenth century. At the end of the Ming period it was utterly

destroyed--presumably by fire. It was again rebuilt during the reign

of K'ang Hsi of the present dynasty under the auspices of a Provincial

Governor named Chang (see note 6, paragraph 2), and minor restorations

on a smaller scale have taken place more recently.

The _Chung Fêng Ssŭ_ or Half-way Monastery bears the alternative name

of "The Gathering Clouds," an allusion to the fact that here the

upward-bound pilgrim enters into the region of mist. It dates from the

Chin dynasty (about the third century of our era) and was restored in

the Sung and Ming periods.

[Sidenote: THE TA HSIANG LING]

The _Ta O Ssŭ_ is an ancient foundation rebuilt in the first year of

K'ang Hsi (1662). It is one of the principal religious houses on the

mountain, and has a finer site than most of its rivals. An alternative

name is Fu Shou An. This name is due to the fact that the words Fu

Shou--"Happiness and Longevity"--were carved on a neighbouring rock

by a celebrated recluse of the Sung dynasty named Hsi I, known as the

Wizard of Omei.

NOTE 13 (p. 114)

YA-CHOU-FU

The military importance of this city was very great so long as the

tribal chiefs and Tibetans had not been reduced to comparative

quiescence. The commander-in-chief of the military forces of the

province was permanently stationed at this frontier city. (_Shêng Wu

Chi_, _11th chüan_.)

NOTE 14 (p. 117)

THE TA HSIANG LING

There is a small unsettled controversy regarding the name of the Ta

Hsiang Ling. It is possible that the mountain owes its name not to the

legend of P'u Hsien's elephant, but to the famous general Chu-ko Liang

(see note 1). Devout Buddhists are bound to hold that the name means

"The Great Elephant," and this is the view taken in all Buddhistic

accounts of western Ssuch'uan and in the maps issued by the monks of

Mount Omei. But other authorities--including the official _Topography_

and the _Shêng Wu Chi_ (5th _chüan_)--give the central character not as

象 (_hsiang_, elephant) but as 相 (_hsiang_, minister of state), thereby

changing the mountain's name into "The Great Mountain of the Minister."

This minister is none other than Chu-ko Liang, who is said to have

crossed the mountain during his western campaigns. The "Small Elephant

Pass" in the Chien-ch'ang Valley is similarly metamorphosed into "The

Small Mountain of the Minister," and for a like reason. This latter

mountain, however, is also known officially as the Nan Shan or South

Mountain. (寕遠府南山土名小相嶺皆以武候經過得名: _Shêng Wu Chi_, _loc.

cit._)

This note will throw a light on a passage that occurs in Mr Archibald

Little's _Mount Omi and Beyond_ (pp. 204-205) and exonerate Captain

Gill from the charge of inaccuracy.

It may be worth mentioning that a neighbouring mountain bears the

officially-recognised name of Shih-tzŭ Shan, or Lion Hill, but the

_T'ung Chih_ explicitly states that this is owing to its peculiar

shape. There is nothing in the contour of the Ta Hsiang Ling to suggest

an elephant.

NOTE 15 (p. 120)

CH'ING-CH'I-HSIEN

This little town has had a variety of names during its long and

chequered history, and it frequently changed hands. Its position was

for centuries somewhat analogous to that of Berwick-on-Tweed during

the Anglo-Scottish border wars. The _T'ung Chih_ states that it passed

into the hands of the Chinese after one of the numerous "pacifications

of the West," in the 30th year of Han Wu Ti (111 B.C.), but it was

lost to China many times after that. Its present name and status as a

magistracy date from the eighth year of Yung Chêng (1730). This was an

epoch in which a series of able Chinese emperors were making determined

and, on the whole, successful efforts to reduce the Wild West to

obedience.

NOTE 16 (p. 121)

THE LIU SHA RIVER

The Liu Sha is also known as the Han Shui or Chinese water. It is said

to rise in the "Fairy's Cave" (_hsien jên tung_) in the Fei Yüeh range.

Thence it flows to the Shih Chien Shan or Trial-of-the-Sword Hill and

joins the Chien Shui (澗水) and thereafter enters the Ta Tu. According

to the _Huan Yü Chi_ (寰宇記) an evil miasma arises from this river

every winter and spring, causing fever.

NOTE 17 (p. 122)

THE FEI YÜEH LING AND HUA-LIN-P'ING

[Sidenote: LU TING BRIDGE]

This great pass has for centuries been regarded by the Chinese as a

very important strategic point in connection with their western wars.

During the eighteenth century, when strenuous warfare was being

carried on against the Chin Ch'uan chiefs and others, the summit of

the pass was permanently held by a Chinese guard, and the village that

lies at the mountain's western base--Hua-lin-p'ing--was garrisoned by a

considerable body of troops.

NOTE 18 (p. 124)

THE TA TU RIVER

The Ta Tu (Great Ferry) is said to derive its name from the fact that

it was crossed by the ubiquitous Chu-ko Liang. In the neighbourhood

of Chia-ting it is commonly known as the T'ung, and above Wa Ssŭ Kou

its two branches are always known as the Great and Small Chin Ch'uan.

(_Shêng Wu Chi_, _5th chüan_.)

NOTE 19 (p. 126)

LU TING BRIDGE

The _Ssuch'uan T'ung Chih_ makes the following remark in connection

with the suspension bridge at Lu Ting. "Formerly there was no bridge.

The waters of the river are swift and turbulent, and boats and oars

cannot be used. Travellers used to cross by hanging on to a rope

stretched across the river--a dangerous proceeding." (We shall see,

when we come to the Yalung, that rope bridges are still in use.) In

the fortieth year of K'ang Hsi (1701) it was decided with imperial

sanction to construct an iron suspension bridge, not merely for the

convenience of travellers to and from Tibet, but also to facilitate

the military operations which during the reigns of K'ang Hsi, Yung

Chêng and Ch'ien Lung were carried on with great vigour against the

Tibetan tribes. The bridge is accurately described in the _Chih_ and

in the _Hsi Tsang Tu K'as_ as being 31 _chang_ 1 _ch'ih_ in length and

9 _ch'ih_ broad, and as possessing 9 chain-cables supporting wooden

planks, and side-railings of cast-iron. A _chang_ is 11¾ English

feet, and a _ch'ih_ about 14-1/10 English inches. The bridge is similar

in construction to those that span the Mekong, Salwen and other rivers

in Yunnan. They are remarkable examples of Chinese engineering skill,

and never fail to astonish European travellers who behold them for the

first time.

The completion of the Lu Ting bridge seems to have had a considerable

moral effect on the border tribes, for the _Chih_ contains the names

of dozens of _t'u ssŭ_ (tribal chiefs) who immediately afterwards

submitted to Chinese overlordship and consented to pay tribute.

The more remote chiefs came in later, but most of those in the

neighbourhood of the road to Tachienlu and the Ta Tu River hastened

to become vassals of China during the five first years of the

eighteenth century. The vassalage consisted--and for the most part

still consists--merely in the payment of a small annual tribute. But

the chiefs of the Greater and the Smaller Chin Ch'uan--the country

that includes the valley of the Ta Tu and its branches above Wa Ssŭ

Kou--resisted Chinese encroachments for many years in a most vigorous

and courageous manner, and it was not till the reign of Ch'ien Lung,

towards the end of the century, that the resistance of the last Chin

Ch'uan _roitelet_ was finally quelled--with the usual accompaniments

of slaughter and devastation. Even as it was, the Chinese owed their

ultimate success more to the assistance rendered them by other

tribal chiefs--of whom the Ming Chêng Ssŭ or King of Chala was the

most important--than to their own military skill. The war is well

described--though from an exclusively Chinese standpoint--in the _Shêng

Wu Chi_ (聖武記).

NOTE 20 (p. 129)

TACHIENLU

The Chinese characters (see Itinerary) used for the name Tachienlu

are three separate words signifying _strike_, _arrow_, _forge_. These

characters were originally chosen merely to represent the sound of

the Tibetan name Tar-rTse-Mto or Dartsendo (derived from the names

of the streams that meet there), but Chinese archæologists contrived

to forget this and insisted upon finding an interpretation of the

word that would suit the meaning of the three Chinese characters.

Accordingly they constructed an ingenious legend to the effect that

the famous Chu-ko Liang--always as useful in literary as he used to be

in military emergencies--came to Tachienlu in the third century of our

era, and ordered his lieutenant, Kuo Ta, to forge arrow-heads there

for the imperial army. The actual forge is said to have been in a cave

on a hill at a short distance to the north-east of the city. The proof

of the absolute truth of this story consists in the incontrovertible

fact that the hill in question is called the Kuo Ta hill to this day,

and there is a cave in it. The story is further embellished by the

statement that when the forge was in use a blue-black ram ran round the

hill and frightened away the barbarians (_i jên_) so that the good work

could proceed without interruption.

An ancient name of the Tachienlu district is said to have been Mao Niu

Kuo--the Land of Yaks.

[Sidenote: THE KING OF CHALA]

NOTE 21 (p. 129)

SINO-TIBETAN TRADE

Chinese accounts of Tachienlu as a trading centre may be found in the

_Hsi Tsang T'u K'ao_, the _Tachienlu T'ing Chih_ and the more easily

accessible _Shêng Wu Chi_. In the fifth volume of the last-named work

the town is aptly described as being (from the commercial point of

view) the hub of a wheel--the centre at which all the spokes meet.

NOTE 22 (p. 136)

THE KING OF CHALA

Tachienlu is not a correct name for the state as a whole: it is

strictly applicable only to the city. The state may be described as

Chala or as Ming Chêng. Ming Chêng (明正) corresponds with the Chinese

title of the king--Ming Chêng Ssŭ (明正司)--which was conferred upon

an ancestor no less than five hundred years ago. The meaning of the

Chinese words--"bright" and "correct"--are of no consequence. The word

"Chala" we have already discussed on page 136.

The king's Chinese rank is that of a _hsüan wei shih ssŭ_ (宣慰使司)--one

of the numerous titles invented by the Chinese for their vassal

chiefs. This title carries with it the Chinese rank 3b. As a _hsüan wei

shih ssŭ_ the king of Chala takes precedence of the chiefs of Litang

and Batang, his neighbours on the west, both of whom are _hsüan fu

shih ssŭ_ (宣撫使司) with Chinese rank 4b. All three take precedence of

the ruler of Muli, who is an _an fu shih ssŭ_ (安撫使司), with rank 5b.

(For an explanation of these titles and ranks, see Mayers' _Chinese

Government_, 3rd edn., pp. 46-47. The Chinese official hierarchy

consists of nine ranks, subdivided into a higher and a lower grade,

or _a_ and _b_.) Special decorations may be and often are conferred

upon an individual chief, and these may carry with them the "button"

of a superior rank: the button and its privileges, however, are not

hereditary. The rank of the chiefs _quâ_ Chinese officials does not

affect their position _quâ_ rulers of native states. The "kings" of

Litang, Batang and Muli are within their own borders quite as powerful

as the "king" of Chala. The latter, however, holds his kingship by

strict hereditary right, whereas the "regalities" of Litang and Batang

are not necessarily hereditary, though in practice they may be

generally so. The kingship of Muli is hereditary in one family (see

page 215), but as the king is also a lama, and therefore a celibate,

the descent can only be collateral.

It must be remembered that there are many other semi-independent

kings and chiefs along the borderland of Burma, Tibet, Turkestan

and Mongolia. Some are the vassals of China, others the vassals of

Tibet, while there are probably some even to-day who pay no tribute

and acknowledge no suzerain. Few of these chiefs, however, have the

importance and dignity of those mentioned in this note.

The greatest length of the state of Chala, from Rumi-changu on the

north, to Lo Jang and Muli on the south, is 1,050 _li_ (say 350 miles);

the greatest breadth, from Lu Ting on the east, to the Yalung on

the west, 400 _li_ (say 133 miles). Under the king's control are 49

sub-chiefs, including 1 _t'u ch'ien hu_ (土千戶) and 48 _t'u pai hu_

(土百戶). A _t'u ch'ien hu_ nominally presides over 1,000 households,

a _t'u pai hu_ over 100. These terms, however, are quite elastic in

meaning. The former takes precedence of the latter, but he does not

necessarily control a wider territory, or a larger population. The

population of the whole state--not including Tachienlu--consists

of 6,591 households. (This is the figure given in the _Ssuch'uan

T'ung Chih_, the latest edition of which belongs to the nineteenth

century.) The number seems a small one, but a Tibetan household--the

members of which are all farm-hands or herdsmen--is generally large,

though the average family is so small that the population of Chinese

Tibet is probably--apart from Chinese immigration--at the present

time stationary. The annual tribute payable to China by the king

himself amounts to 161 taels 7 candareens--a sum which, according to

our reckoning, amounts to about £25. His 49 sub-chiefs or headmen

pay between them a further tribute of about 180 taels 9 mace 2

candareens--equivalent to about £27. The total revenue raised by China

out of this large tract of country is, therefore, only slightly over

£50 a year. But this amount was assessed at a time when the tael was

worth far more than it is worth now, and its purchasing power in the

Tibetan states is in any case considerably greater than in the east

of China; moreover, the money is not, strictly speaking, a tax, but a

mere acknowledgment of China's suzerainty. _Ula_ (see pp. 136-137) is

the real tax paid to China by the tributary states of the west, and

China exacts it in case of need to the grim uttermost. Over and above

the exaction of _ula_ and the payment of tribute the people are, of

course, obliged to pay taxes to the king himself. The king's powers

in the matter of taxation appear to be unlimited, for the principle

of "no taxation without representation" has not yet been accepted as

a political axiom in the state of Chala. But the only direct tax

consists of a kind of _likin_, or toll on merchandise in transit; this

is ample to defray the cost of administration, and the king's private

exchequer is apparently chiefly dependent for its supplies on the

revenues of his hereditary property, which are very considerable. The

king of Chala succeeds in doing what the kings of England used at one

time to get into serious trouble for not doing--he "lives of his own."

[Sidenote: THE KING OF CHALA]

The position of the _t'u ch'ien hu_ and _t'u pai hu_ is a peculiar

one. Though they are under the jurisdiction of the king, they may be

regarded as possessing a certain amount of independence. The _Ssuch'uan

T'ung Chih_ states that the king became a vassal of China in the year

1666, but his _t'u ch'ien hu_ did not follow suit till 1700, while the

48 _t'u pai hu_ all "came in" together in 1701 (the fortieth year of

K'ang Hsi). The Suzerain Power, however, is careful to differentiate

between the great vassals and the little ones: the king of Chala--like

others of his rank--receives, in return for his homage, sealed "letters

of authority" and a stamped warrant; each _t'u pai hu_ receives only

the warrant. All these formalities are of small practical consequence:

the Chinese insist upon controlling the high-road to Lhasa, and upon

receiving their just dues in the shape of _ula_ service and tribute,

but otherwise the kings and _t'u pai hu_ of the western border are just

as free as they were before they "tied their heads"--as the Tibetan

saying goes--to the emperor of China. It may be worth while adding that

the king of Chala is expected to prostrate himself before the imperial

throne at Peking once in twelve years. In practice it appears that he

does not do so with great regularity. The expenses entailed by such

a journey--chiefly in connection with the valuable presents always

expected by the Court on such occasions--must be a very severe tax on

his majesty's privy purse.

The first appearance of a ruler of Chala in Chinese history may be

assigned to the first years of the Ming dynasty, in the second half

of the fourteenth century, when the king showed his good-will to his

mighty neighbour by assisting the imperial troops in the frontier

warfare of those days. In the fifth year of Yung Lo (1407) he received

the title of Ming Chêng Ssŭ, and in the fifth year of K'ang Hsi

(1666) his successor definitely abjured his allegiance to Tibet and

became a vassal of China. In 1771 the king--whose name was Chia Mu

Ts'an--received official recognition from the emperor for his valuable

assistance against the Chin Ch'uan rebels, and received a Peacock's

Feather and the "button" of the Second Rank. Twenty years later his

successor had a similar honour conferred upon him for like services,

and in the fourteenth year of Chia Ch'ing (1809) the king went with a

retinue to Peking to do homage to the emperor. Since then the history

of the little state has gone through few vicissitudes; but, now that

the relations between China and Tibet are going through a process of

re-adjustment, it is probable that the new administrative arrangements

will tend to the gradual effacement of the powers and privileges of all

the Sino-Tibetan kings and chiefs, including the ruler of Chala, and

the conversion of their territories into magistracies and prefectures

under the direct control of China. Perhaps this is a fitting time,

while "the old order changeth, yielding place to new," to put on record

some account of systems of government and constitutions that no doubt

have in the past fulfilled some useful purposes, but seem destined

before long to pass utterly away.

NOTE 23 (p. 155)

HEIGHTS OF PASSES

With regard to the elevations given in this book it is very necessary

to say that those referring to localities between Tachienlu and

Li-chiang must be regarded as tentative and provisional only. Future

travellers, better equipped with instruments than I was, will doubtless

find much to correct. My readings were for the most part dependent on

aneroids, which are very untrustworthy at great altitudes. Wherever

possible, I have accepted the results of previous travellers,

especially those of such accomplished surveyors as Major Davies.

NOTE 24 (p. 157)

POPULATION OF YALUNG WATERSHED

M. Bonin appears to have had the same experience. He states that in

travelling from Chung-tien _viâ_ Muli to Tachienlu--a journey of

about a month's duration--he did not meet a single Chinese. "All the

inhabitants," he says, "belong to the Tibetan race." (_Bulletin de la

Soc. de Géog._, 1898, p. 393.)

NOTE 25 (p. 161)

RACE-TYPES OF YALUNG WATERSHED

[Sidenote: THE PA-U-RONG T'U PAI HU]

These people owe their tall and well-built frames to their non-Tibetan

blood. It is probably the "Man-tzŭ" blood that tells. "The stature

of the Tibetans of Lhasa," says Colonel Waddell, "is even less than

that of the Chinese, and considerably below the European average;

whilst the men from the eastern province of Kham are quite up to that

standard." (_Lhasa and its Mysteries_, p. 347.) Kham or Khams includes

or included the greater part of Chinese Tibet.

NOTE 26 (p. 186)

ATTITUDE OF MULI PEOPLE TOWARDS STRANGERS

M. Bonin states that he had to spend ten days in negotiation before he

was allowed, in 1895, to cross into the Muli country. He approached it

from the Yunnan side. (_Bulletin de la Soc. de Géog._, 1898, p. 396.)

Major Davies informs me that he also had difficulty in persuading

the people of Muli to allow him to cross the Yalung in the course

of his journey from Mien-ning-hsien. It was doubtless owing to the

friendliness and tact shown by these travellers and by Mr Amundsen that

I met with no opposition on entering the country.

NOTE 27 (p. 187)

EXPLORATION OF THE TA LIANG SHAN

It is reported that the country of the Independent Lolos (the Ta

Liang Shan) has at last been traversed by a European. The successful

traveller was a French officer named D'Ollone. (See _Geographical

Journal_, October, 1907, p. 437.) The account of his journey should be

awaited with interest.

NOTE 28 (p. 190)

THE PA-U-RONG T'U PAI HU

The _t'u pai hu_ of Pa-U-Rong (Pa-U-Lung according to the Pekingese

sound of the Chinese characters) is to be accounted one of the most

important of all the 49 sub-chiefs of the king of Chala, if the amount

of tribute paid is the test of importance. His annual tribute is 7

taels, whereas the single _t'u ch'ien hu_ only pays a little more than

9 taels. The highest of all the tributes is that of the _t'u pai hu_

of Rumi Cho-rong, in the northern part of the state. His payment is

12 taels 5 mace. The Pa-U-Rong _t'u pai hu_ nets a modest revenue by

causing travellers and merchants who cross the Yalung at this point to

pay him a small toll.

NOTE 29 (p. 191)

NAME OF THE YALUNG

M. Bonin calls the Yalung the _Rivière Noire_, apparently supposing

its Tibetan name to be Nag Ch'u (ནག་ཆུ་) "Black Water." But I know of no

authority for this. The true Tibetan name appears to he Nya(g)-ch'u

(ཉག་ཆུ་). The _nya(g)_ reappears in the tribal or district name Mi-nya(g)

or Miniak (Menia), མི་ཉག་; and the Chinese "Yalung" is an attempt to

pronounce the Tibetan _Nya-Rong_ (ཉག་རོང་) or "Valley of the Nya."

NOTE 30 (p. 197)

THE CHIN SHA CHIANG

[Sidenote: MULI--KHON--OFFICIAL TITLES]

It may not be generally known that according to the Chinese authorities

there are _two_ rivers bearing the name of Chin Sha Chiang. One is

the _Ta_ (Great), the other the _Hsiao_ (Small) Chin Sha Chiang, and

_the "small" one is the Yangtse_. In a first attempt to identify the

Ta Chin Sha Chiang--which must obviously be a very great river--we

are apt to be much puzzled; for we read of it as flowing from western

Tibet and also as flowing through Burma into the "Southern Ocean."

But the mystery is explained when we remember that the great river

of southern Tibet--the Tsangpo or Yaru Tsangpo (literally "Upper

River")--used to be believed not only by Chinese but also by European

geographers to be the main feeder of the Irrawaddy. We now know that

the Tsangpo is no other than the main upper branch of the Brahmaputra:

or rather we assume it from much circumstantial evidence. No European

has yet followed the course of the Brahmaputra up to the point where

it receives the icy waters of the Tibetan Tsangpo--which hurls itself

over the edge of the Tibetan plateau and creates there a series of

waterfalls that must be among the grandest sights in the world--but we

now know, from the reports of our native surveyors, the approximate

position of the falls.[414] The country between Assam and Tibet is

unfortunately inhabited by tribes that are apparently violently hostile

to all strangers. Their own domestic habits are of a somewhat repellent

nature: it is said,[415] for instance, that on occasions of the

celebration of marriages it is the genial custom of one of the tribes

to serve up the bridegroom's mother-in-law at the nuptial banquet.

The Chinese geographers know the Tsangpo by its Tibetan name (calling

it the Ya-lu-tsang-pu-chiang, where _chiang_ is tautological) but

they also call it the Great (_Ta_) Chin Sha Chiang; and readers of

their topographical works must beware of confusing this river with the

Small (_Hsiao_) Chin Sha Chiang of China: though when the adjective

is omitted the river referred to is always the Chinese river, and

therefore identical with the Yangtse.

NOTE 31 (p. 213)

MULI

I have adopted the spelling "Muli" instead of "Mili" on the authority

of the _Ssuch'uan T'ung Chih_. The Chinese characters there given are

木裏, (Mu-li), and though I have seen others used I think there can be no

doubt that the _T'ung Chih_ is the best authority to follow.

NOTE 32 (p. 216)

KHON

The name of the third lamasery was given to me as Khon, but I observe

that Mr Amundsen calls it Kang-u, and locates it half-way between Muli

and the Yalung, almost due east. Major Davies's map, again, places a

lamasery named K'u-lu at almost the same spot. K'u-lu, Khon and Kang-u

are probably one and the same place, and as Major Davies's route seems

to have led him past it the name given by him is probably the correct

one. It seems strange that the residences of the _k'an-po_ should all

be within a comparatively short distance of each other. If the real

object of the periodical movements of the "Court" were to enable the

_k'an-po_ to keep in close touch with all parts of his territory, it

would naturally extend its peregrinations somewhat further afield.

NOTE 33 (p. 217)

OFFICIAL TITLES IN MULI

Most of these official titles are well known in connection with the

administrative arrangements of all the great lamaseries of Tibet; but

the authority of the Muli officials is not confined to the management

of lamaseries.

NOTE 34 (p. 219)

THE KING AND PEOPLE OF MULI

The ruler of Muli holds the rank, _vis-à-vis_ the Chinese suzerain, of

an _An Fu Ssŭ_ (see note 22). In his own territory he is a _gyal-po_

or king, but he is also a lama, and the succession must therefore go

to a collateral branch of the "royal" family. In practice, the heir

is generally a nephew who has been inducted into Lamaism at an early

age, and has risen high in the hierarchy. The king of Muli first

became tributary to China in the seventh year of Yung Chêng (1729).

He received from the Chinese Government sealed "letters of authority"

and a stamped warrant similar to those bestowed on the king of Chala.

The greatest length of the territory, from the frontier of the Litang

principality on the north to the territory of the Ku Po Chu _t'u ssŭ_

on the south, is 900 _li_ (say 300 miles); its greatest breadth is from

the frontier of Chala on the east to that of Chung-tien on the west,

1,300 _li_ (say 430 miles). These distances, as in the case of Chala,

are measured by length of actual paths, and not by bee-lines. Though

the Yalung forms the eastern boundary at Pa-U-Rong, the Muli territory

extends for a distance of some scores of miles across the Yalung

further south. According to the _Ssuch'uan T'ung Chih_ (published in

the first half of the nineteenth century) the total number of _i jên_

("barbarians") under the king's rule comprises 3,283 households. This

figure hardly enables us to assess the present population, which--if

we include the large body of lamas--can hardly be judged to be less

than 25,000. It should be remembered that there are no towns in Muli,

very little trade, and great areas of mountainous country practically

uninhabitable. The king's annual tribute consists of 120 piculs of

buckwheat (16,000 lbs.) estimated in cash value at 74 taels 4 mace

and 3 horses, each valued at 8 taels, or a total of 24 taels for the

three. The total tribute thus amounts (in money-value) to 98 taels 4

mace. These assessments of value were, of course, made many years ago.

Probably re-assessments are made from time to time, as otherwise the

monetary values would bear no proper ratio to the value of the articles

forming the basis of the tribute. Payment is made at Yen-yüan-hsien,

and is supposed to be applied to the expenses of the local military

establishment. It is the custom of the country that one out of every

three, or two out of every five, male members of a family enter the

priesthood. All the lay population can be called upon for military

service; but it is hardly necessary to say that the king keeps no

standing army, and his people are only called to arms when serious

disputes arise with the neighbouring Tibetan chiefs. The _T'ung Chih_

goes on to say that the people of the land of Muli consist of six

different kinds of Barbarians: (1) _lamas_; (2) _Chia-mi_ or _Chieh-mi_

(呷迷); (3) _Yüeh-ku_ or _Yo-ku_ (約古); (4) _Hsü-mi_ (虛迷); (5) _Mo-so_;

(6) _Hsi Fan_. The lamas, of course, are not a distinct race; the Mo-so

and Hsi Fan are discussed in Chapter XV. of this book; as for the three

others, the remarks made upon them in the _T'ung Chih_ leave us very

much in the dark. The characteristics of the _i jên_ are dismissed in

four lines. We are told that the Chia-mi and Yüeh-ku are very like

one another, and that the women allow their hair to hang over their

shoulders. The Hsü-mi males cultivate a queue, and the women do up

their hair into a pointed coiffure. They are docile, and of an amiable

disposition. The Mo-so and Hsi Fan are like each other, and honest and

tractable by nature. Their clothes are made of woven cloth, and their

coats button under the left arm (_tso jên_; _cf._ the Confucian _Lun

Yü_, p. 282, Legge's edn.) The men wear queues and the women do up

their hair. They live by agriculture. They are fond of hunting wild

animals. This is all the _T'ung Chih_ has to tell us about the people

of Muli. The section ends with the laconic remark that lawsuits are

decided by the _k'an-po_.

[Sidenote: THE LANGUAGE-TEST OF RACE]

Chinese customs certainly seem to be losing rather than gaining ground

in Muli: the queues worn by some of the men do not hang down the back

but are coiled round the head; and it is not a mark of respect, as

in China, to uncoil the queue. Moreover the front of the head is not

shaved, as in China. The remarks about the women are true enough: a

large proportion wear their hair loose, so that they look like rather

overgrown and unwieldy school-girls; the rest have more or less

elaborate coiffures, but the female fashions of China in this respect

are totally ignored. I will leave the task of identifying the Chia-mi,

Yüeh-ku and Hsü-mi to some future investigator with more time and

leisure than fell to my lot. Tibetans, Li-so, Man-tzŭ or Lolos, Kachins

and Mo-so are all doubtless to be found among the people of Muli, and

it seems not improbable that the predominant type is Mo-so.

NOTE 35 (p. 222)

THE LANGUAGE-TEST OF RACE

The collection of hastily-compiled and doubtless very inaccurate

vocabularies to be found in Appendix A need not be taken as indicating

any belief in the value of such lists of words from either the

philological or the ethnological point of view. They are given merely

for what they are worth, as an infinitesimal addition to the small

stock of general knowledge that we already possess with regard to the

tribes of western China. The old faith in language as a sure test of

race has long been given up. A page or two of skull measurements would

help us more towards settling the racial problems of western China than

the completest equipment of grammars and dictionaries. Unfortunately

the methods employed by many of the tribes for the disposal of their

dead will seriously hamper the investigations of the craniologist

who, in the hopes of a rich harvest of inexorable bones, may take his

measuring-tape to the graveyards of western China.

NOTE 36 (p. 226)

HIGHEST HABITATION ON THE GLOBE

The land of Muli is as wild and mountainous as that of Chala. It was

between Muli and the Yalung that M. Bonin discovered what he believes

to be the highest inhabited station on the globe, at a height of 16,568

feet, "a hamlet occupied in the dead of winter by a few yak-herdsmen."

The mines of Tok-ya-long in western Tibet, he says, which have hitherto

been considered the highest habitation in the world are 525 feet lower,

and moreover are not inhabited all the year round. There are other

spots both in Muli and Chala, probably of a greater height than 16,000

feet, that are inhabited, though the huts are probably not occupied in

winter.

NOTE 37 (p. 233)

FEMALE CHIEFS

In the Shan States female rulers are apparently not uncommon. (See

_Gazetteer of Upper Burma_, pt. i. vol. i. p. 262.) For an interesting

note on several Tibetan "queens" (derived from native and Chinese

sources) see Rockhill's _Land of the Lamas_, pp. 339-341. Sa-mong

is better known as So-mo. A recent European visitor to this country

says that the "queen" or _nü-wang_ of So-mo is only a myth, "the real

monarch being actually a man, who for some obscure reason calls himself

a Queen." (W. C. Haines Watson, _A Journey to Sung-p'an, in J.R.A.S._

(_China_), vol. xxxvi., 1905.) The _Ssuch'uan T'ung Chih_ contains

references to several female _t'u ssŭ_. A female _t'u pai hu_, with a

territorial name of six syllables, is mentioned as becoming tributary

to China in K'ang Hsi 60. She paid 20 taels annually as "horse-money."

The _Ch'ang Kuan Ssŭ_ of Sung Kang is--or may be--a woman. One is

mentioned as receiving honours from China in K'ang Hsi 23. Another

female _ch'ang kuan ssŭ_ in the Chien-ch'ang Valley (Hu-li-ho-tung) is

described as being a tribute-payer to the extent of ten horses a year.

NOTE 38 (p. 246)

LI-CHIANG-FU

An old name of Li-chiang was Sui (嶲), and its inhabitants, in the days

of the Early Han dynasty, appear to have been known as the K'un Ming

(昆明). Their fierceness and lawlessness were instrumental in preventing

the Emperor Wu Ti, in the second century B.C., from establishing a

trade route from China to India through their territory. (See T. W.

Kingsmill's _Intercourse of China with Eastern Turkestan_, _J.R.A.S._,

January 1882.)

NOTE 39 (p. 259)

THE REBELLION IN YUNNAN

The best account of the Mohammedan rebellion is to be found in M. Émile

Rocher's _La Province Chinoise du Yunnan_, vol. ii. pp. 30-192. The

origin of the rebellion is to be traced to a comparatively trifling

dispute among miners, which took place in 1855 in a mining centre

situated between Yunnan-fu and Tali-fu. The Mohammedan section of

miners, who all worked together, aroused envy and hatred because they

had struck richer veins of metal than the "orthodox" Chinese miners in

a neighbouring locality, and the result was a violent dispute which

ended in blows. The official who was responsible for good order in

the district was seized with panic and fled to Yunnan-fu, where he

submitted reports that were unjustifiably hostile to the Mohammedans.

The latter meanwhile had rendered themselves masters of the situation,

and drove their opponents off the field. The people of the neighbouring

town of Linan avenged this insult by attacking the Mohammedans in

overwhelming force and expelling them to the forests. This was the

beginning of a series of bloodthirsty combats, which in a short time

set the whole province in a blaze, and caused the loss of millions of

human lives.

So far as race went, the Mohammedans of Yunnan were no other than

ordinary Yunnanese. They were marked off from their fellow-provincials

solely by their religion. This, however, was sufficient to cause them

to be treated almost as foreigners, for they had little intercourse

with orthodox Chinese, and seem to have intermarried among themselves.

Whether the Mohammedans of Yunnan and other parts of China were--and

are--strict observers of the rules of their religion is a doubtful

point. Rocher says of the Yunnanese Mohammedans that "they have

preserved intact the beliefs of their ancestors, and they rigorously

observe the rules imposed upon them by the Koran." Other observers,

however,--including Mohammedan natives of India--have scoffed at their

co-religionists of Yunnan, declaring that they know nothing of the

tenets of Islam, and obey none of the rules of their faith except that

of abstinence from pork. I have myself seen Chinese Mohammedan children

undergoing the pains of having page after page of Arabic drilled into

their little heads, though both they and their teachers admitted that

they did not understand the meaning of a single word. The fact remains,

however, that some Chinese Mohammedans do still occasionally make the

pilgrimage to Mecca; and well-attended Mohammedan mosques may yet be

found in at least half the provinces of China.

Chinese Mohammedans have often proved a thorn in the flesh of the

official classes, not only in Yunnan, but also in Kansu and elsewhere.

Yet it cannot be said that they have shown much of that fiery religious

fanaticism which has sometimes characterised Islam elsewhere. The great

rebellion in Yunnan did not originate in any religious dispute, and it

would never have developed into a war that lasted nearly twenty years

and laid waste a province, if only a few able and impartial officials

had given their attention to the matter in its early stages.

Two circumstances helped to prolong the struggle. The first was the

great T'ai P'ing rebellion in eastern China, which rendered the central

Government powerless to deal effectually with the situation in Yunnan;

the second was the military skill of the Mohammedan leaders, which led

to the concentration of the whole Mohammedan strength in the hands of a

few able men.

[Sidenote: OFFICIAL ACCOUNTS OF WESTERN TRIBES]

The history of the war cannot be sketched here. It may be sufficient

to say that at one time nearly the whole province was in the hands

of the Mohammedan rebels; even Yunnan-fu itself capitulated to their

victorious arms. Before this took place, the great Mohammedan leader,

Tu Wên-hsiu, had already greatly distinguished himself in the west of

the province. Against the will of the viceroy, who committed suicide,

the officials had in 1856 planned and carried out a massacre of all

Mohammedans found within a radius of 800 _li_ from the capital. The

news of the massacre naturally roused in Tu Wên-hsiu intense feelings

of indignation and hatred against the provincial Government which had

sanctioned an act of such hideous barbarity, and his natural abilities

and high reputation for courage and integrity soon singled him out

for leadership. His first great victory secured him the city of Tali,

which became the Mohammedan headquarters. In 1867 he was proclaimed

Imam or Sultan, and Tali became the capital of a short-lived Mohammedan

state. It was held till 1873, when Tu Wên-hsiu, faced by hopeless odds,

surrendered it and poisoned himself. Before this time the genius of

General Gordon had put an end to the T'ai P'ing rebellion, and the

imperial Government was in a position to oppose the Sultan with an

overwhelming force. Only one result was possible. With the capitulation

of Tali and the death of Tu Wên-hsiu the Mohammedans were able to make

no further headway against the imperial troops.

One of the most terrible results of this hideous civil war was the

recrudescence of the deadly disease now too well known to us all as the

plague. After the war the pestilence gradually spread far beyond the

limits of the province, and is still the annual scourge of south China

and India. It is probable, however, that plague has for many centuries

been endemic in the valleys of western Yunnan. The accounts given of

it by such writers as Rocher and Baber, who witnessed its ravages in

Yunnan long before the fatal year when it was first observed in Hong

Kong (1894), are of great interest. The curious fact that rats always

seemed to be attacked before human beings was noted by Rocher many

years before the disease began to be studied by medical experts. (See

Rocher, _op. cit._, vol. i. p. 75; vol. ii. pp. 279-281.)

NOTE 40 (p. 273)

CHINESE OFFICIAL ACCOUNTS OF WESTERN TRIBES

Several volumes of the official Provincial Annals of Yunnan are devoted

to a most elaborate quasi-ethnological enquiry into the various

tribal communities of that province. Unfortunately, the conscientious

industry of the compilers coupled with their bland credulity and lack

of critical training led them to fill their pages with a great deal of

matter that is useless and misleading. The numbers and names of the

tribes are quite unnecessarily multiplied, and there is hardly any

attempt at classification or at the tracing of origins. Subdivisions of

the same race are treated as entirely separate, and any similarities

between them are either ignored or merely mentioned as unexplained

facts. Yet it must be admitted that as descriptions of tribal customs

and as store-houses of tradition and folk-lore the ethnological

sections of the Annals are by no means to be despised. The _T'ung Chih_

of Ssuch'uan is less satisfactory in this respect than that of Yunnan.

NOTE 41 (p. 284)

THEORY OF INDIAN ORIGIN OF TRIBES

It seems quite clear that the Licchavis--or the great Vaggian or

Vrijian clan-system to which they belonged and from which the Mauryans

sprang--were neither Aryans nor Dravidians. In all probability they

were of Kolarian or Munda race. The Kolarians seem to have entered

India from the north-east--just as the Aryans afterwards entered it

from the north-west--and extended themselves over vast areas from which

they were subsequently driven by Dravidians and Aryans. They must have

originally come from the countries that lay to the east, which we now

know as Burma, China and Indo-China. They probably left many of their

Kolarian kinsfolk behind them, and it may have been through keeping up

communications with the latter that they were able to introduce into

their old homes something of the new culture and civilisation that they

acquired in their new homes in India. The Kolarian dialects are known

to be akin to those of certain tribes in Burma, and so far as personal

characteristics are concerned a description of the Kolarian tribes as

they are known to-day in parts of Bengal would be applicable, word for

word, to some of the peoples of Indo-China and Yunnan. "The Kolarian

people," says Mr J. F. Hewitt, who lived among them, "may generally

be described as gregarious, excitable, turbulent when roused, but

generally peaceable and good-humoured. They are brave and adventurous,

witty, and very fond of amusement, not given to work more than is

necessary, and as a rule very careless of the future." (_J.R.A.S._,

vol. xx. p. 330.) It must be remembered, however, that the Burmese

people, to whom these words are also applicable, are now believed by

the best authorities to have come from "the Mongolian countries north

of Magadha." (Sir George Scott's _Burma_, p. 66.)

Many of the tribes of western China--some of the Lolos and Min-chia,

for instance--are often described as possessing a type of features

that is almost European; and Mr Kingsmill seems to derive from this

fact some support of his theory of their Indian (Aryan) origin. "The

distinctive colouring," he says, "closely approximates to the Aryan

type of the Indian peninsula," etc. (_J.R.A.S._ (China Branch), vol.

xxxv. p. 95.) But the Mauryans themselves, as we have seen, were not

of Aryan origin. The Licchavis are referred to in Manu as one of the

"base-born" castes for that very reason--in spite of the fact that

they possessed great power and prestige and very wide influence. It

seems very doubtful whether an Aryan emigration from India to China

took place at any time. India always offered full scope for all

Aryan energies; indeed we know that the Aryans by no means became so

universally predominant, even in India, as one might gather from the

early and wide extension of their language and religion. If there

really is an Aryan element among the tribes of western China it would

be curious to speculate on the possibility of its having come by a

non-Indian route.

NOTE 42 (p. 285)

CHANDRAGUPTA AND ASOKA

Chandragupta's reign probably began in 320 B.C., and his grandson Asoka

ruled from ? 264 to ? 228. The chronology is not yet absolutely fixed,

but I rely with some confidence on the dates recently selected by J.

F. Fleet (_J.R.A.S._, October 1906, pp. 984 _seq._) who, it may be

remarked incidentally, assigns the death of the Buddha to B.C. 482.

NOTE 43 (p. 285)

VESÂLI AND THE LICCHAVIS

For further information regarding Vesâli and the Licchavis see W. W.

Rockhill's _Life of the Buddha_, pp. 62 _seq._, and 203 (_footnote_),

Dr Rhys Davids' _Buddhist India_, pp. 40-41, and two articles by Mr

Vincent Smith in the Royal Asiatic Society's _Journal_ for April 1902

and January 1905. One of Mr Rockhill's Tibetan authorities connects

the Licchavis with the Sakyas or Çakyas to whom the Buddha himself

belonged. "The Çakyas," says this authority, were "divided into three

parts, whose most celebrated representatives were Çakya the Great (the

Buddha), Çakya the Licchavi, and Çakya the Mountaineer. Grya Khri

btsan po, the first Tibetan King, belonged to the family of Çakya the

Licchavi. Many other Buddhist sovereigns of India and elsewhere claimed

the same descent." This note is of interest as showing the wide extent

and long duration of Licchavi influence, and the desire of powerful

races and kings to trace a connection with the family of the Buddha.

"Çakya, the Licchavi" may, of course, have become a member of the clan

by adoption. Caste-rules (even supposing they precluded adoption) did

not hold good among the Licchavis, who were not Aryans. With respect

to the possible connection of the Buddha's family with the Licchavis,

all that can be said for certain is that the Licchavis were among the

earliest and most devoted supporters of the Buddhist faith, and that

Vesâli soon became a city of great religious importance. Buddhism,

indeed, was less of an Aryan religion than people have been in the

habit of supposing. The Sakyas themselves were almost certainly an

Aryan people; we know that their exclusiveness and intense pride of

birth brought about the destruction of their capital at the hands of

Vidūdabha. But it seems quite clear that Buddhism progressed most

rapidly and won its greatest victories among people of non-Aryan race,

and this not only in foreign lands but in India itself. Buddhism did

not achieve its wonderful successes in India in the third century B.C.

and afterwards by means of the conversion of Brahmans. It is far truer

to say that Buddhism spread on account of its adoption by northern

non-Aryan tribes which, in spite of Aryan conquests, remained very

powerful both in numbers and in political influence. (See on this point

B. H. Baden-Powell's _Notes on the Origin of the "Lunar" and "Solar"

Aryan Tribes_, _J.R.A.S._, April 1899, pp. 298-299.)

NOTE 44 (p. 289)

THE SERES

The Seres are mentioned by Virgil, Strabo, Lucan, Pliny and Pomponius

Mela. Lucan seems to have supposed that they were an African

race--neighbours of the Ethiopians. Such ignorance in Nero's age may be

excused when we remember the wild theories prevalent in mediæval Europe

as to the local habitation of Prester John!

NOTE 45 (p. 332)

ARCHÆOLOGICAL WORK

Some valuable work--of special interest to the student of Buddhism--has

quite recently been carried out at Pagan by Mr I. H. Marshall and

Dr Sten Konow. (See _J.R.A.S._, October 1907, pp. 1003 _seq._) It

is earnestly to be hoped that that Government will some day see fit

to provide for the proper support of the Archæological Department,

which cannot be expected to carry out good work at Pagan or elsewhere

without funds. Every year's delay will render the work of excavation

more difficult and more costly. It is not pleasing to observe that the

Archæological Departments of India, Burma and Ceylon are all starved.

Only a few weeks after the conclusion of the recent Franco-Siamese

treaty it was announced in the French press that steps were being taken

forthwith to carry out some expensive archæological and preservative

work at the magnificent ruins of Angkor Wat, which are within the

Cambodian territory acquired by France under the treaty. Is England

always to lag behind France in matters of this kind?

NOTE 46 (p. 335)

THE BURMESE LABOUR QUESTION

One aspect of the labour question in Burma does not seem to have

attracted the attention it deserves. In spite of Mr Fielding Hall's

optimism, the belief that the apathetic Burman is being shouldered out

of his own country by more hard-working immigrants, especially natives

of India, is a very prevalent one, not only among European observers,

but even among some classes of the Burmese themselves. At present no

Burman dares to raise a protest against the influx of labourers, who,

if they do not utterly crush him in the course of the struggle for

existence, may at least degrade him from the high level of comfort and

social well-being in which he now lives. The day may come when the

Burman will demand that this alien immigration be interdicted. If he

does so, what will be the attitude of the Government? Probably anything

but sympathetic. The White races of Australia, British Columbia and

California object to the influx of Chinese and Japanese labourers

for reasons practically identical with those that would actuate the

Burman, and if their attitude is a justifiable one can it be argued

that the Burmese attitude would not be equally so? The Burman would

doubtless be told by the European, whose material interests in Burma

depend on the unrestricted immigration of hard-working aliens, that

his country cannot be allowed to go to waste; that if he, through his

laziness, will not develop it to the utmost, some one else must be

found who will develop it in his stead. But the Chinese and Japanese

might if they were strong enough--and perhaps some day they will be

strong enough--knock at the gates of Australia, Canada and the United

States, and demand admission on precisely similar grounds. No one will

deny that the scarcity and high price of labour in those countries

have seriously retarded, and are still retarding, nearly every form

of industrial and agricultural development; yet the Yellow races are

excluded on the grounds that they would lower the White man's standard

of living, and that they are in the habit of sending their earnings out

of the country. I do not say the White man's attitude is unreasonable:

but I do not see how, on our own principles, we could refuse to

restrict the immigration of black aliens into Burma if the Burmese

people--on grounds identical with those that actuate our own conduct in

Canada and elsewhere--demanded that we should do so. Such action would

no doubt be an artificial restriction of natural economic tendencies,

and so might bring its own punishment in the long-run; but the same

remark applies to the policy adopted in our own colonies.

We have recently become so much accustomed to hear of the antagonism

and rivalry of interests between East and West--as if all Eastern

countries represented one set of immutable ideals and all Western

countries another--that we are apt to lose ourselves in a mist of

generalities. The East has problems of its own to solve, some of which

reproduce in a more restricted area the racial problems that are

beginning at a late hour to agitate the minds of statesmen in Europe

and America. The European speaks with half-hearted contempt (behind

which lurks a secret dread) of a Yellow Peril: the Burman is disquieted

by a no less threatening Black Peril that is already within his gates,

and his gates still stand open with a dangerous hospitality.

NOTE 47 (p. 384)

MILITARY QUALITIES OF ORIENTALS

The British officers who trained and led the recently-disbanded Chinese

Regiment are known to have formed a high opinion of the personal

courage of the Chinese as represented by the men of that regiment. When

it is remembered that the very existence of the regiment as a unit in

the British Army was an anomaly, and that at Tientsin and Peking the

men fought as mercenaries against their own countrymen, the fact that

they behaved well under fire is all the more noteworthy. It may be

taken for granted that even the Japanese soldier, if ordered to charge

an unruly mob of his own countrymen, would hardly show the brilliant

daring that he displayed before Port Arthur.

When Europe was startled by the news of some of the great Japanese

victories in Manchuria, an English newspaper made the somewhat hasty

suggestion that the Japanese were "scientific fanatics," and the phrase

was caught up and repeated with approbation by many. Why fanatics?

Simply because the Japanese troops had behaved with such unheard-of

heroism that Europe was unable to reconcile such conduct with its

own ideas of what constituted bravery. What many Englishmen said, in

effect, was this: "The conduct ordinarily shown by British troops in

action is bravery; to go beyond this is fanaticism. The criterion of

true courage is the average conduct of the average British soldier on

the field of battle." The Japanese who with reckless gallantry gave

their lives for emperor and country on the battle-fields of Liao-tung,

and who considered it a disgrace to return home without a wound, were

fanatics. Well, if so, it is a kind of fanaticism that every European

Government would like to see spread among its own fighting-men when the

day of battle comes.

NOTE 48 (p. 388)

"THE YELLOW PERIL"

With some people the antipathy to the Oriental amounts to a positive

horror, inexplicable even by themselves in ordinary language, and very

often based on no personal experience. "I know not," said De Quincey,

"what others share in my feelings on this point; but I have often

thought that if I were compelled to forego England, and to live in

China, among Chinese manners and modes of life and scenery, I should

go mad. The causes of my horror lie deep, and some of them must be

common to others.... In China, over and above what it has in common

with the rest of southern Asia, I am terrified by the modes of life,

by the manners, by the barrier of utter abhorrence placed between

myself and them, by counter-sympathies deeper than I can analyse.

I could sooner live with lunatics, with vermin, with crocodiles or

snakes." When we have made all allowances for the excited utterances

of an opium-dreamer, these words indicate the existence of intensely

strong feelings of racial antipathy, and there is no reason to regard

De Quincey as the only European who has entertained such feelings.

Does our subliminal consciousness retain dim ancestral memories of

mighty struggles waged æons ago for the survival and supremacy of our

own racial type? And does it harbour a vague prophetic dread of a more

terrific warfare yet to come?

What is perhaps at the root of this horror of Asiatics felt by some

Europeans is an instinctive feeling that the world is not large

enough to contain or afford free play for the energies of both races;

coupled perhaps with an ugly doubt whether, in spite of all the great

material achievements of the West in recent years, the European type

is after all the fittest to survive in the struggle for existence.

Huxley long ago reminded us that the "survival of the fittest" does not

necessarily imply the survival of the "best" or most highly developed.

He points out, for instance, that if certain conceivable changes were

to come about in atmospheric conditions, the law of the survival of

the fittest might bring about the extinction of all living things

except "lichens, diatoms, and such microscopic organisms as those

which give red snow its colour."[416] They would be the sole survivors

of the struggle for existence because they alone were adapted to the

new environment. It may be that at some future period in the course

of the struggle--though long before we have reached the lichen and

diatom stage--certain conditions may prove hostile to the continued

existence of the White races and favourable to that of the Yellow.

Lafcadio Hearn, who in spite of his "de-occidentalisation" admitted

the superiority of the Western races--without explaining what he meant

by "superiority"--expressed the belief that in the "simple power

of living" they are immensely inferior to those of the East. "The

Occidental," he says, "cannot live except at a cost sufficient for the

maintenance of twenty Oriental lives. In our very superiority lies the

secret of our fatal weakness. Our physical machinery requires a fuel

too costly to pay for the running of it in a perfectly conceivable

future period of race-competition and pressure of population." He

conjectures that some day the Western peoples may be crushed out of

existence, their successors scarcely regretting their disappearance

"anymore than we ourselves regret the extinction of the dinotherium or

the ichthyosaurus." Why indeed should they? When we consider how seldom

the memory even of our own dead ancestors touches our sympathies or

prompts an affectionate thought it will not seem strange that in the

days to come the victorious Yellow man may regard the extinct White

man with no more emotion than the visitor to a museum now regards the

wire-linked bones of a prehistoric monster. No creature that is doomed

to failure in the struggle for existence need look to the conquerors

for the least sign of pity or sympathy. The poor dodo has vanished from

the scene of its joys and sorrows for ever, but that is not the reason

why the nightingale's song is sometimes a sad one. No less cheerfully

warbles the thrush because the great auk will flap his ineffectual

wings no more. Even the crocodile refrains from shedding tears over the

fossil remains of the Triassic _stagonolepis_.

It behoves us to remember that victory in the struggle for existence is

not a victory once and for all. The doom of the conqueror in this fight

is that he must never sheathe his sword. The prize goes always to him

who deserves it, but no rest is allowed him when the battle is over.

New challengers are ever pressing into the lists, and the challenged

must go ever armed and with lance in rest.

The grim tragedy once enacted periodically at Aricia might be

interpreted, not too fancifully, as a miniature representation of the

more terrible struggle that is for ever in progress throughout the

whole world of animate nature. The guardian of the Golden Bough--

"The priest who slew the slayer,

And shall himself be slain"--

retained his position and his life only so long as they were not

challenged by one more vigorous or more dexterous than himself.

The great nations of the West have won their material pre-eminence

by overcoming weaker competitors, who in their turn had once been

conquerors. They will keep their prizes so long as they deserve to

keep them, and no longer. Exclusion laws and trades-unions and cunning

appliances wrought by scientific and intellectual skill may stave off

the day of disaster, but if the White races have no better support than

such things as these, for them the day of doom will assuredly dawn.

Yet a struggle for predominance among great sections of the human race

need not imply actual physical warfare. If the Yellow races are to be

supreme, it will be partly because the White races have suicidally

contributed to their own ruin. If White men become too intensely

careful of the individual life, and too careless of the welfare of

the race; if they allow luxury to sap their energies and weaken their

moral fibre; if they insist too strongly on "rights" and show too

slack a devotion to "duty"; if they regard the accumulation of wealth

as the be-all and end-all of existence; if selfishness impels their

young men to avoid matrimony, and their young women to shun the duties

of maternity; if they give way to these and other social vices to

which our age bears witness, they cannot reasonably expect to compete

advantageously with people who have no craving for luxury, and scarcely

know what it means; who look not to wealth as a means for individual

aggrandisement; who are at all times willing to sink personal interests

in the larger interests of family and clan; who are tireless and

uncomplaining workers; among whom parenthood is a religious necessity,

and artificial restrictions of the birth-rate are practically unknown;

and whose women are free from political aspirations and willing to do

their duty at the domestic fireside and in the nursery.

The Yellow Peril, then, is no mere myth: let so much be granted. Yet

the recognition of its existence need not drive us to utter pessimism,

so long as our faults are not irremediable, and our virtues not

reduced to inactivity. The shaping of our fate lies, to some extent at

least, in our own hands, and, after all, the outlook for the West is

not entirely gloomy. The mere proximity of a peril does not make the

brave man falter and tremble; on the contrary, it braces his nerves,

and increases his alertness. If the East has qualities and virtues

that make for great strength, it is no less clearly lacking in other

qualities and virtues that still find a home in the West. The Yellow

Peril, so far from driving us to a cowardly despair, may and should

have the effect of raising our courage, ennobling our ideals, up

rooting our selfishness and purifying Western society. It may enable

us to see that in some respects our aims have been false ones, and

that our views of the essentials of progress and of civilisation must

be partially modified. The recognition of the existence of our own

diseases may lead to the discovery of the means of cure. The East has

begun in recent years to learn some valuable lessons from the West;

is it not time that we returned the compliment? If we could but bring

ourselves to do so, perhaps at no very distant period the Yellow Peril

might turn out to be the White Salvation.

FOOTNOTES:

[414] See Waddell's _Lhasa and its Mysteries_, pp. 434 _seq._

[415] _Op. cit._, p. 439.

[416] See _Evolution and Ethics_, pp. 80-81 (Eversley edn.).

GENERAL INDEX

_The references in Roman numerals are to the Notes_

Administration of state of Muli, 214 _seq._, xxxi., xxxiii., xxxiv.

Alabaster, image of the Buddha, 86

Amban, 133 _seq._

American Baptist Mission, 114-115

Amitabhism, 73-74, 77

Ancestral worship, 80-81

_An fu shih ssŭ_, xxii., xxxiv.

Animism, 77, 348 _seq._

Anti-foreign feeling in China, 12, 18, 34, 355-356, 358 _seq._

Anti-opium regulations, 25, 385

Antiquities of Mount Omei, 86-87, vi.

Arahat, 69 _seq._, 72, 89-91, 95, 96, 109

Arahatship, 69 _seq._

Archæological work in the Far East, 332, xlv.

Architecture in western Yunnan, 299;

in Burma, 325 _seq._

Art, in China, 42, 378 _seq._;

in Burma, 326, 332, 335;

decay of Burmese, under European influence, 335

Artillery, French, at Tali, 257

Ash-trees, Chinese dwarf, 51

Ass, wild, 165

Assyrian deities, 96

Âtman, Buddhist denial of, 67-68, 72

Avalanche, 93, 249

Awakening of China, 12 _seq._, 40-41, 387 _seq._

Baptist Mission in China, American, 114-115

"Basket" bridges, 113

Bears, 165

Bei-ze, 216-217

Bend in Yangtse, 237-238

Betel-nut, 313

"Black-bone" Lolos, 187

"Black Peril in Burma," xlvi.

Bo Tree, 354

Bodhisattvas, 57 _seq._, 72, 89-90, 91 _seq._, 105 _seq._

Bon _or_ Bon-pa religion, 281

Bridge, Kamsa, 317

----, Mekong, 296-297;

Salwen, 305-308;

Ta Tu, 125-126, xix.;

Yellow River, 14-15

----, Single-rope, over Yalung, 191, _seq._

Bridges, 14-15, 110, 113, 114, 125-126, 128, 230, 243, 295, 296-297,

305-308, 310, 317

----, "Basket," 113

----, Suspension, 125-126, 128, 294, 305, 306, 307, 308, 310, xix.

British designs on Tibet, alleged, 135

---- frontier, arrival at, 315-319

Bronze elephant, 85-86, vi.

---- temple, 104, xii.

Bubonic plague, _see_ Plague

Buddha, the, 68 _seq._, 76, 88, 330, 353, _and chaps._ vi. _and_

vii. _passim_

Buddha's death, date of, xlii.

"Buddha's Glory," 59, 101-103, 111, x.

Buddhism, in Burma, 77, 329-330, 348-353;

in China, 45-46, 54-81, 82-111, ii.-xii.;

in India, xliii.;

in Japan, 81, iv.;

in Siam, 77

Bungalows, travellers', in Burma, 318-319, 320, 321

Burial customs, _see_ Dead, disposal of the

Burmese people, the, 8, 161, 275, 281, 302, 326 _seq._, 333 _seq._;

artistic sense of, 326, 332, 335;

characteristics of, 332-353;

as labourers, 335, xlvi.;

"laziness of," 336 _seq._;

prosperity of, 335;

religion of, 348-353;

truthfulness of, 336

Burmese villages, 325-326

"Burning of the Books," 289

Butter, Tibetan, 156, 158, 159

Cairns, stone, 166

Canton-Kowloon Railway, 16

Cantonese, 199, 356-357, 365

Cat, wild, 165

Cave-temples, 35-36, 46

Caves, 174, 238

----, "Man-tzŭ," 45-50, 286

Certificates of pilgrims, 104-105

_Ch'an dzö_, 217

Charcoal-fires, 101, 123

Charms, 91, 190, 198-199

China, _see_ Index of Names

Chinese, art of, 378-379;

Buddhism, _see_ Buddhism;

characteristics of, 3, 12, 355 _seq._;

civilisation, 366 _seq._, 371 _seq._;

corruption of, 372 _seq._;

court, arrogance of, 357, 365;

courtesy of, 355-356;

currency, 153-154;

dislike of foreigners, 355, 358-359, 371, 383-384;

emigrants, 357-358;

emperor and empress-dowager, 13;

hospitality of, 355 _seq._;

in Hongkong, 358;

inns, 32-33, 34, 51-53, 121;

literature, 380-383;

litigiousness of, 377;

manners of, 355 _seq._;

merchants, integrity of, 357;

music, 379-380;

not cowards, 384;

oak, _see_ Oak;

patriotism, 387-388;

poetry, 381-382;

pride of, 384;

progress of, 12, 13, 16 _seq._, 40-41, 371;

regiment, the 1st, xlvii.;

Shan States, _see_ Shan States, etc.;

sobriety of, 376-377;

Tibet, 1, 126, 153 _seq._, _and passim_

_Ch'ing-k'o_, 173

Ch'orten (Lamaist pyramid or pagoda), 208-209

_Chou_, meaning of, 35

Christianity, in China, 78-81, _and see_ Missionaries

_Chün Liang Fu_, 131, 132-133

Civilisation, western, 5;

limitations of, 338 _seq._, 365 _seq._

Climate of Ssuch'uan, 34, 124, 198-199, 315

---- of Yunnan, 252-253, 314-315

---- of Burma, 324

Coal in Ssuch'uan, 34, 123

Colossal image, 45-46

Commerce, _see_ Trade

Confucianism, 66, 67, 80-81

Cotton, 129

_Couvade_, 301

Cremation, 174, 224, 232

Crocodiles, 259

_Crossoptilon Tibetanum_, 156

Cuckoo, 203

Dacoits, 322

Dagobas, 209

Dalai Lama, the, 139, 215, 216

Dead, disposal of the, 174, 189, 224, 232-233, 238

Decay of Oriental art, 335

Deer, 165

Dhyâni Buddhas, 72, 73

Dogs, Tibetan, 162-163

Donations, religious, in China, 84, 85

Drowning accident on Yangtse, 21

_Drung_, 170

Duck, wild, 113

Dyeing industry, 35

Earthquakes, 132, 254

Eastern Heaven, 96-97

Eclecticism of Buddhism, 67

Education in China, 40-41, 119, 223-224, 371;

in Burma, 350

Elephant in Buddhist mythology, 63 _seq._, 85-86, 94, 96, 97, 98

----, bronze, on Mount Omei, 85-86, vi.

Ethnology of western China, 1, 126, 265-292

Europeans in China, 17 _seq._, 78 _seq._, 355 _seq._

Extra-territorial jurisdiction in China, 78-79

"Fairies' Scarf," 178-179

Fauna of Tibetan Ssuch'uan, 164-165

_Fei tzŭ_, 84

_Felis fontanieri_, 165

Female rulers in Tibet and Shan States, 232, xxxvii.

Flora of western China and Chinese Tibet, 87, 163, 164, 180-181,

201, 204-205, 244, 248

Foot-binding in China, 371

Footprints of Buddha, 62

Foreign enterprise in China, _see_ Europeans in China

Forest fires, 178-179

Forests, 156, 163, 165, 171, 172 _seq._, 178 _seq._, 199, 202, 220,

226, 244

French artillery at Tali-fu, 257;

railways in Yunnan, 25-26, 311-312;

travellers in Yunnan, 227

Frontier of Ssuch'uan and Yunnan, 227;

of Yunnan and Burma, 315-316, 317-318

_Fu_, 35, 229

Game, big, 164 _seq._

"Gate of Tibet," 154

Gélupa, _see_ Yellow Sect of Lamaism

Geographical interest of western China, 1-2

Gipsies, 166

Girls' school, 119

Glaciers, 155, 176, 202, 237, 244

"Glory of Buddha, The," 59, 101-103, 111, x.

Glow-worms, 245

Goat, wild, 165

"God of War," _see_ Kuan Ti (Index of Names)

"God of Wealth," _see_ T'sai Shên (Index of Names)

"God of Wisdom," _see_ Manjusri (Index of Names)

"Gods" in Buddhism, 70, iii.

"Goddess of Mercy," 73, 75, _and see_ Kuan Yin (Index of Names)

Goitre, 168

"Gold" as name of rivers, 195

Gold-dust, 130

Gold-mining, 238-239

Gold-washing, 128, 195-196, 218

"Golden Summit" of Mount Omei, 100, 105

"Golden-Teeth" country, 300

Gorges of the Yangtse, 28-29

Gossip at Tachienlu, 139 _seq._

Graves, _see_ Disposal of the dead

_Han-hua_, 273

Hand-stoves in Ssuch'uan, 34

Heights of Passes, xxiii.

Highest habitation on the globe, xxxvi.

Highwaymen, 37-38, 146-147, 181, 225, 235, 242

Holy water in Tibet, 143

Hospitality of Orientals, 8, 187, 333, 355 _seq._

Hot springs, 142, 254, 312

Hotels in China, _see_ Inns

_Hsien_, 35

_Hsüan fu shih ssŭ_, xxii.

_Hsüan wei shih ssŭ_, xxii.

_Huan-t'ieh_, 139

Idolatry in Europe and America, 342

Indian origin of tribes in West China, supposed, 268-269, 282 _seq._,

285 _seq._, xli.-xliv.

Indo Chinese peoples, 282 _seq._, 286-287, _and see chap._ xv. _passim_.

Inns in China, 32-33, 34, 51-53, 121

Insect-wax industry, _see_ White-wax industry

Irrigation of the Ch'êng-tu Plain, 39, 42, 43

Itinerary, _Appendix B_

Japanese Buddhism, 81, 90, iv.

---- landscape-painting, 378-379

---- navigation on the Yangtse, 20-23

---- poetry, 383

_K'an-po_ (Tibetan bishop or abbot), 215 _seq._

Karma (Kamma) in Buddhism, 68 _seq._

Kiang element in Tibetan population, 286

Kyaungs of Burma, 82

_La_ (mountain pass), 173

_Lab-ch'a_ (stone cairns), 166

Labour question in Burma, 336, xlvi.

Lamaism, 74, 90, 94, 130, 134, 138, 140 _seq._, 189, 190, 213 _seq._,

215, 219 _seq._, 228, 267, 281

Lamaseries, 130, 134, 168, 180, 202 _seq._, 219 _seq._

Landscape-painting in China, 378-379

Landslips, 124-125, 180, 207, 211, 249, 316

Language as a test of race, xxxv.

Laos Upper, or French, 6, 187, 314, 329, 331, 344-345, 349,

_and see_ Shans

_Lapis-lazuli_, sacred, 96

Legends of Mount Omei, 54 _seq._

Lien Hua Shih, 91-92

"Living Buddhas," 215

Lo-han, _see_ Arahat

Lotus allegory, 59, 92-93

Lu-Han Railway, 10, 14-20

Machi (game-fowl), 156, 173

Mahayana, 63 _seq._, 76, v.

_Man-hua_, 273

Mani-dong, _see_ Obo

"Manners makyth man," 385

"Man-tzŭ" caves, 47 _seq._

Massacre in Tali, 262-263

Matins, Buddhist, 105-107

_Mig-ra_ (Tibetan eye-shade), 157

Military qualities of Orientals, xlvii.

_Ming Chêng Ssŭ_, 149

Missionaries, Christian, in China, 31, 33, 78-79, 110, 150

Mohammedan rebellion in Yunnan, 250, 257-264, xxxix.

Mohammedans in China, xxxix.

Monasteries and temples, 62 _seq._, 82 _seq._, 326, 332, vi.-xii.

Monastic life in China, 82 _seq._, _and see_ Lamaseries.

Monasticism, Chinese contempt for, 66-67

Money, _see_ Currency

Mongol conquests in Yunnan, 277-278

---- dynasty, 271-272

Monks, Chinese, ignorance of, 65 _seq._

Monolith in Ch'êng-tu, 41-42

Morrison, Dr G. E., 294, 307, 323

Mosquitoes, 242

Mountain-sickness, 165

Mules, death of, 155, 179-180

Mummies on Mount Omei, 98

Music in China, 379-380

Musk, 130, 247

Musk-deer, 165

Names of monasteries on Mount Omei, _chap._ vii.

Names of rivers in China, 44, 205-206

Nat-worship, 349 _seq._

Navigation on Irrawaddy, 325-328, 332

---- on Min, 43-45

---- on Yangtse, 20-30

Neo-Confucianism, 80-81

Nirvana, 69 _seq._, iv.

Noble Eightfold Path, 70

_Nyer-ba_, 217

O-mi-to-Fo, 73, 94

Oak (_Quercus sinensis_), 164, 220

Obo, 144-145, 174, 201, 211

Octagonal towers, 168 _seq._, 171, 175, 177

Official obstruction to travelling, 146-152

Officials of Muli, 216 _seq._

_Om mane padme hom_, 93-94, 130, 144-145

Opium, 24-25, 244-245, 254, 255, 258, 385

Ornaments, personal, 197-198, 228, 242

Pagodas, 44-45, 113, 254, 255, 258, 326, 330, 332, _and see_

Ch'orten _and_ Shwe Dagon pagoda.

Palace of Mandalay, 329

Panthers, 165, 241

Parrots, 181

Passes (mountain), 1, 116, 117, 119, 120, 121-122, 155, 156 _seq._,

165 _seq._, 173, 175, 176, 179, 180, 225-256, 235, 241, 243, 304,

309, xxiii.

Peaches, 125

_Pên-ti-jên_, 239, 290

Perpetual snow, _see_ Snow-line

Pewter staff of Buddhists, 99-100

Pheasants, 142, 156, 220, 241, 309

Photographs, destruction of, by water, 314

Pictorial art in China, 378-379

Pigeons, 157

Pigs, 171

Pilgrims in China, 53, 59, 83, 85, 86, 94, 100, 104, 122, 127

Pine-forests, _see_ Forests

Plague, 198-199, xxxix.

Poetry of China, 381-382

Police, absence of, in China, 375

Polyandry, 230-232

Polygamy, 231

Ponies, 171, 321

Poplars, 164

Poppy, _see_ Opium

Porcelain, Chinese, 378

Prayer-flags, 130, 142-143, 174, 211

Prayer-wheels, 94, 142-144, 211

Prejudices, national, 359 _seq._

Prickly pear, 255

Primroses, 164, 180, 248

Proverbs, Chinese, 36, 101, 104

Railways in China, 10, 14 _seq._, 39-40, 310-312, 369

Rain, 240-241, 297-298, 308-309, 316, 324, 331

Rainbow in Salwen valley, 308-309

Rainy season in Yunnan, 293, 297-298

---- ---- in Shan States, 331

Rape-flower, 38, 112

Rapids on the Yangtse, 25 _seq._

Rebellion in Yunnan, _see_ Mohammedan Rebellion

Recluses and hermits, 55 _seq._

Red sandstone basin of Ssuch'uan, 46, 250

Red-boats on the Yangtse, 27-28

"Refuges, The Three," 73

Religion, _see_ Buddhism, Christianity, _etc._

Revenue of Muli, 218

Rhododendrons, 163, 175

Rice, 230, 254

Rivers, names of, 44, 205-206

Road, a good Chinese, 244-245;

British-made, in Chinese Shan States, 315

Roads in Upper Burma, 316-317, 320

Robbers, 37-38, 146-147, 181, 225, 235, 242

Rope-bridge, 191 _seq._

Roses, wild, 244, 248, 254-255

Rupee, Chinese, 153-154

Saddle, Tibetan, 320

_San Kuei_ ("Three Refuges"), 73

Sao-p'a, _see_ Sawbwa

Sawbwa (Shan chief), 315, 331

Scenery of China, Chinese Tibet, Burma, etc., 2-3, 15, 44, 123-124,

133, 156, 163, 172, 174, 177, 182 _seq._, 206-207, 209-211, 255,

317, 318, 325-326, 327-328

Scholarship, lack of, among Chinese Buddhists, 65 _seq._

Schools, _see_ Education

Schrader's theory of Nirvana, iv.

Science, triumphs of, in Europe, 368-369

Second defile, 327, 328

Sericulture, 35, 41, 45

Shanghai-Wusung railway, 17

Shans, _see_ Index of Names

Siege of Tali, 257, 258-264, xxxix.

Silk-weaving, 41, _and see_ Sericulture

Smoking prohibited at Muli, 221

Snow-line, 163-164, 175

Soul, Buddhist denial of, 67-68, 72

Sport, 113, 142, 164-165, 220, 241, 309

Squirrels, 181

Stags, 165

Steam navigation on Irrawaddy, 325-328, 332

---- on Yangtse, 20 _seq._, 25-26

Sulphur springs, 142

Sung dynasty, 271, 272;

artists of, 378-379

Sunshine in Ssuch'uan rare, 101

Suspension-bridges, _see_ Bridges

Taoism, 67, 78, 99

Tatooing, 302

Taxation in Muli, 218, xxxiv.

---- in China, 374

Tea, 114, 129, 156, 158-159

Tea-carriers, 114, 117

Teeth of Buddha, alleged, 62, 86, vii.

Temples and monasteries, 42, 45-46, 62 _seq._, 82 _seq._, 122, 128,

299, 308

"Three Refuges, The," 73

Thunder-dragon, 61

Tibetan charms, 91, 190, 198-199

---- coinage, 153-154

---- dogs, 162-163

---- frontier, 39, 116, 125-126

---- houses, 157 _seq._, 170

---- inns, 130, 131

---- saddle, 320

---- tea, 158-159

---- women, 160 _seq._, 205

Tibetans, _see_ Index of Names

Tobacco, 129

Tolerance of Chinese, religious, 79-80

Tombs, "Royal," near Tachienlu, 142

Tooth-relics of the Buddha, 62, 86, vii.

Towers, octagonal, 168 _seq._, 171, 175, 177

Trade between China and Burma, 254, 300, 310-312, 315, 317, 322

---- between China and Tibet, 129-130, xxi.

_Tra-pa_ (Lamaist novices), 217, 221, 225

Trackers on the Yangtse, 28-30

Transliteration of Chinese names, 44

Trees, famous, of Mount Omei, 61 _seq._

Tribal chiefs subject to China, 128, 132 _seq._, 213 _seq._, 229,

xxii., xxviii., xxxiv., xxxvii., _and see_ Tachienlu, Muli,

Yung-ning, Li-chiang, _etc._, in Index of Names

_Tsamba_, 83, 156, 158, 159, 172, 173

_T'u Ch'ien Hu_, xix., xxii.

_T'u Pai Hu_, 172, 176, 190, xix., xxii., xxviii.

Typhus fever, 132

Ula, 136-137, 139, 152, 160, 173, 174, 186, 225

Umbrellas, European, in Burma, 327

Unhealthiness of valleys in western China, 198-199, 236, 248, 304-309,

314

_Usnea barbata_, 178-179

"Valley of the Shadow of Death," 304-309

Vegetarian diet, 83, 100, 221, 337

Vespers, Buddhist, 107-108

Village communities of China, 376 _seq._

Vocabularies, _Appendix A_

Vulgarity, absence of, in Burma, 345 _seq._

Warfare on Tibetan border, 119-120, 133 _seq._, 150-152, 154

Water-buffalo, 201, 230

Waterfall, 317

Wats of Siam, 82

Western civilisation, limitations of, 338 _seq._, 347 _seq._

White wax industry, 45, 51, 112

Wild duck, 113

---- flowers, _see_ Flora

"Will to live" in Buddhism, 68

Women of western China, 160 _seq._, 205, 228, 251, 258

Wood-carving in Burma, 326

Yellow Lamas, Land of the, _see_ Muli

"Yellow Peril, The," xlvi., xlviii.

Yellow robe of Burmese Buddhist, 349, 350

Yellow Sect of Lamaism, 214, 219

Yuan dynasty, 271-272

Yunnan, 227-317;

climate of, 252-253, 297-298, 307;

foreign trade in, 254, 310-312;

frontiers of, 227, 317;

language of, 290-291, 302;

Mohammedan rebellion in, 250, 257-264, xxxix.;

railways in, 25-26, 310-312;

tribes of, 265-292

INDEX OF NAMES

_The references in Roman numerals are to the Notes_

A-gu Wa, 228

A-jol, 249, _and see_ Atuntzŭ

A-ko Am-ni Wa, 228

A-mi-chi-ts'a, 171

A Te, 156

Adam's Peak, 101

Africa, South, Chinese miners in, 357-358

Ajangs _or_ A-ch'angs, 279

Akchôbhya Buddha, 97

Amitabha Buddha, 73, 74, 78, 94, 96, 98, 99, 102, 107

Amundsen, E., 147, 191, 239, xxvi., xxxii.

An-hui Province, 97

Angkor Wat, archæological work at, xlv.

Anuradhapura, 209, 354

Ashi, 280

Ashi Ferry, 249, 280

Asoka, 285, 289, xlii., _and see_ Maurya

Atuntzŭ, 241, 246, 249

Avalokiteçvara, 73; _see also_ Kuan Yin

"Azure Hills" of Tali, 261, 264

Ba Lu, 170

Ba Tsam Ch'u, 206, _and see_ Dja Ch'u

Baber, E. Colborne, 41, 85-86, 146, 169, 196, 213, 231, 291, 296, 304,

306-307, vi.

Bamian, caves at, 49

Bangkok, 6

Batang, 126, 154

Bhamo, 199, 282, 312, 315, 320, 321, 322-326

Bhamo to Mandalay, 322-363

Bhamo-T'êng-yüeh railway, 17, 310-312

Binyon, Mr Laurence, _quoted_, 378-379

Bishop, Mrs, 34

"Black-bone" Lolos, 187

Blake, Sir Henry A., G.C.M.G., 354

Böd, 268-269, _and see_ Tibetans, _etc._

Bodhidarma, 65, 78, 98, ii.

Bonin, M., 147, 238, 273, 274, xxvi., xxxvi.

Bourne, Mr F. S. A., 276

Brahmaputra, xxx.

Buddha, _see_ General Index

Burma, 9, 86, 223, 266, 282, 287, 302, 317-353;

annexation of, 322, 329;

climate of, 324-325;

labour question in, 336, xlvi.;

people of, 326-353, xli.;

religion of, 348-353

California, Chinese in, 357

Canton, 90

Canton-Kowloon railway, 16

Cantonese, 199, 356-357, 365

Carajan, 259, 300

Cathay, 116, 271

Ceylon, 354;

polyandry in, 231

Chala, kingdom and king of, 131 _seq._, 186, xxii., _and see_ Tachienlu

Chandragupta Maurya, 284, xlii., _and see_ Maurya

Chang Chih-tung, 18-19

Chang Liang, 95, 97

Ch'ang Lao P'ing, 88

Ch'ang Ying, 255

Chê-chiang (Chekiang) Province, 271

Chê Ri La, 155-156

Chê To, 154-155, 157

Ch'ên Hsiang T'a, 98

Chêng-chou, 25

Chêng Ting Chin Tien, 100

Ch'êng-tu, 26, 30, 36-42, 114, 116, 287, 375;

Mint, 154

Chêng-tu to Omei-hsien, 43 _seq._

Ch'i T'ien Ch'iao, 98

Chia I Chai, "king" of Tachienlu, 136 _seq._

Chia-chiang, 112, 113

Chia-ling river, 35

Chiang K'ou, 43

Chia-ting-fu, 26, 43, 45-50, 124, 127

Chieh Yin Tien, 96

Chien-ch'ang valley, 51, 116, 146, 148, 187, 246, 268, 311

Chien-ch'uan-chou, 251-252

Chien Wên (Ming emperor), 290

Ch'ien Fo, 109

Ch'ien Sui Ho-shang, 57

Chih-kuo-chên, 113

Chihli, Province of, 14

Chin Ch'uan, 128, xviii., xix., xxii.

Chin Ho, 44, 195 _seq._, xxix., xxx., _and see_ Yangtse _and_ Yalung

Chin Sha Chiang, 44, 195-197, xxx., _and see_ Yangtse

Chin Tartars, 271

Chin-wang-tao, 10

China, awakening of, 12 _seq._, 40-41,387 _seq._;

Buddhism in, _see_ Buddhism;

Christianity in, 78, 81, _and see_ Missionaries;

consular jurisdiction in, 78-79;

future greatness of, 387-388;

reaction in, 371;

social organisation of, 375;

taxation of, 374

---- Inland Mission, 31

Chinan-fu, 8

_China's Only Hope_, 19

_Ch'ing-ch'i-hsien_, 118-120, 126, xv.

Ch'ing Lien river, 295

Chou Kung Shan, 115, i.

Chu-ko Liang, 117, i., xiv., xviii., xx.

Chu Ma-tien, 15

Chung-chia-tzŭ, 276, 292

Chung Fêng Ssŭ, 110, xii.

Chung-king, 25, 33, 35

Chung Ku, 175

Chung So, 256

Chung-tien, 228, 249, 280

Ch'ü Fou, 8

Ch'ü-hsien, 35

Ch'ü river, 35

Clementi, Mr C., 382

Colombo, 354

Confucius, 8, 271, i.

Cooper's _Travels_, 162

Davids, Dr Rhys, 72, 143, 284, 286, iv., xliii.

Davies, Major H. R., 147, 202, 223, 238, 312, xxiii., xxvi., xxxii.

De Quincey _quoted_, xlviii.

Derge, 232

Dja Ch'u, 202, 203, 204, 209-211, 219-220

Dja Ki Ch'u, 168, 170-171

Dje Ru, 205

Dji Dju La, 175-176

Dji Dju Rong, 176

Djiung, 279, 280, 281, _and see_ Lashi

Djo-Dji, 227

Dju Mu, 197

Do river, 127

Dra Shê, 174

Dravidians, xli.

Dro Dze Drung, 174

Du Sz Drung, 168

Dur, 176

Dza Ri K'u, 168

Eagle-wood Pagoda, 98

Eitel, E. J., 73, 92

"Elephant's Bath," 94

England and Tibet, 135

Ênu-rêstū (Assyrian deity), 96

Erh Hai (Lake of Tali), 256-257

Fang Ma Ch'ang, 304

Fei Lung Ling, 116

Fei Yüeh Ling, 121-122, xvii.

Fêng Hsiang gorge, 30

Fêng K'o, 239-240, 241

Fêng Ming Shih Ch'iao, 295

Fêng Ting Wo Yün An, 109

Flying Dragon Pass, 116

Forrest, Mr, adventures of, 150, 247

Fox, Mr H. H., 27

Fu Chuang, 120

Fu Hsi, 55

"Gate of Tibet," 154

Ge Wa Pass, 235-236

Gélupa, _see_ Yellow Sect of Lamaism

Gi Dji, 237

Gill, Captain, 169, 192, 294, 296

"Glory of Buddha," 59, 101-103, 111, x.

Go Ka A, 241

Gods of War, Wealth, Wisdom, _see_ Kuan Ti, Ts'ai Shên, Manjusri

Goddess of Mercy, 73, 75, _and see_ Kuan Yin

_Golden Bough, The_, 166

Golden Dragon Monastery, 85

---- Hall of the True Summit, 100 _seq._, 108

---- Summit, the, 100, 105

Golden-Teeth Country, the, 300

Great Elephant Pass, 117-118, 288, xiv.

---- River, the, _see_ Yangtse river

---- Snow Mountains, 102

---- Vehicle Monastery, 95, ix.

Gur Dja, 179

Hai Wei, 252

Hai Yin Ssŭ, 45-46

Hall, Mr Fielding, 335-336, 337

Han river, 15, 16

Han-Yang, 15

Hang-chow, 271

Hankow, 10, 14, 15-16, 20

Hao Shou bridge, 253

Hao Tzŭ P'u, 303

Hearn, Lafcadio, _quoted_, 383, xlviii.

"Heavenly Sage, The," 55

Hei Lao, 176

Hlan Go La, 177, 179

Hmêng _and_ Hmung, _see_ Miao-tzŭ

Ho Chiang-p'u, 294

Ho-chou, 35

Holcombe, Mr Chester, _quoted_, 17, 365

"Holy Lamps, The," 108, xi.

Honan, Province of, 14, 15

Hongkong, 354, 358, 359;

climate of, 324-325;

latitude of, 325

Hosie, Sir Alexander, 51, 87, 116, 125, 128, 146, 213

Hsi Fan, 126, 268-269, 276, xxxiv.

Hsi Hsiang Ch'ih, 94

Hsi Hsin So, 88

Hsi-paw, Sawbwa of, 331

Hsi Shan, 35-36

Hsi T'ien (Western Heaven), _see_ Sukhâvatî

Hsi Wa Tien, 99

Hsia Ch'êng-tzŭ, 174

Hsia Kuan, 257, 294

Hsiang Po, 309

Hsiao Hsin Kai, 313-314

Hsiao Hua Ch'iao, 295

Hsiao T'ien Pa, 295

Hsien Tsu Tien, 58, 109, xii.

Hsin Yi La, 181

Hsiung-nu, 49, 279

Hsü-chou-fu, 25, 26, 44, 45

Hu Dra, 203

Hu Mu Shu, 309

Hua-lin-p'ing, 122-123, xvii.

Hua Yen Ssŭ, vi.

Hua Yen Ting, 91

Huang Jên, 55

Huang Lama, 147 _seq._, 186, 213 _seq._

Huang-lien-p'u, 295

Huang-ni-p'u, 117

Huang Ti ("Yellow Emperor"), 55

Huc, Abbé, 49, 108, 145, 192

Hui Ch'ih, 61

Hui-li-chou, 311

Hui Têng Ssŭ, 110

Hui Ti, _see_ Chien Wên

Hung Wu (Ming emperor), 290

Hung Ya, 113

Huo Yen Shan, 254

Hupeh, Province of, 14, 15, 30

Huxley, T. H., _quoted_, 369, iv., xlviii.

I T'ou, 121

Ichang, 10, 20, 23-27, 30

Ichang to Wan-hsien, 24-30

Irrawaddy Flotilla Co., 325

Irrawaddy river, 282, 312, 324 _seq._, 327-328, 332

Japan, 355, 367-368

_Jātakas_, 285

Jê Shui T'ang, 312

"Jim," 27, 33, 34, 117, 159, 194, 299, 355

Jung (Barbarians), 270, 279

Jung An Ch'iao, 35

Jung-Ching, 117

Kachins, 282, 300, 313, 320, 323

K'ai Chi, 230

K'ai-fêng-fu, 375

K'ai Shan Ch'u Tien, 89, viii.

Kamsa bridge, 317

Kan-lan-chan, 310

Kandy, Buddha's Tooth at, vii.

Kau Ngai, 313

Ke-lao, 276

Khams (Kham), 161

Khon, 216, 218, xxxii.

Kiangsi, 8

Kiaochou, 8

Kidd, Mr Benjamin, 367

Kin Ho, 195 _seq._, _and see_ Yalung river

Kinsay, _see_ Hang-chow

Ko Ri Drung, 175

"Kohn's," 321

Kolarians, xli.

Koloman, 276

Korat, 6

Korea, 8, 90, 355

Kosala, kingdom of, 284 _seq._

Kowloon-Canton railway, 16, 17

Ku-Dze, 211

Ku Hung-Ming, 378

Ku T'ai Tzŭ P'ing, 97

Ku-tsung, 246, 274, 276

Kuan Hsia, 250

Kuan-hsien, 39, 42

Kuan Hsin Ting, 88

Kuan P'o, 298

Kuan Ti ("God of War"), 99, 108, 119

Kuan Yin ("Goddess of Mercy"), 73, 75, 78, 93-94, 95, 107, 122, 128

Kuan Yin Ch'iao, 114

Kuan Yin Ssŭ, 110

Kuang-an, 35

Kuang Fu Ssŭ, 110

Kuang Hsiang Ssŭ, _see_ Hsien Tsu Tien

Kuangsi, 8

Kuangtung, 8, 356-357

Kúblái Khan, 272, 278

K'uei-chou-fu, 39

Kulika, 317

Kulong-ka, 320

K'ung, Duke, 8

Kunlon Ferry, 248, 293, 311, 331

Kuo Ta Shan, xxi.

Kutho-daw, 329-330

Kyūshū, 355

La'hu, 281, 282, 292

La Ka Shi, 236

Lacouperie, Terrien de, 276, 283

Lan Ga Lo, 236

Lan Yi Pa, 181

Lan Ts'ang Chiang; _see_ Mekong river

Laos, Upper, _or_ French, 6, 187, 314, 328, 331, 344-346, 349,

_and see_ Shans

Lashi, 246, 279, 280, _and see_ Mo-so

Lashi-Pa, 249, 280

Lashio, 248, 280, 293, 311, 331

_Lee-chuen_ steamer, 25

Leesaw, _see_ Li-so

Lei Tung P'ing, 95-96

Lêng Chi, 124

Lêng Shui Ching, 304

Lha-k'ang, 216

Lhasa, 108, 114, 122, 126, 127, 145, 161, 164, 191, 192, 221-222, 267

Li-chiang, 157, 237, 239, 241, 242, 244, 245-247, 248, 277, 278, 280,

311, xxxviii.

Li-chiang to Tali-fu, 248-264

Li Ch'u, 172, _and see_ Litang river _and_ Dja Ch'u

Li Hua Nan, vi.

Li Ping, 42

Li She Tzŭ, 226

Li-so, 230, 239, 246, 274, 277, 281-282, 292

Liang-shan, 34

Licchavis, 49, 284 _seq._, xli. _and_ xliii.

Litang, 105, 120, 151, 154;

river, 202 _seq._, _and see_ Dja Ch'u

Little, Mr A., 25, 28, vi.

Liu Sha river, 120, 121, xvi.

Lolos, 102, 120, 146, 186-190, 223, 235, 246 _seq._, 273, 276, 277,

279, 282, 292

Lu-Han railway, 10, 14-20

Lu Li, 173

Lu river, 127, 128, 129

Lu Ting, 124-126, 151, xix.

Lu Tzŭ Chiang, 305 _seq_., _and see_ Salwen river

Luang Prabang, 6, 328

Lung Chang Kai, 314

Lung river, _see_ Shweli river

Lung Shêng Kang, 110

Lung Shu, _see_ Nāgārjuna

Lung Wang (Naga-raja), 99

Madrasis in Burma, 333, 336

Maeterlinck, Maurice, _quoted_, 348

Magadha, Empire of, 284 _seq._

Mahā Myatmuni (Arakan Pagoda), 331

Mahâsthâma, 73, _and see_ Ta Shih Chih

Mahayana, _see_ General Index

Maitrêya Buddha, 45-46, 95, 106

Man-chia, 268 _seq._, 273

Man-hsien, 315, 317

Mandalay, 86, 108, 288, 311, 324, 327, 328-332

Manjusri, 77, 91, 94, 95, 97, 99, 106

Man-tzŭ, 20, 126, 197, 222-223, 268 _seq._, 283

Manu, Laws of, 231

_Manzi_, 271, _and see_ Man-tzŭ

Mao Niu Kuo, xx.

Martineau, James, _quoted_, 359

Maudgalyâyana, 73

Maurya race and kings, 282 _seq._, xli., xlii.

Maymyo, 331

Mekong river, 6, 241, 246, 293, 296-297, 298, 319, 328, 345

Mencius, 270, 271

"Middle Kingdom, The," 389

Mien, _see_ Burma

Mien-ning-hsien, 238

Min-chia, 246, 251, 289-292

Mindon Min, 329, 330

Min river, 26-27, 33, 38-39, 43 _seq._, 124, 196-197, 319

Min Shan, 44

_Ming Cheng Ssŭ_, 149, xxii.

Ming Yin Chi, 242

Mo-so, 222, 226, 227, 228, 230, 231, 232, 238, 239, 241, 245, 246,

250, 274, 277 _seq._, 281, xxxiv.

Momauk, 320

Môn races, 277

Mong-kung-ka, 318-319

Mongols, 271-272, 277-278

Mount Omei, 43, 50, 53, 54-81, 82-111, 117, 124, 127, 159, i.-xii.

Moyes, Mr and Mrs, 129, 150

Muang Wa, 328

Muh-sö, 279, 282

Muli, 2, 168, 202, 211, 212, 213-225, 234, 238, 281, xxvi., xxxi., xxxiv.

Muli _to_ Yung-ning, 213-230

Mung, _see_ Miao-tzŭ

Müller, Max, 75, 330

Murghab, caves on, 49

Myitkyina, 280

Na K'i, 174

Nāgārjuna, 76, 91

Nai Yu La, 177

Nam T'ing (T'ing river), 293

Nam U (U river), 328, 345

Nan Chao, 278, 287

Nan Tien, 313

Nanking, 282, 290, 291

Nashi, _see_ Lashi

Ni T'ou, 121

Ning-yüan, 146, 217, 238, 311

Niu Chio Kuan, 298

Niu Kai, 253-254

Njong, 222 _seq._, 281

Nü Wo, 55

Nya Ch'u, _see_ Yalung river.

Nya Rong ("Valley of the Nya"), 195, xxix., _and see_ Yalung river

O-mi-to-Fo (Amitabha Buddha), 73, 94

O'Connor, Mr Scott, 344

Odoric, Friar, 224

Omei-hsien, 50-53

Omei-hsien _to_ Tachienlu, 112-130

Omei-shan, _see_ Mount Omei

Orleans, Prince Henry of, 282, 292

Ottewell, Mr, 310

Pa-Chi, 223

Pa I (Shan tribesmen), 306, 308

Pa-No, 223

Pa Sung, 200, 201

Pa-U-Rong, 168, 181 _seq._, xxviii., xxix.

Pa-U-Rong _to_ Muli, 186-212

Pagan, 332, xlv.

Pai Sha river, 255-256

Pai Shui Ho, 237

Pai Yün Ku Ch'a, 95

Pan Ch'iao, 299

Pao Chang, 57

Pao-ning Ssŭ, 85

Paradise of the West, 72-73, _and see_ Sukhâvatî

Parker, Prof. E. H., 266-267, 272

Pataliputra (Patna), 285

Patisambhidâ, 89

Peguans, 277

Pei T'ai, 180

Peking, 10-13, 114, 375;

to Hankow railway, 14-20;

to Kalgan railway, 17;

to Ichang, 10 _seq._

_Pên-ti-jên_, 239, 290

P'êng-shan, 44

Perronne, M. Gaston, 247, 248

Persia, 48-49, 166

P'ing P'o, 297

P'ing-shan, 26

P'o Chiao, 250

Polo, Marco, 38-39, 90, 116, 131, 146, 161-162, 224, 271, 294, 300,

301, 302, 307, vii.

Pu-tai K'ou, 30

Pu Ti La, 180

P'u Hsien Bodhisattva, 57 _seq._, 77, 86, 88, 91, 94 _seq._, 106, 109,

117

P'u Kuang Tien, _see_ Hsien Tsu Tien

P'u Kung, 57, viii., xii.

P'u Piao, 304

P'u T'o, 122

P'un Bu Shi, 170-171

Raineh, Persia, cave-dwellings in, 48-49

Rangoon, 86, 108, 333 _seq._, 354

Red River, 6, 198-199

_Ri_, 173

Ri Go La, 179-180

Ri Wa, 169, 174

Ring I Drung, 168, 170

River of Golden Sand, 44, _and see_ Yangtse river

Robertson, Mr D. G., 331

Rocher, M. Émile, _quoted_, 199, 260-263, xxxix.

Rockhill, Mr W. W., 121-122, 125, 136, 208, 224, xxxvii., xliii.

_Rong_, 173

Rong Ch'u, 219, 225

Ruskin, John, 3, 30, 182-183, 204-205, 340, 342

Ryder, Major, 238, 312

Sa-Mong, 232

Sa-T'am, 280, _and see_ Li-chiang

Sakya Clan, xliii.

Sakyamuni Buddha, 68 _seq._, 73, 76, 88, 91, 94, 95, 96, 97, 98, 99,

105, 109

Salwen river, 199, 248, 293, 298, 304-309, 319, 331

Samanta Bhadra, _see_ P'u Hsien Bodhisattva

San Chia-tzŭ, 174

San Kuan, 99

San Shêng Kung, 295

San T'ieh Fo Tien, vi.

San Ying, 254

Scott, Sir George, 265, 348 _seq._

Second Defile, 327, 328

Seres, 288-289, xliv.

Sha P'ing, 257

Sha-shih, 23

Sha Yang, 295

Shang Kuan, 257, 258

Shang La Shih, 250

Shanghai, 355, 358

Shanghai-Wusung railway, 17

Shan States, 6, 231-232, 272, 275, 287, 313, 331, _and see_ Shans

Shans, 6, 8, 187, 248, 266, 280, 282, 292, 300, 302, 313, 314, 315,

318, 349, 355, 356, xxxvii.

Shantung, 8, 356

Shelley, _quoted_, 110

Shi Li La, 226

Shih-chia Ch'iao, 116

Shih K'o Ts'un, 299

Sho Ti Ba Dze, 173

_Shu Ching_, 270

Shui Chai, 297, 298

Shun, Emperor, 8

Shun-ch'ing-fu, 35

Shun-tê-fu, 14

Shwe Dagon Pagoda, 86, 352-353

Shweli river, 310, 319

Si Dji, 236

Si Fan, _see_ Hsi Fan

Siam, 6, 8, 223, 276, 314, 344, 356

Siddharta, Prince (the Buddha), _see_ Sakyamuni Buddha

"Silvery Boundary, The," 103

Sin Go La, 177

_Sinae_, 282 _seq._

Sindafu, 38-39, _and see_ Ch'êng-tu

Singapore, 354

_Smaller Sukhâvatî Vyûha Sutra_, 74-75

So Chiang T'a, 44-45

Spencer, Herbert, 231-232

Ssuch'uan, 1, 9, 25, 30, 32 _seq._, 39, _and passim_

Ssu-ma Ch'ien, 272

Ssumao, 6

Stirling, Mr G. C. B., 282, 331

Straits Settlements, Chinese in, 357

Sui-fu, 25, _and see_ Hsü-chou-fu

"Suicide's Cliff," 103-104

Sukhâvatî (Western Heaven), 72-73, 77, 78, 94, 95

Sung dynasty, 271, 272;

artists of, 378

Swami Vivekananda, the, 366

Ta-chien-lu, _see_ Tachienlu

Ta Chu, 34

Ta Hsiang Ling, 117, 118, 119, 288, xiv.

Ta Hsüeh Shan, 102-104

Ta Hua Ch'iao, 295

Ta Kiang, _see_ Yangtse

Ta Liang Shan, 187, xxvii.

Ta K'oa, 204

Tali-fu, 100, 153, 154, 246, 248, 257-264, 265, 278, xxxix.;

lake of, 256-259;

massacre in, 262-263;

siege of, 257, 259-264, xxxix.

Tali-fu _to_ Bhamo, 199, 293 _seq._

Ta-Mo, _see_ Bodhidarma

Ta O Monastery, 110, xii.

Ta Pan Ching, 304-305, 307

Ta P'êng Pa, 126-127

Ta Shih Chih, 73, 95, 97, 107

Ta Tu river, 45, 102, 124, 126, 127, 128, 132, 195, 268, 319,

xviii., xix.

Tachienlu, 1, 114, 115, 117, 123, 126, 128, 129-152, 153, 154, 191,

214, 234, 266, xx.-xxii.

Tachienlu _to_ Pa-U-Rong, 153-185

T'ai peoples, 275, 276, 283, _and see_ Shans

T'ai P'ing, 309

T'ai P'ing Rebellion, xxxix.

T'ai P'ing river, 316, 318

T'ai P'ing Ch'iao, 296

T'ai-p'ing-p'u, 294

T'ai Shan, 8, 103

Talaings, 277

Tan Ga La, 173

Tê Ben, 199

Tê Yüan bridge, 256

Ten Ba K'a, 201

Têng-ch'uan-chou, 256-257

Tennyson, _quoted_, 54

T'êng-yüeh, 235, 294, 298, 302, 310-312, 313, 320

T'êng-yüeh-Bhamo railway, 17, 310-312

Thai peoples, _see_ T'ai

Thibaw, King, 322, 329

Thinae, 282

Thunder Cavern, 61, 95-96

Ti (Barbarians), 270

Ti Tsang Bodhisattva, 91, 96-97, 107

Tibet, _see_ Tibetans, etc.

Tibet, meaning of word, 268-269

Tibetans, 8, 39, 50, 94, 116, 119, 125, 126, 129 _seq._, 153 _seq._,

196, 197, 222, 246, 267 _seq._, 311, _and see_ General Index

Tien, kingdom of, 272, 283, 287

Tien Wei, 252

Tientsin, 10

T'ien Chên Huang Jên, 55

T'o K'o Sho, 241

Toloman, 276

Tongking, 6, 8, 26, 198-199

Tsa Ch'u, 172

Ts'ai Shên ("God of Wealth"), 99, 106

Tsang po, _see_ Brahmaputra

Ts'ao Pa, 114

Tu, 173

Tu Wên-hsiu, 259-262, xxxix.

T'u Fan, 268

T'ung river, _see_ Ta Tu

Turfan, 269

Tylor, E. B., 301

Tyndall, John, _quoted_, 183

Upper Laos, 6, 328, 345-346

---- Lashi, 250

Uriangkadai, 278

Vaggians, 49, 284 _seq._, xli.

Vairocana, Celestial Buddha, 64

Vesâli, 285-286, xliii.

Vial, Paul, _quoted_, 187, 274, 275, 276, 277, 280, 290

Vien-chan, 6

Virgil, _quoted_, 69, 303

Vivekananda, the Swami, 366

Vochan, _see_ Yung-ch'ang

Wa Mountain, 102

Wa-chin Gompa, 204, 216

Wa Ssŭ Kou, 127-128, 151, 195

Waddell, Colonel, 126, 139, 208-209, 215

Wan-hsien, 25, 26, 30, 31, 32

Wan-hsien _to_ Chêng-tu, 31-42

Wan-nien Ssŭ, 85-88, 109, vi., vii.

Warry, Mr, _quoted_, 276

Wealth, Chinese god of, _see_ Ts'ai Shên

Wei Chên T'ien Mên, 98

Wei-Si (Wei-hsi), 311

Wei To, 96, 106, 107

Weihaiwei, 10, 319, 355, 356, 374, 376-377

Wên Ch'êng, 95, 97

Western Paradise, _see_ Sukhâvatî

White, Sir Herbert, 331

"White-bone" Lolos, 186-187

White Clouds Monastery, 95

---- Dragon Monastery, 85

White Dragon Pool, 109

Wo La, 223

Wo Pu Tsong, 206; _see_ Dja Ch'u

Wo Shih Wo ("Sleeping Lion's Den"), 303

Wordsworth, _quoted_, 251

Wu, 206-207

Wu-ch'ang, 15

Wu Chia-tzŭ, 174

Wu Shu, 177

Wu Shu La, 176

Wu T'ai Shan, 217

Ya River, 45, 50, 112, 113, 114, 116, 124, 319

Ya-chou, 112, 114-116, 117, xiii.

"Yaks, The Land of," xx., _and see_ Tachienlu

Yalung river and watershed, 146, 147 _seq._, 159 _seq._, 164, 168,

170, 180, 181, 191 _seq._, 238, 267, 319, xxiii.-xxvi.,

xxviii.-xxxi., xxxvi.

Yamdok lake, caves of, 49

Yang Pi, 294

Yangtse river, 10, 15, 20 _seq._, 24 _seq._, 28-30, 43-44, 45,

195-197, 228, 231, 232, 236-238, 245, 249, 319, xxix., xxx.

"Yellow Emperor, The," 55

Yellow Lamas, Land of the, _see_ Muli

---- River, 14, 271, 319

---- Sect of Lamaism, 214, 219

Yen-yüan, 217

Yi Ma Wa, 228

Yin Cho, 179

Ying-shan-p'u, 255

Yo Shih Fo, 96-97, 106, 107

Yule, Colonel, 276

Yung-ch'ang, 294, 298, 299-303

Yung-ch'ing Ssŭ, 97

Yung Pei, 228, 229, 246

Yung P'ing, 295

Yung-ning, 147, 154, 168, 225, 226, 227, 228-230, 234, 235, 237, 239,

240, 277, 280, 281

Yunnan, 6, 9, 146, 168, 187, 225, 227-317, _and see_ General Index

Yunnan-fu, 116, 246, 311

Yü, the Emperor, 270, i.

Yü Lin Kung, 142

Yüan Tzŭ Jang, x., xi.

Yüeh-chi, _see_ Yüeh-ti

Yüeh-hsi, 146

Yüeh-ti, _or_ Lunar Race, 49, 286

Yün-chou, 293

Zardandan, 300, 302

Zend-Avesta, 224

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* * * * *

Transcriber's Notes

Obvious typographical errors have been silently corrected.

Variations in spelling, punctuation, accents and hyphenation are as in

the original.

Recto pages of the original are headed by a brief description of

the topic. These have been retained as sidenotes and inserted at

appropriate breaks in the text.

In APPENDIX A: VOCABULARY, the original tables were eight columns wide.

Each table has been split into two four column tables, with the English

repeated in the second part.

Italics are represented thus _italic_ and bold thus =bold=.

The following errors in Chinese characters have been corrected:

"秦" in footnote 340 was rotated 90 degrees anticlockwise.

On page 416, "旋" was printed upside-down, and "奇" was rotated 90

degrees clockwise.

On p. 422, "記" was printed upside-down.

The following phrases include characters that are not available. The

characters have been replaced by □

唵嚤呢叭□吽 footnote 68.

摩□ footnote 312.

力□ footnote 322.

坡□ Itinerary, May 18th.

The Tibetan for om mane padme hom in footnote 69 has been corrected.

End of Project Gutenberg's From Peking to Mandalay, by R. F. Johnston

From Peking to Mandalay A Journey from North China to Burma through Tibetan Ssuch'uan and Yunnan · 第 18 / 18 章