CHAPTER IX

TACHIENLU

I remained in Tachienlu, where I found excellent quarters in a Tibetan

inn, from 23rd March to 15th April. During this period of more than

three weeks I exchanged visits with the Chinese prefect and the Tibetan

chief or "king" of Chala, and made excursions to various places of

interest in the vicinity. My main object in staying so long in one

place was that I might devote some attention to the Tibetan language,

of which I had previously acquired a very rudimentary knowledge.

With this end in view I engaged a native teacher, a pleasant and

mild-mannered old gentleman, who, in the approved Tibetan fashion, put

out his tongue at me most respectfully whenever I chanced to pronounce

or spell a word correctly. He officiated at the king's court as a

kind of soothsayer. I hoped that my acquaintance with him might lead

me to endorse the opinion of Marco Polo, that among the Tibetans are

to be found "the best enchanters and astrologers that exist in all

that quarter of the world." They, he goes on to remark, "perform such

extraordinary marvels and sorceries by diabolic art that it astounds

one to see or even hear of them."[161] Ser Marco was more fortunate

than I was, for no blandishments on my part could wring any necromantic

secrets from my soothsayer. But perhaps he had none to impart.

The climate of Tachienlu, as might be expected at an altitude of over

8,000 feet, is very bracing. The temperature sometimes sank to the

freezing point, and snow often fell during the night, but the days

were almost uniformly bright and sunny. There was a slight shock of

earthquake on 30th March, and I was told that the occurrence was

a common one; certainly it caused no consternation. The people of

Tachienlu are generally healthy and vigorous, but the annual recurrence

of typhus fever is a great scourge. The poorer class of Tibetan house

is exceedingly dirty, and it can only be the fine climate that prevents

Tachienlu from being frequently devastated by terrible epidemics.

[Sidenote: THE LHASA AMBAN]

I have already observed that west of the river Ta Tu the country is

ruled by tribal chiefs, and is not under the direct rule of China. The

chiefs are never interfered with so long as they abstain from political

intrigues, and are punctual in the payment of their small tribute to

the Chinese Government. The Chinese, however, fully recognise the

importance of controlling the main road into Tibet proper; they have,

therefore, stationed an officer of prefectural rank (_chün liang fu_)

at Tachienlu, and his duty it is to protect Chinese interests, and

keep a watch over the movements of the Tibetan chiefs and kings. He

exercises jurisdiction over the Chinese of the district--there are very

few outside the town itself--but has no judicial or administrative

control over the rest of the population. His official duties are

chiefly connected with transport and commissariat arrangements, and

in keeping up regular communications between the governor-general in

Ch'êng-tu and the amban[162] or _ch'in ch'ai_ at Lhasa. At the time

of my visit his hands were full owing to the frontier war, and he was

also burdened with the responsibility of looking after the new amban,

who arrived in Tachienlu shortly before me on his way to Lhasa, and

was still there when I left three weeks later. His predecessor, it may

be remembered, was brutally murdered at the instigation of the lamas

on the Tibetan frontier; and it was freely admitted by the new amban's

numerous retinue that his courage, which had steadily diminished as he

proceeded westwards, had vanished altogether when he reached Tachienlu.

When it appeared that the frontier war showed no signs of coming to

an end he applied, I understand, for leave to proceed to Lhasa by way

of India; but this request was promptly refused by his superiors at

Peking. Some yak-loads of his baggage started for the west shortly

before I left the city, and I presume he had made up his mind to make a

start soon afterwards. The turbulent condition of the tributary states

which had culminated in the murder of some French missionaries and the

assassination of the amban seems to have forced the Chinese Government

to give its serious attention to the problems of the frontier. As

usually happens in China, the policy determined on was one of ruthless

severity. Two large lamaseries were destroyed by the Chinese troops,

several of the leading lamas were put to death, and the rest driven

westward at the point of the sword. Two tributary Tibetan chiefs, of

rank nearly equal to that of the king of Tachienlu, were found guilty

of treasonable intrigues, and promptly executed. All these persons, if

the stories told of them were true, seem to have deserved their fate.

The events had occurred some time before my arrival in Tachienlu, but

as the war was still in progress, and the lamas of the extreme west

were known to be the implacable enemies of China, future possibilities

still agitated the minds of Chinese and Tibetans alike.

[Sidenote: POLITICS IN TACHIENLU]

The loyalty of the chief or king of Chala was probably above question,

and he was quite powerful enough to control any restlessness that might

show itself among the lamas of his own principality; but there was

some reason to believe that pressure was being brought to bear on the

Chinese Government from an unknown source to induce it to abolish all

the territorial chieftainships, and parcel out the whole country into

regular magistracies under Chinese officials right up to the nominal

frontier of Tibet proper. It was rumoured that Tibet itself was to be

turned into a Chinese province, and furnished with the usual hierarchy

of Chinese officials--the main object probably being to frustrate

the supposed designs of England on that country--and that Ssuch'uan

was to be divided into two separate provinces. In view of all these

possibilities, it is clear that the position of the tributary princes

of Ssuch'uan was, and probably still is, a somewhat precarious one;

and that the king of Chala, who could at any moment be placed under

lock and key by the prefect at Tachienlu, would probably be the first

to suffer from the change of policy. It would not be difficult for an

unscrupulous Chinese official to trump up vague charges of treason

which might quickly lead to the king's overthrow. Among other rumours

I heard that the Ya-chou taotai was expected to move his headquarters

temporarily or permanently to Tachienlu, and that the king's palace had

already been selected as a suitable residence for him. The king had not

apparently been consulted in this little matter. How the local politics

of Chala have developed since I left that distracted kingdom I have

had no opportunity of learning; but if in another five years the king

is still swaying the fortunes of his little monarchy he will deserve a

good deal of credit for his skilful manipulation of affairs during a

very trying period.

The territory of this potentate, including that of the small chiefs

subordinate to him, extends from the Ta Tu river on the east to the

Yalung on the west, and for about seventeen days' journey from north to

south. The name of his principality is spelt in Tibetan _Lchags-la_,

but, as usual in Tibetan words, it is not pronounced as it is written.

Lchlags (pronounced _cha_) is the Tibetan for "iron," and _la_ means a

mountain-pass. The Chinese transliteration[163] of the word would in

the Pekingese dialect read Chia-na: but in western Mandarin the _i_

is elided, and the _n_ is sounded like an _l._ The king's own name in

Chinese is Chia I Chai.[164] His Tibetan title, _gyal-po_, which means

"king" or "ruling prince," sufficiently well expresses the nature

of the authority which he exercises.[165] Rockhill describes him as

"one of the most powerful chiefs of eastern Tibet, for among them he

alone demands and obtains obedience from the lamas dwelling in his

principality."[166] He rules by hereditary right, and has absolute

power over the lives and fortunes of his subjects. The Chinese in his

territory are exempt from his jurisdiction, but they are so few in

number, except in the city itself, that the exemption counts for little.

[Sidenote: ULA]

Beyond the periodical payment of a small tribute, the only concession

which he is obliged to make to the suzerain power is the privilege of

_ula_. This word is neither Chinese nor Tibetan, but is in universal

use in Mongolia and Tibetan countries.[167] _Ula_ is a system whereby

all Tibetans living in the neighbourhood or within a certain distance

of a caravan route are compelled to furnish Government officials

(Chinese and Tibetan) with men, baggage-animals, and food, either free

of all cost or for a very small fixed sum. The system has given rise to

great abuses, and has in some places caused so much distress among the

people that whole villages have been abandoned and rich valleys left

uncultivated. The subjects of the king of Chala were groaning under

the weight of the _ula_ system at the time of my visit, and I heard

the king himself lamenting the sufferings which--owing to the greed

and harshness of Chinese military officials--it caused his people.

The burden at that time was more than usually heavy, for the Chinese

Government insisted on exacting its full rights of _ula_ in connection

with the carriage of military supplies to the scene of warfare.

The only three official buildings of any importance in Tachienlu are

the residences or yamêns of the king, the prefect or _chün liang fu_

and a Chinese colonel (_hsieh-t'ai_). Of these by far the largest

is the king's. I visited him a day or two after my arrival, and was

received very cordially. He is a man of about forty years of age, of

rather delicate appearance, but active and vivacious. He speaks Chinese

(with a strong Ssuch'uan accent) in addition to his own language,

and has adopted Chinese dress. His position in Tachienlu cannot be

a very pleasant one, owing to the peculiar nature of his relations

with the Chinese Government. The prefect appears to regard him as a

kind of enlightened savage, and apparently considers that the most

effective method of demonstrating the superiority of the suzerain

power is to treat the vassal with the least respect possible. The

Chinese regard all Tibetans much as they used to regard Europeans--as

barbarians outside the pale of true civilisation. I heard it stated

that if a Chinese in Tachienlu kills a Tibetan he is merely mulcted in

two packets of tea, but that if a Tibetan kills a Chinese the lives

of three Tibetans must pay the forfeit; I cannot, however, vouch for

the truth of this. The king would be glad to remove the centre of his

government to another part of his territories and leave Tachienlu to

the absolute control of China; but this he is not allowed to do. A few

years ago a lama versed in magic spells prophesied to the king that

if he spent any one of the next three consecutive New Year seasons in

Tachienlu great misfortunes would fall upon him, but that if he spent

them elsewhere all would be well. The king, who like all Tibetans is

prone to superstition, lent a willing ear to the wisdom of the lama,

and spent the last and first months of the next two years in one of

his mountain retreats. When the third New Year season came round the

frontier war had commenced, and the king's presence was urgently

necessary in Tachienlu in connection with the transport arrangements;

but his superstitious dread of unknown calamities again decided him to

retire to the mountains. He came back in due course to find that he was

in trouble.

[Sidenote: "SWORN BROTHERS"]

The _ula_ arrangements had suffered by his absence, and the Chinese

officials held him to blame. Since then he has been zealously

endeavouring to regain the confidence of his Chinese masters, with

only partial success. His friendly intercourse with the few Europeans

he has met is regarded somewhat suspiciously by the Chinese as well

as by the lamas; and it is possible that when the days of trial and

tribulation come to him he will look--I fear he will look in vain--to

his European friends for protection and support. With two or three of

his Protestant missionary friends he has actually entered into "sworn

brotherhood,"[168] an old Chinese custom whereby close friends enter

into a mutual compact which creates between them a kind of fictitious

relationship. This may explain a not quite accurate passage which

occurs in Waddell's recent book, _Lhasa and its Mysteries_.[169] He

says that "the Tibetan chief of Dartsendo (Tachienlu), the king of

'Chala,' is especially well-disposed towards foreigners; and when the

Dalai Lama threatened to punish him on this account, he is reported to

have become 'sworn brothers' with the Protestant Christian _Tibetans_."

Colonel Waddell adds that the king of Chala was said to be building

forts in his country, and could put ten thousand fighting men in the

field; but I know no reason for supposing that the king's intentions

are other than entirely pacific.

A few weeks' residence in Tachienlu served to open my eyes to the

fact that scandal and gossip are not confined to Western societies.

Even the Tibetan is sufficiently civilised to take an intelligent

interest in his neighbour's sins. One story which caused much hilarity

among the Smart Set of Tachienlu concerned the wife of a certain court

official. A distinguished person of royal lineage (not the king) is

a man who is known to be of an amorous disposition, and has been the

hero of several pathetic romances. He gazed upon the court official's

lady and saw that she was fair. Steps were immediately taken to send

the husband on a mission to a far country, he having been assured that

his domestic interests would be carefully protected in his absence.

The lady, reluctantly or otherwise, speedily bestowed her caresses on

her exalted lover. For some time all went well; but, unlike the less

fortunate Uriah in the Biblical story, the official returned to his

family in safety, discovered the intrigue, and promptly repudiated his

lady. The tragedy of the situation consists in the fact that she was

also repudiated by her "royal" lover, his fickle affections having

meanwhile found another object. The lady subsequently consoled herself

by marrying a Chinese merchant, and is said to be still carrying on a

monotonous existence within the curtained recesses of that gentleman's

private house. The episode is one which might perhaps be commended to

Mr Stephen Phillips for dramatic treatment.

[Sidenote: TACHIENLU GOSSIP]

Court intrigues have given rise to incidents more sombre than this. The

last king, elder brother of the present one, is said to have had the

date of his death foretold to him by a certain lama. When the date was

close at hand, the king took ill and died, after two days' illness,

exactly on the date prophesied. For some dark reason the lama--who

should probably have been tried for murder--succeeded in acquiring such

potent influence over the dead man's successor, the present king, that

he persuaded his Majesty to adopt his daughter. Quite apart from the

fact that lamas have no right to possess daughters at all, it does not

seem to be quite clear what the lama stood to gain by this proceeding.

The king was at that time childless, but he has since acquired a

daughter of his own. I saw both the lama's child and the king's during

a visit to the Summer Palace in the mountains, and was astonished

to find that the lama's daughter--a little girl of eight--was being

brought up as a boy, and was attired in boy's clothes. There was some

mystery connected with the whole affair which I failed to fathom. As

may be gathered from stories of this kind, the lamas do not enjoy a

good reputation. Their private morals are not above reproach, and they

are too fond of meddling in mundane affairs; but they do not wield the

great political power of which in other Tibetan states the lamas have

gradually possessed themselves.

The heir to the "kingdom" is the king's younger brother, a very amiable

man whose love of outdoor sports would endear him to the heart of

many an Englishman. He does not meddle with questions of _la haute

politique_, and loves to spend his time in the delightful mountain

residence to which I have just referred as the Summer Palace, a place

known in Chinese as the Yü Lin Kung. I was invited to spend a few

days there as the king's guest, and was received and most hospitably

entertained by his brother. It is a large, rambling building,

beautifully situated in a lonely spot among the mountains about 8 miles

from Tachienlu. One of the greatest attractions of this place is a hot

sulphur spring, the water from which is made to flow into a capacious

tiled bath. The Tibetans are said to be an unclean race--and I will

not gainsay it--but they delight in hot water when they can get it.

The neighbouring forests are strictly preserved for sporting purposes,

and afford splendid cover for pheasants and other game. Our "bag"

was an insignificant one; but I was filled with admiration for the

zeal of the king's brother, who was armed only with an old-fashioned

muzzle-loading weapon of venerable appearance and doubtful efficiency.

He deserved success, if he failed to command it. Behind the palace

are some of the tombs of the royal family. They are surrounded by

clusters of prayer-flags--strips of white cloth tied to the top of

sticks or slender poles and bearing the usual prayer formulas. Close

by is a rivulet in which there is a large prayer-wheel: a large wooden

cylinder, appropriately inscribed, placed perpendicularly in a strong

framework of timber. Through the cylinder runs a fixed wooden pin, and

the whole structure is so arranged that the lower end of the cylinder

is always in the water. The flow of the stream causes it to revolve

unceasingly, and each revolution is supposed to be equivalent to a

single utterance of the words, _om mane padme hom_. The prayer-flags

and prayer-wheels may thus be regarded as continually engaged in saying

masses for the souls of the dead princes. In my subsequent travels

through the Tibetan states I found wheels and flags of the same kind

in great abundance; and they are, of course, well known to all who

have travelled anywhere in Tibet. As a rule, a cluster of flags is all

that marks a Tibetan graveyard, especially in places where cremation

is the general method of disposing of the dead. Prayer-wheels may

be found wherever there is flowing water; and I observed that the

Tibetans--who have not as much objection as the Chinese to imbibing

cold water--would often stop to drink just below a prayer-wheel, as if

under the impression that the water, which had performed the pious act

of turning the wheel, had acquired thereby some mysterious sanctity. In

connection with this I may mention that holy water is not a monopoly of

Roman Catholic countries, for it is quite commonly used for ritualistic

purposes in lama temples. As every reader knows, this is not the only

respect in which there are resemblances or coincidences--sometimes

startling enough--between the ceremonial usages of lamaism and

Catholicism.

[Illustration: VIEW FROM THE "SUMMER PALACE" NEAR TACHIENLU.

[_To face p. 142._]

[Sidenote: PRAYER-WHEELS]

Prayer-wheels[170] may be turned either by water or by hand. The

ordinary small hand-wheel is constantly seen in the hands of both lamas

and laymen. Old men, especially, who are anxious to devote their

slender remnant of life in acquiring new merit or destroying bad karma,

hardly ever go out of doors without their wheels. They twirl them with

their fingers as they walk, and years of practice enable them to do

it without any conscious effort: indeed, I fancy that many old men

would twirl an imaginary wheel if the reality were taken from them.

It is curious to note that the older a wheel is--that is, the more

it has been twirled--the more valuable it becomes; for few Tibetans

will exchange an old wheel for a new one, and only the direst poverty

will induce them to sell this most precious of all their possessions

to a curio-hunter. Another form of hand-wheel is similar in size

and appearance to a water-wheel. It is inserted perpendicularly in

specially-constructed recesses, and may be twirled round its pin by any

devout passer-by. Sometimes it is found in the wall of a temple, and

not infrequently in a private house. In the latter case it is generally

found inside the house on the right-hand side of the main doorway

as one enters. Every one who goes in or out gives it a revolution

or two. The stranger on entering thus confers a kind of benediction

on his host, and at the same time accumulates a little merit for

himself. The custom is an amiable one, and certainly does no one any

harm. Not content with flags and prayer-wheels, the Tibetans are also

very fond of erecting piles of stones on which are loosely-placed

innumerable flat slabs, of varying shapes and sizes, each bearing

the _om mane_ formula in large, carved letters. These are variously

termed _obo_,[171] _mani-drombo_ and _mani-dong_. They were specially

numerous in the country through which I passed after leaving Tachienlu,

but there are many of them also in the immediate neighbourhood of

that town. Lamaism shares with other forms of Buddhism the rule that

sacred objects should, as far as possible, be kept on the right-hand

side. Where an obo or mani-drombo occurs, therefore, the road always

bifurcates so as to enable the devout traveller to keep it on his right

whichever way he is going. The inscribed slabs are the pious gifts of

pilgrims, or of any person who wishes to conciliate or show his respect

to the unseen powers. Every lamasery has among its inmates one or two

masons who are employed by such persons in carving the inscriptions.

[Sidenote: CHOICE OF ROUTE]

Before reaching Tachienlu I had purposely left undecided the route

to be followed thereafter, as I was only too well aware of the

obstructions which the authorities would be certain to put in my way

when I attempted to leave the main routes. I had a vague idea of making

an effort to cross the frontier into Tibet proper, and so proceeding

to Lhasa by the route which no European has traversed since the

days of the abbé Huc; but it soon became obvious that this would be

impossible--at least so long as a state of war existed on the border.

The Chinese prefect had no doubt acquainted himself with the fact that

I was engaged in the study of Tibetan, and when I called upon him he

showed considerable anxiety and curiosity as to my intentions. The new

amban showing no eagerness to avail himself of a unique opportunity to

add a British adviser to his staff, and the undertaking being otherwise

impossible in the face of Chinese and Tibetan opposition, I was obliged

to give up the idea of a ride to Lhasa, and had to fall back on my

original intention of travelling through the Sino-Tibetan states of

the Yalung valley to the north-west of Yunnan. If I were prevented by

official opposition from following this route as well, I decided to

return to the Ta Tu river, and find my way down the Chien-ch'ang valley

to Yüeh-hsi and Ning-yuan-fu, the route which has been made famous by

the journey of Marco Polo, and has been in recent years traversed by

E. C. Baber and Sir A. Hosie. With regard to this route I was told

that the road was much infested by robbers--Lolos and others--and that

many of the inn-keepers had entered into a league with them to drug

and rob, and, if necessary, murder their visitors. There was only one

way to avoid molestation, and that was by the discovery and use of the

robbers' password. The utterance of this word on appropriate occasions

would not only ensure safety, but would remove all difficulties about

transport and supplies. The person (a Chinese in Government employment)

who gave me this information, and who may, for all I know, have had

personal dealings with the gang, was so obliging as to give me the

password itself, which consisted, he said, of the single word _Ku_

("old"). As I did not, after all, follow this interesting route, and

therefore had no opportunity of testing the efficacy of the word, I can

only express the hope that the timely information now given will be of

service to future travellers.

[Sidenote: THE YALUNG VALLEY]

The Yalung valley is one of the least-known portions of the Chinese

empire. In 1895-96 M. Bonin, a French Colonial official, travelled from

Tali-fu to Tachienlu by a route which to a certain extent coincided

with that taken by myself, and three years later a Swedish missionary,

Mr E. Amundsen, travelled in the reverse direction by a road which

was evidently almost the same as my own. But no Englishman[172] had

traversed the same route before me, and as I had no opportunity of

reading the narratives published by either M. Bonin or Mr Amundsen

until my return to civilisation, I unfortunately derived no benefit

from their previous experience: but their accounts, though interesting,

are very meagre in detail and of tantalising brevity.[173] A glance

at the map will show that my route lay across the mountains to the

south-west of Tachienlu. On crossing the Yalung it enters the Muli or

Huang Lama, and thence it crosses the Yunnan frontier a few miles north

of Yung-ning-fu. Short as the total distance appears on the map, the

series of great mountain ranges over which the road passes makes the

journey a long one and arduous. A few Yunnanese merchants[174] choose

this route to Ssuch'uan in order to avoid the likin-stations in the

Chien-ch'ang valley; but the great difficulties of arranging for the

safe transport of merchandise over snowy passes and unbridged rivers

have given it a bad reputation.

[Sidenote: OFFICIAL OBSTRUCTION]

Even at Tachienlu I was unable to gather much information about the

country. The king himself appeared to have a very scanty knowledge of

the southern part of his own territory. As soon as he and the Chinese

prefect heard of my intention--and it was impossible to conceal it from

them--the strongest objections were immediately raised. The road was

impassable, the mountains were covered with snow that never melted, the

lamas were hostile, the whole country was infested with robbers and

wild beasts, and I should find neither food nor means of transport. I

had already satisfied myself by private enquiry among the Tibetans and

some Yunnanese merchants that the route was feasible, and that nothing

was to be feared beyond the ordinary difficulties and hardships of

travelling in a very wild region sparsely populated. I felt that if

the road were safe and easy enough for an occasional trading caravan,

it should also be safe and easy enough for an Englishman burdened

with little beyond clothes and gun. I therefore declined to put faith

in the exaggerated descriptions with which the officials endeavoured

to frighten me, and insisted upon the right conferred upon me by my

passport to travel where I chose. We exchanged several messages on

the subject, and in personal interviews I made it as clear as possible

that none of the difficulties which they had mentioned seemed to me

sufficiently imposing to justify me in altering the route on which I

had determined. The prefect, however, was particularly strenuous in his

efforts to dissuade me from my purpose, and pointed out that he would

be powerless to grant me any protection during the journey, and that

the risks and dangers would be considerable. I need hardly say that his

concern was not for me personally, but was due to his fears of what

might happen to himself in the event of my coming to grief. From this

point of view his attitude was reasonable enough. The upshot of a long

discussion was that the king of Chala and the prefect allowed me to set

out on my consenting to sign declarations in English and Chinese to the

effect that all responsibility for my safety was to rest with myself.

The first of these declarations ran as follows:

"This is to certify that I have been fully informed by the Ming Chêng

Ssŭ (king of Chala) that the road by which I intend to travel from

Tachienlu to the borders of Yunnan, _viâ_ the southern portions of his

territory and the country known as Huang Lama, is beset with great

difficulties, and that my journey will be very arduous and possibly

dangerous. Having been fully assured of these circumstances, and

having nevertheless decided to traverse the country in question, I

wish it to be understood that I undertake the journey at my own risk

and on my own responsibility, and that the king of Chala is not to

be held responsible for any delay or accident that may occur in the

course of such journey so far as it lies within his territory."

This document was handed to Mr Moyes, to be used by him to save the

king from blame in the event of an accident. A similar declaration,

containing the name of the Chinese prefect instead of that of the king,

was handed directly to that official before my departure. I perhaps

created an unwise precedent; but as the prefect seemed determined to

prevent my departure unless I relieved him of all responsibility, I was

left with no option. The British Consular authorities, I knew, would do

nothing: they had already declined to countenance my travelling by this

route.

[Sidenote: TIBETAN BORDER-LAND]

The fears of the officials with regard to possible dangers were in some

respects justifiable. A great part of the country between the Yalung

and the borders of Tibet proper was and is under the direct or indirect

control of lamas, who show very little respect for Chinese suzerainty.

It was only recently that two French missionaries were cruelly

butchered by the lamas somewhere near the Tali-Batang trade route;

and a young Scotsman named Forrest, who had been collecting botanical

specimens in the same locality, only escaped with his life after being

hunted by the lamas with dogs, and suffering extraordinary privations.

The country into which my road should lead me after crossing the

Yalung was also directly ruled by lamas; and while I was in Tachienlu

there were rumours to the effect that the lama-prince of that region,

though far from the scene of actual fighting, was not only secretly

supporting the rebels, but had caused the roads in his territory to

be torn up and blocked in order to prevent the advance of Chinese

reinforcements from Yunnan. The war, indeed, was not progressing

altogether favourably for the Chinese. It was whispered that on one

occasion a whole regiment had been cut to pieces during a night attack.

The Tibetans had eluded the sentries, who were probably asleep, rushed

the camp, put out the fires, slaughtered many defenceless soldiers, and

then quietly vanished, leaving the Chinese to shoot and stab each other

in the extremity of their panic. Other rumours stated that five hundred

Chinese troops had joined the Tibetans, and were receiving from them

twelve _tiao_ (about thirty shillings) a month each--much larger pay

than they drew from China; and that the tributary prince of Litang--the

state that adjoins Chala on the west--was only waiting to hear of

another serious reverse to the Chinese troops before throwing in his

lot with the rebels. Probably these rumours were much exaggerated, but

they caused much uneasiness to the Chinese of Tachienlu, who for a long

time past had been living in constant dread of a massacre. I heard that

some time before my arrival the Tibetans were expected to attempt a

great _coup_ by making a sudden descent on Tachienlu itself, and any

Tibetan in the city who was suspected of treasonable dealings with

the rebels was imprisoned or closely watched. The principal Chinese

merchants sent the bulk of their goods to Wa Ssŭ Kou or Lu Ting Ch'iao,

and were ready to start for the east themselves at the first signs

of serious trouble. The worst of the panic had passed away before

my arrival, chiefly owing to the vigour and severity with which the

Government was dealing with the insurrection and the large numbers of

Chinese soldiers that almost daily passed through Tachienlu on their

way to the front.

Whether the prefect was sincere in his apprehensions regarding my

safety if I insisted on crossing the wilder parts of the eastern

Tibetan states I have no means of knowing; at any rate, he appeared

to regard the written declaration already quoted as sufficient to

relieve him of all responsibility in the matter; and as soon as that

question was settled, both he and the king showed themselves ready to

give me every reasonable assistance, and placed no further obstacles

in my way. The king deputed a man of his own--a Tibetan who spoke a

little Chinese--to act as my guide to the boundary of his territory on

the Yalung river, and the prefect and colonel ordered three soldiers

to escort me as far as the town of Yung-ning, just within the Yunnan

frontier. I had also previously engaged a young man, whose father was

a Chinese and his mother a Tibetan from Lhasa, to act as my personal

servant, and this youth accompanied me almost as far as the frontier

of Upper Burma. As a speaker of both Tibetan and Chinese, he proved

a useful member of my party. The king was also obliging enough to

accord to me the valuable privilege of _ula_, which would (within his

territory) obviate all difficulties about transport. The _ula_ was in

this instance no hardship for the people, as I undertook to pay more

than double the ordinary rates for all animals required for my use.

[Illustration: 1. CHINESE HALF-RUPEE AND TIBETAN COINS.

2. REDUCED FACSIMILE OF SILVER PLAQUE WORN BY WOMEN IN THE YALUNG

VALLEY.

3. CLAY VOTIVE TABLETS FROM MULI, WITH MINIATURE BUDDHAS.

4. EAR-RING WORN BY MO-SO WOMEN OF YUNG-NING.

[_To face p. 152._]

FOOTNOTES:

[161] Yule, _Marco Polo_ (Cordier's edition), vol. ii. p. 49.

[162] The word _Amban_, now so well known to Europeans, is Manchu, and

is applied to many high Chinese officials serving in the Mongolian and

Tibetan dependencies of China, besides the Resident at Lhasa.

[163] 甲哪.

[164] 甲宜齋.

[165] See Note 22 (p. 425).

[166] _Land of the Lamas_, p. 276.

[167] The Chinese is 烏拉, which is merely phonetic. The word _ula_ is

Mongolian. Rockhill observes that _ula_ (_oulâk_) was known in India in

mediæval times.--(_Land of the Lamas_, p. 52.)

[168] _Huan-t'ieh_ (換帖), literally "the exchange of cards."

[169] See p. 358 of that work.

[170] For the origin of the Prayer (or perhaps rather _Praising_)

Wheel, see Rhys Davids' _Hibbert Lectures_ (1881), p. 138 (4th ed.).

See also Tylor's _Primitive Culture_, ii. 372-373 (4th ed.)

[171] A Mongolian word which the Chinese have naturalised as _o-pu_

(阿卜).

[172] Major H. R. Davies, whose admirable survey and exploration work

are well known, visited the Muli lamasery before me, but our routes

only touched at that point. He has unfortunately published no account

of his journey from Mien-ning-hsien to Chung-tien.

[173] For M. Bonin's see the _Bulletin de la Société de Géographie_,

1898, pp. 389 _seq._ For Mr Amundsen's, see the _Geographical Journal_

for June and November 1900.

[174] How few, may be judged from the fact that I met only one caravan

in the course of a month's journey.

From Peking to Mandalay A Journey from North China to Burma through Tibetan Ssuch'uan and Yunnan · 第 9 / 18 章