CONCLUSION.
My ardent desire to speak the plain truth and only the truth, is just as
strong to-day as it was when, in concluding my French work, I summarized
the situation such as it was at the end of the year 1916, to show the
hard duty incumbent on all the Allies, Canada included. It has been
perhaps still more intensified by the outrageous efforts of those
amongst us whose sole object has been, since the outbreak of the
hostilities, to discourage our people from the herculean task they had
bravely undertaken.
Two years have since elapsed--years full of great events, and of
untiring heroism on the part of the glorious defenders of Justice and
Right--and I do not see the slightest reason to modify the conclusions I
then arrived at as a matter of strict duty. Unworthy of public
confidence is the man who, pandering to the supposed prejudices of his
countrymen, refrains out of weakness, or of more guilty considerations,
to tell them what they are bound to do for their own country, for their
Empire, for the world, in the supreme crisis of our time.
True every one is longing for the restoration of peace. But few are
those who, even before being tired of the war, were ready to curb their
heads under the German yoke, are now praying for a compromise between
the Allies and their enemies. There are some left, it is sad to admit.
Everywhere they are chased by the indignant public opinion daily growing
more determined that millions of heroes shall not have given their lives
in vain, that millions of others, wounded on the fields of battles,
shall not, until the last of them is gone for ever, be the betrayed
victims of Teutonic dastardly ambition.
True, peace is sorely wanted, and would be welcomed by the thanksgivings
to the Almighty of grateful peoples, who have borne with undaunted
courage such untold and admirable sacrifices to uphold their Rights and
their Honour. But it cannot be sued for by the nations whom Germany
wanted to enslave by the might of her crushing militarism operating
under the dictates of a new code of International Law of her own
barbarous creation.
Thank God, the flowing tide of unlimited Teutonic ambition let loose
over the world, more than four years ago, has met with inaccessible
summits where love of Justice, respect of Right, devotion to human
Civilization, obedience to Christian Law, heroism of sacrifices, were so
deeply entrenched, that they could not be reached and conquered. From
this commanding altitude, they not only continue to defy the tyrants
bent on dominating the universe, but they are mightily smashing their
power.
From the overshadowing point of view which cannot be forgotten, or
wilfully abandoned, nothing has changed since the German Empire, in her
delirious aspirations, challenged the world to the almost superhuman
conflict by which she felt certain to succeed in realizing her fond
dream of universal domination.
At the outbreak of the war, ever since, to-day, to-morrow, there were,
there are and there will be but three alternatives to the restoration of
peace:--
1.--A victorious German peace imposed on beaten and cowed belligerents:
the peace of the "_defeatists_."
2.--A peace by compromise, patched up by disheartened "_pacifists_,"
lured by cunningness, winning where force would have failed to succeed,
to agree to conditions pregnant with all the horrors of a new and still
greater struggle in the near future.
3.--A peace the result of the indomitable courage and perseverance of
all the nations who have joined together to put an end to Germany's
ambition to rule the world, and to destroy the instrument created for
that iniquitous purpose: Prussian militarism.
There could be a fourth alternative to peace, but it would be possible
only by a miracle which, we can grant without hesitation, the world has
perhaps not yet deserved.
It would be peace restored by the sudden conversion of Germany to the
practice of sound Christian principles, acknowledging how guilty she has
been, repenting for her crimes, agreeing to atone for them as much as
possible, and taking the unconditional pledge to henceforth behave like
a civilized nation.
All must admit that there is not the slightest hope of such a move from
a nation whose autocratic Kaiser, answering, in February last, an
address presented to him by the burgomaster of Hamburg, thundered out,
in his usual blasting manner, that the neighbouring peoples, to enjoy
the sweetness of Germany's friendship, "MUST FIRST RECOGNIZE THE VICTORY
OF GERMAN ARMS."
As an inducement to the Allies to bow to his wishes, he pointed to
Germany's achievement in Russia, where a beaten enemy, "_perceiving no
reason for fighting longer_," clasped hands with the generous Huns. The
world has since learned with appalling horror with what tender mercy the
barbarous Teutons reciprocated the grasping of hands of defeated Russia,
tendered to them by the "bolshevikis" traitors.
The Allies had then to select one of the three above mentioned
alternatives.
They have made their choice and they will stick close to it until it is
achieved by the victory of their arms.
Knowing as they do that the future of their peoples, and that of the
whole world, are at stake, they will not waver in their heroic
determination to free Humanity from Germany's cruel yoke.
Viewed from the commanding height it requires to be worthily
appreciated, the joint military effort of the Allies offers a truly
grand spectacle, daily enlarging and getting more gloriously
magnificent.
All the Allies--every one of them--are doing their duty and their
respective share in the great crisis they are pledged to bring to a
triumphant conclusion.
Belgium and Servia were the first to be martyred, but the hour of their
resurrection is getting nearer every day.
France, the British Empire, the United States, Italy, have done and are
doing wonders. There can, there must be no question of appraising their
respective merit with the intention of giving more credit either to the
one or to the other. With the greatest possible sincerity, I affirm my
humble, but positive, opinion that each one of the Allies has done and
is doing, with overflowing measure, all that courage could and can
earnestly perform, all that patriotism and the noblest national virtues
can inspire.
France has been heroic to the highest limit.
The British Empire--Great Britain and her Colonies--has been grand in
her unswerving determination to fight to a finish.
The great American Republic is putting forth a wonderful exhibition of
pluck, of strength, of boldness, of inexhaustible resources.
Italy has stood nobly with her new friends ever since she broke away
from the Triple Alliance, to escape the dishonour of remaining on good
terms with the Central Empires in the shameful depth of their
ignominious course. She has bravely gone through days of disaster which
she has heroically redeemed.
All the Allies, bound together by the most admirable unity of purpose,
only rivalling in the might of their respective patriotic effort,
having nobly _"chosen their course upon principle,"_ can never turn
back. They must move steadily forward until victorious. They are
indomitable in their decision not to live, under any circumstances, "_in
a world governed by intrigue and force_."
Echoing the wise and inspiring words addressed by President Wilson to
Congress, on the eleventh of February last, we can affirm that the
"_desire of enlightened men everywhere is for a new international order
under which reason, justice and the common interests of mankind shall
prevail. Without that new order the world will be without peace, and
human life will lack tolerable conditions of existence and
development_."
A most encouraging achievement was realized, a few months ago,
emphasizing to the utmost the unity of purpose of the Allies. Every one
of them have millions of men under arms and at the front. It is easily
conceived how tremendous is the task of properly directing the military
operations of such immense armies, unprecedented in the whole human
history. Most patriotically putting aside all national susceptibilities,
the statesmen governing the Allied nations acknowledged the necessity of
supporting unity of purpose by unity of military command. Their decision
was heartily approved and applauded by all and every where.
It is important to note the great difference between the standing of the
two groups of belligerents with regard to the leadership of the armies.
Whilst the Powers dominated by Germany, and fighting with her, are
coerced to endure the Teutonic military supremacy of command, those
warring on the side of France have all most cordially agreed to the
appointment of a Commander-in-Chief out of the profound conviction that
unity of command was more and more becoming a necessity for the
successful prosecution of the war.
Since this most urgent decision has been taken, events have surely
proved its wisdom and usefulness. Evidently, the same as unity of
purpose, to bear all its fruits, must be wrought out by statesmanship of
a high order, unity of military command, to produce its natural
advantages, must be exercised with superiority of leadership.
Great statesmen, in a free country, are successful in the management of
State affairs, just as much as they inspire an increasing confidence in
their political genius, developed by a wide experience, honesty of
purpose, a constant patriotic devotion to the public weal.
Great military leaders can do wonders when their achievements are such
as to create unbounded reliance on their ability. Superiority of
command, proved by victories won in very difficult circumstances, is
always sure to be rewarded by an enlightened enthusiasm permeating the
whole rank and file of an army, and trebling the strength and heroism of
every combatant.
Added to the widespread renewal of confidence produced by the timely
decision of the Allies to rely on unity of military command, is the
reassuring evidence that the Commander-in-Chief to whom has been imposed
the grand task of leading the unified armies to a final and glorious
triumph, is trusted by all, soldiers and others alike.
The cause for which the Allied nations are fighting with so much
tenacity and courage being that of the salvation of Civilization,
threatened by a wave of barbarism equal at least to, if not surpassing,
any to which Humanity has so far survived, all must admire the wonderful
spectacle offered by those millions and millions of men, under arms,
from so many different countries, united, under one command, into a
military organization which can most properly be called the GRAND ARMY
OF HUMAN FREEDOM.
It has been said by one who has presided over the destinies of the
American Republic, as the chief of State, that peace must be dictated
from Berlin. Can we really hope to behold the dawn of such a glorious
day? It is hardly to be supposed that Germany would wait this last
extremity to realize that she must abandon for ever her dream of
universal domination, relieve the world from the enervating menace of
her military terrorism, and redeem her past diabolical course by the
repentant determination to join with her former enemies to deserve for
Mankind long years of perpetual peace with all the Providential
blessings of order, freedom, truly intellectual, moral and material
progress.
When the Kaiser ordered his hordes to violate Belgium's territory, to
overrun France in order to crush her out of existence as a military and
political Power, preparatory to their triumphant march to St.
Petersburg, in his wild ambition, which he made blasphemous by
pretending that it was divinely inspired, he felt sure that his really
wonderful army, which he believed was, and would remain, matchless,
would in a few weeks enter Paris.
What a reverse of fortune, what a downfall from extravagant
expectations, would be a return of the tide which, after flowing to the
very gates of Paris, spreading devastation and crimes all over the fair
lands it submerged, would ebb, broken and powerless, to Berlin,
bringing the haughty tyrant to his knees before his victors!
If such a day of deliverance is Providentially granted the world, having
deserved it by an indomitable courage in resisting oppression, history
would again repeat itself but with a different result. The French
"TRICOLORE" would once more enter proud Berlin, but this time it would
not be alone to be hoisted over the conquered capital of the modern
Huns, scarcely less savage than their forefathers. It would be entwined
with the "UNION JACK" of Great Britain and Ireland, the "STARS AND
STRIPES" of the United States, the Colours of Italy, and, I add with an
inexpressible feeling of loyal and national pride, with the Dominion
Colours so brilliantly glorified by the heroism of our Canadian soldiers
who have proved themselves the equals of the bravest through the
protracted but ever glorious campaign, unfolded with those of Australia
and South Africa into the glorious flag of the British Empire.
When after the glorious battle of Iena, the great Napoleon, who could
have ruined for ever the rising Prussian monarchy, entered Berlin at the
head of his victorious legions, the new Caesar, then already the victim
of his unlimited ambition, represented, though issued from a powerful
popular movement, triumphant absolutism.
In our days, on entering Berlin, as the final act of this wonderful
drama, the entwined Colours of the Allies would symbolize Human Freedom,
delivering Germany herself and the whole world from autocratic rule.
Such a memorable event taking place, and rank with the most remarkable
in the world's history, the great satisfaction of all those who would
have contributed to its achievement, would be that the joint Colours of
the Allies would not be raised over Germany's capital to crush the
defeated nation under despotic caesarism, but to deliver her from
autocratic tyrannical rule. Waving with dignity over the great Empire
they would have freed from the thraldom of absolutist militarism, they
could be welcomed as the promise of the renewal, for her as well as for
her victorious rivals, of the reign of Justice, of Christian precepts,
of Right, Order and Peace, of honest and productive Labour, of science
applied to works creative of human happiness instead of diverting the
marvellous resources of the great modern discoveries to criminal uses
for the calamitous misfortune of the peoples.
I will close this work with the expression of two of the wishes I have
most at heart, cherishing the confident hope that they will be realized.
England, France and the United States, fighting as they do for the
triumph of such a sacred cause, should emerge indissolubly united from
the great struggle they have pledged themselves to carry to a successful
issue. I cannot conceive that so many millions of their heroic defenders
will have given their lives only for a temporary achievement, soon to be
forgotten. They will be gone for ever. Their sacrifices will be eternal.
They must bear permanent fruits. United in death, buried together in the
soil of France flooded with their blood, from their glorious graves they
will implore their surviving countrymen to remain shoulder to shoulder
in peace as they are in war. Their holocaust should be the holy seed
from which loyal amity ought to grow ever stronger between the future
generations of their countrymen who could not testify in a more eloquent
and noble way their everlasting gratitude for the glorious heritage of
permanent freedom they will have derived from their heroism.
A most enthusiastic daily witness of the immortal deeds of the millions
of our brothers, sons and friends, fighting with such splendid courage
in the land of my forefathers for our common cause, how often have I,
for the last four years, ardently vowed to God from the very bottom of
my heart, deeply moved by the reports of their noble achievements, that
those who will rest for ever in the ground over which they fell
heroically, may enjoy from above the inspiring spectacle of the union
for the permanent triumph of Liberty and Christian Civilization, of the
great nations for whose grand future they gave their lives!
I also most earnestly hope that the more fortunate of our defenders who
will return either safe from the fields of battle, or proudly bearing
the glorious wounds which will have crippled their bodies, but not their
hearts, will enjoy from the sanctuary of their homes, made comfortable
by their grateful compatriots, the profound satisfaction to see the holy
union cemented on the thundering firing line perpetuated for the lasting
prosperity and happiness of Mankind.
The last shadow of the recollections of the feuds of past ages between
England and France should be forever sunk in patriotic oblivion, buried
deep beneath the glory both valorous nations will have jointly reaped in
their mighty efforts to rescue the world from the frightful wave of
barbarism which they will have forced to recede.
All the well wishers of peaceful and happy days for future generations
are very much gratified at knowing that in joining with the Allies in
the mighty struggle they were carrying with such undaunted courage, the
great American Republic was also inspired by a feeling of gratitude for
France in remembrance of what she has done to help her to achieve her
independence. Let us behold anew the inscrutable designs of Providence.
Nearly a century and a half has elapsed since France, England and her
American Colonies seemed to be for all times irreconcilable opponents.
What a change in Destiny! Years have rolled by. New and unforeseen
conditions have been developed the world over. Gradually two great
currents of thoughts and aspirations have been flowing with increased
strength preparing a formidable clash which was to threaten Civilization
with utter destruction.
Autocratic ambition was for many long years challenging Political
Liberty to a deadly conflict. At last from the cloudy sky came the flash
of lightning, and the thunderbolt was on the earth shaking it to its
depth by the tremendous shock.
Germany, having fired the wonderful autocratic shot, fully expected that
her rivals would be thunderstruck beyond possibility of resurrection.
But to her great dismay, the friends of Political Liberty the world over
rallied as one man to its defence. And Germany trembled at seeing
England burying for ever all ill-feelings against France, her ancient
foe, rushing to her support with millions of her brave sons, after
having drawn around her ally the protecting chain of her matchless
fleet.
Another very discomforting surprise was in store for the cruel Huns. The
American Republic, grateful to France for past services, was also moved
by renovated feelings of affection for the mother-country from whom she
had parted without disowning her. Determined to be at the forefront of
the battle for the triumph of human Freedom--after unsuccessfully
exhausting every means of bringing Germany to her senses--she clasped
hands with England and France and valiantly rallied to their sides to
share the merit and the glory of saving Political Liberty from the
terrible Teutonic onslaught.
In my humble but sincere and profound opinion, the present spectacle
offered to the world's admiration by the sacred and mighty union of the
British Empire, France and the United States, every patriotic home of
theirs thrilling with undiminished enthusiasm for the success of their
heroic efforts, is a truly grand one inspiring unbounded faith in the
future of Humanity. Let no one forget for a moment that the present war,
certainly NATIONAL so far as the existence of each one of the Allied
States is concerned, is, above all preeminently a world's conflict which
favourable issue deeply concerns the destinies of all the peoples of
the earthly globe.
The whole question is whether autocratic tyranny will henceforth rule
the world, or if Humanity will yet enjoy the blessings of Liberty, of
free institutions!
In all hearts must abide the supreme desire that when peace is restored
with all and the only conditions to which they can agree, the British
Empire, France and the American Republic will forever remain united to
promote the prosperity and the welfare of all the nations of the earth,
large, middle-sized or small. The duty of those of Imperialist
proportions will be as hitherto performed by England and the United
States in their democratic way, to protect the independence of the small
States, never aspiring to any territorial acquisitions but those
accruing to them with the full and free consent of the new populations
asking the protection of their aegis and the advantages of their union.
When I consider the grand and magnificent part the three above named
leading nations can play for the happy future of Humanity, by working
hand in hand, and shoulder to shoulder, for general peace, order and
prosperity, my heart is full with the ardent desire to witness them
accepting that glorious task with the stern determination to
accomplish it to its better end. In spite of the vicissitudes and the
failings of their past, they have done a great deal for the general
good. They can do still more in the future. Like everyman bearing with
fortitude the trials of life with the worthy design of profiting by the
experience thus acquired to elevate himself to a higher conception of
his duty, the British Empire, France and the United States will
undoubtedly emerge from behind the dark clouds of the present days with
aspirations ennobled by the sacrifices they are making, purified by the
sufferings and the holocaust of so many of their own, with a stronger
will to help working out the world's destiny by maintaining permanent
peace and good-will amongst men. If they pursue that dignified course of
high ideals they will fully deserve the admiration and the gratitude of
all those who will benefit by their examples, and reap the abundant
fruits of their devoted and enlightened leadership.
It is one of the blessings of true Political Liberty, when duly
understood and intelligently practised, to produce a class of
politicians and statesmen of wide experience, of commanding character,
of high culture, of great attainments, with a superior training in the
management of public affairs, who are readily acknowledged as national
leaders by the people who confidently trust them, reserving, of course,
their constitutional right to call new men to office whenever they
consider in the public interest to do so. Those trusted leaders do not
claim, as the German autocratic Kaiser, the power, by Divine Right, to
do anything they please, asserting that in every imaginable case they do
the will of the Almighty.
When charged with the Government of their country, they understand very
well that their duty is to manage the national affairs under their
responsibility, first, to the Divine Ruler, as any other man in any
other calling; secondly, to those who, having required their services,
have the constitutional right to call them to account for their
stewardship.
Just as confidence is the basis of sound national credit, trust, on the
part of the people, and responsibility, on that of the national leaders,
are the two cornerstones of free institutions.
Great Britain,--and her great autonomous Colonies also--for many long
years past, have been most fortunate in the choice of the national
leaders whom they have successively entrusted with the affairs of State.
In that momentous occurrence, more than four years ago, when the whole
question whether Great Britain would go to war, or not, was laid before
the Imperial Parliament supported by the strongest possible reasons in
favour of the decision to accept the challenge of Germany, and fight
with the firm determination not to sheathe the sword before victory was
won, no British public man would have dared, like the German Emperor, to
claim, by Divine Authority, the right to violate the solemn treaties the
provisions of which his country was in honour and duty bound to carry
out to the very letter.
The commanding parts national leaders play in a free country, in
consequence of the public confidence they inspire and enjoy, can have
their counterparts in the great society of nations.
Whatever shall be the final settlement of all the difficult matters
brought up for solution by the war, it is certain that the management of
the world's affairs will be well served by the legitimate influence of
great nations whose leadership will be beneficial just in proportion as
it is itself directed by the true principles of political Freedom, and
an uncompromising respect of the rights of weaker nations always
entitled to the fairest dealings on the part of their stronger
associates in the great commonwealth of Sovereign States.
There cannot be the slightest doubt that the British Empire, France and
the United States, until Providentially ordered otherwise, will
hereafter be the three leading nations of the world. Their union
maintained sacred in peace, as it is in war, will be the safest
guarantee that the days of autocratic domination have ended. Henceforth
the tide of political Freedom will flow with increased rapidity and
strength. The only danger ahead, against which it is always wise to
provide with due care and foresight, is that which would be the result
of abuse and wild expectations always sure to react in favour of
absolutist principles. Political Liberty and Order, Governmental
Authority and Freedom, both well directed, must work hand in hand for
the national welfare.
The British Empire, France and the American Republic are free countries.
More and better than any others they should and must, by example and
friendly advice, lead the peoples in the successful practice of
self-government.
Considering more especially the part the British Empire will be called
upon to play in the reorganized world, freed from autocratic terrorism,
we must not lose sight of the much larger place England's great
autonomous Colonies will occupy in the broadened English Commonwealth.
We, Canadians, together with our brethren from Australia, New Zealand
and South Africa, will have done our glorious share to win the war. We
shall have to perform with equal devotion the new duty of sharing the
British Empire's task in gradually elevating the nations to an
enlightened practice of Political Liberty.
Evidently to do so with the success this noble cause will deserve, we
must first strive to utilize our admirable free institutions to the best
advantage, for ourselves, for our own future, and for the grand
destinies of our Empire.
As an instrument of good government our constitutional charter is almost
perfect, as much so as any thing worldly can be. Let us never forget
that the best weapon for self-protection may become useless, or even
dangerous for us, if not handled with the required intelligence, justice
and skill. We would lose all claims to contribute guiding others in the
enjoyment of free institutions if we, ourselves, were mistaken in the
proper working of our own constitution from a misconception of its
literal wording or of its largeness of spirit. We must never challenge
the truth that "spirit giveth life."
More than ever the supreme difficulties of governing numerous racial
groups, issued from ancient stocks so long divided by endless
feuds,--the result of the many sudden changes of territorial limits to
be wrought by the restoration of peace--will be very hard to settle
satisfactorily. The task will require the constant effort of
statesmanship of a high order.
Many of those who will hereafter be trained to self-government will look
to us for their guidance. We must give them the inspiring example of
fair play, of justice for all, of unity of purpose and aspirations in
the diversity of ethnical offsprings.
Need I say that the most urgent duty of all fair minded Canadians is,
and will ever be, to heartily join together, to bless our dear country
with concord, good feeling, harmony and kindly dispositions to grant an
overflowing measure of justice to all our countrymen of all origins and
creeds.
Writing this book with the express purpose of explaining and strongly
disapproving the deplorable efforts of a few to deter my French Canadian
compatriots from doing their bounden duty through the dire crisis we are
all undergoing, I will close these pages by calling anew upon my English
speaking countrymen not to judge them by the sayings and deeds of
persons who can at times somewhat stir up dangerous prejudices, but who
are utterly incompetent to lead them as they should and deserve to be.
Silenced at last by a patriotic measure to censure any disloyal
expression of sentiments, matters have easily resumed their regular and
honourable course. All loyal citizens, throughout the length and breadth
of the land, have, I am sure, much rejoiced at the loyalty with which
the French Canadians, of all classes, religious, social, commercial,
industrial, financial, agricultural, have united to obey a statute of
military service to which many of them did not agree, as long as they
had the constitutional right to differ from the opinion of the large
majority of our people, but to the successful operation of which they
rallied the moment it was the law of the land. The worthy leaders of our
Church strongly recommended obedience to the decision of the constituted
authority, firmly condemned any guilty attempt at disturbing public
order, and ordered all the members of their flocks to fervously pray the
Almighty for PEACE WITH VICTORY FOR THE ALLIES.
Our "pacifists at all hazards" once more silenced, this time by the very
religious leaders under whose aegis they had shamefully tried to shield
themselves, the patriotic impulse was moved to most commendable action.
Without waiting for the call of the law, hundreds of young men from the
better classes, from the universities and other educational
institutions, well educated, voluntarily enlisted and rallied to the
Colours. At least as much as in the other provinces, the class of our
young manhood called by law heartily responded, all the real leaders of
public opinion uniting to give the only advice loyal men could express.
For one, I was most happy to ascertain how favourably western public
feeling was impressed by the new turn of thoughts and events in the
Province of Quebec. The reaction of sentiments operating both ways,--in
Ontario, the western Provinces and Quebec--augurs well for the final
abatement of the excitement which for a time menaced our fair Dominion
with regrettable racial strifes so much to be deprecated.
It can be positively affirmed that the whole people of Canada, east to
west, north to south, are now more than ever a unit in their patriotic
determination to fight the war to its final victorious issue. To this
end the two millions of French British subjects in Canada, in perfect
communion of thoughts and aspirations with the two millions of the
neighbouring Republic's subjects of French Canadian origin, are loyally
doing, and will continue to do, their share. Their representatives at
the front are gloriously fighting the common enemy. Their valour and
their achievements during the Allies' offensive so masterly planned and
carried out by the Commander-in-Chief, Foch, have been worthy of their
victories at Ypres, Vimy, Courcelette, Passchandaele. Many have, during
the last three months, given their lives for the cause they defend. Many
more have been wounded and are anxiously waiting their cure, when
possible, to return to the field of honour. Daily reports from the
front tell of their enthusiasm, of their bravery, of their heroism!
The French Canadians--I have no hesitation whatever in vouching for
it--will continue to bear stoically with the sacrifices of so many kinds
the conflict imposes upon them. Though smarting, as all others, under
the burden, yet they cheerfully pay the heavy taxes required from the
country to meet our national obligations the outcome of the war.
So all is for the best under the strenuous present conditions of our
national existence.
In closing, I pray leave to reiterate, from the Introduction to this
work, the following lines expressing my most sincere and profound
conviction:--
I hope,--and most ardently wish--that all my readers will agree with me
that next to the necessity of winning the war--and may I say, even as of
almost equal importance for the future grandeur of our beloved
country--range that of promoting by all lawful means harmony and good
will amongst all our countrymen, whatever may be their racial origin,
their religious faith, their particular aspirations not conflicting with
their devotion to Canada as a whole, nor with their loyalty to the
British Empire, whose grandeur and prestige they want to firmly help to
uphold with the inspiring confidence that more and more they will be the
unconquerable bulwark of Freedom, Justice, Civilization and Right.
May I be allowed to conclude by saying that my most earnest desire is to
do all in my power, in the rank and file of the great army of free men,
to reach the goal which ought to be the most persevering and patriotic
ambition of loyal Canadians of all origins and creeds.
And I repeat, wishing my words to be re-echoed throughout the length and
breadth of the land I so heartily cherish:--I have always been, I am and
will ever be, to my last breath, true to my oath of allegiance to my
Sovereign and to my country.
APPENDIX--A.
PRESIDENT WILSON'S SPEECH
TO THE UNITED STATES CONGRESS--11TH DAY OF FEBRUARY, 1918.
On the above mentioned date, Mr. Wilson, the President of the great
American Republic, delivered the following speech to the Congress, in
Washington. This noble and statesmanlike utterance met with the
unanimous and enthusiastic approval of the members of both Houses, and
was highly applauded, not only in the United States, but over all the
truly civilized world. It reads thus:--
"On the eighth of January, I had the honor of addressing you on
the objects of the war as our people conceive them. The Prime
Minister of Great Britain had spoken in similar terms on the
fifth of January. To these addresses the German Chancellor
replied on the 24th and Count Czernin for Austria on the same
day. It is gratifying to have our desire so promptly realized
that all exchanges of view on this great matter should be made
in the hearing of all the world.
"Count Czernin's reply, which is directed chiefly to my own
address, on the eighth of January, is uttered in a very friendly
tone.
"He finds in my statement a sufficiently encouraging approach to
the views of his own government to justify him in believing that
it furnishes a basis for a more detailed discussion of purposes
by the two governments. He is represented to have intimated that
the views he was expressing had been communicated to me
beforehand and that I was aware of them at the time he was
uttering them; but in this I am sure he was misunderstood. I had
received no intimation of what he intended to say. There was, of
course, no reason why he should communicate privately with me. I
am quite content to be one of his public audiences.
"Count von Hertling's reply is, I may say, very vague and very
confusing. It is full of equivocal phrases and leads, it is not
clear where. But it is certainly in a very different tone from
that of Count Czernin and apparently of an opposite purpose. It
confirms, I am sorry to say, rather than removes, the
unfortunate impression made by what we had learned of the
conferences at Brest-Litovsk. His discussion and acceptance of
our general principles leads him to no practical conclusions. He
refuses to apply them to the substantiate items which must
constitute the body of any final settlement. He is jealous of
international action and of international council. He accepts,
he says, the principle of public diplomacy, but he appears to
insist that it be confined at any rate in this case, to
generalities and that the several particular questions of
territory and sovereignty, the several questions upon whose
settlement must depend the acceptance of peace by the
twenty-three states now engaged in the war, must be discussed
and settled, not in general council but severally by the nations
most immediately concerned by interest of neighbourhood. He
agrees that the seas should be free, but looks askance at any
limitation to that freedom by international action in the
interest of the common order. He would, without reserve, be glad
to see economic barriers removed between nation and nation, for
that could in no way impede the ambitions of the military party
with whom he seems constrained to keep on terms. Neither does he
raise objection to a limitation of armaments. That matter will
be settled of itself, he thinks, by the economic conditions
which must follow the war. But the German colonies, he demands,
must be returned without debate. He will discuss with no one but
the representatives of Russia what disposition shall be made of
the peoples and the lands of the Baltic provinces; with no one
but the Government of France the "conditions" under which French
territory shall be evacuated and only with Austria what shall be
done with Poland. In the determination of all questions
affecting the Balkan states he defers, as I understand him, to
Austria and Turkey and with regard to the agreements to be
entered into concerning the non-Turkish peoples of the present
Ottoman Empire, to the Turkish authorities themselves. After a
settlement all around effected in this fashion, by individual
barter and concession, he would have no objection, if I
correctly interpret his statement, to a league of nations which
would undertake to hold the balance of power steady against
external disturbance.
"It must be evident to everyone who understands what this war
has wrought in the opinion and temper of the world that no
general peace, no peace worth the infinite sacrifices of these
years of tragical suffering, can possibly be arrived at in any
such fashion. The method the German Chancellor proposes is the
method of the Congress of Vienna. We cannot and will not return
to that. What is at stake now is the peace of the world. What we
are striving for is a new international order based upon broad
and universal principles of right and justice--no mere peace of
shreds and patches. Is it possible that Count von Hertling does
not see that, does not grasp it, is in fact living in his
thought in a world dead and gone? Has he utterly forgotten the
Reichstag resolutions of the 19th of July, or does he
deliberately ignore them? They spoke of the conditions of a
general peace, not of national aggrandizement or of arrangements
between state and state. The peace of the world depends upon
just settlement of each of the several problems to which I
adverted in my recent address to Congress. I, of course, do not
mean that the peace of the world depends upon the acceptance of
any particular set of suggestions as to the way in which those
problems are to be dealt with. I mean only that those problems,
each and all, affect the whole world; that unless they are dealt
with in a spirit of unselfish and unbiassed justice, with a view
to the wishes, the natural connections, the racial aspirations,
the security and peace of mind of the peoples involved, no
permanent peace will have been attained. They cannot be
discussed separately or in corners. None of them constitutes a
private or separate interest from which the opinion of the world
may be shut out. Whatever affects the peace affects mankind,
and nothing settled by military force, if settled wrong, is
settled at all. It will presently have to be re-opened.
"Is Count von Hertling not aware that he is speaking in the
court of mankind, that all the awakened nations of the world now
sit in judgment on what every public man, of whatever nation,
may say on the issues of a conflict which has spread to every
region of the world? The Reichstag resolutions of July 19
themselves frankly accepted the decisions of that court. There
shall be no annexations, no contributions, no punitive damages.
Peoples are not to be handed about from one sovereignty to
another by an international conference or an understanding
between rivals and antagonists. National aspirations must be
respected; peoples may now be dominated and governed only by
their own consent. "Self-determination," is not a mere phrase.
It is an imperative principle of action, which statesmen will
henceforth ignore at their peril. We cannot have general peace
for the asking, or by the mere arrangements of a peace
conference. It cannot be pieced together out of individual
understandings between powerful states. All the parties to this
war must join in the settlement of every issue anywhere involved
in it because what we are seeking is a peace that we can all
unite to guarantee and maintain whether it be right and fair, an
act of justice, rather than a bargain between sovereigns.
"The United States has no desire to interfere in European
affairs or to act as arbiter in European territorial disputes.
We would disdain to take advantage of any internal weakness or
disorder to impose her own will upon another people. She is
quite ready to be shown that the settlements she has suggested
are not the best or the most enduring. They are only her own
provisional sketch of principles, and of the way in which they
should be applied. But she entered this war because she was made
a partner, whether she would or not, in the sufferings and
indignities inflicted by the military masters of Germany,
against the peace and security of mankind; and the conditions of
peace will touch her as nearly as they will touch any other
nation to which is entrusted a leading part in the maintenance
of civilization. She cannot see her way to peace until the
causes of this war are removed, its renewal rendered, as nearly
as may be, impossible.
"This war had its roots in the disregard of the rights of small
nations and of nationalities which lacked the union and the
force to make good their claim to determine their own
allegiances and their own forms of political life. Covenants
must now be entered into which will render such things
impossible for the future; and those covenants must be backed by
the united force of all the nations that love justice and are
willing to maintain it at any cost. If territorial settlements
and the political relations of great populations which have not
the organized power to resist are to be determined by the
contracts of the powerful governments which consider themselves
most directly affected, as Count von Hertling proposes, why may
not economic questions also? It has come about in the altered
world in which we now find ourselves that justice and the rights
of peoples affect the whole field of international dealing as
much as access to raw materials and fair and equal conditions of
trade. Count von Hertling wants the essential basis of
commercial and industrial life to be safeguarded by common
agreement and guarantee, but he cannot expect that to be
conceded him if the other matters to be determined by the
articles of peace are not handled in the same way as it was in
the final accounting. He cannot ask the benefit of common
agreement in the one field without according it in the other. I
take it for granted that he sees that separate and selfish
compacts with regard to trade and the essential materials of
manufacture would afford no foundation for peace. Neither, he
may rest assured, will separate and selfish compacts with regard
to the provinces and peoples.
"Count Czernin seems to see the fundamental elements of peace
with clear eyes and does not seek to obscure them. He sees that
an independent Poland, made up of all the indisputably Polish
peoples who lie contiguous to one another, is a matter of
European concern and must of course be conceded; that Belgium
must be evacuated and restored, no matter what sacrifices and
concessions that may involve; and that national aspirations must
be satisfied, even within his own empire, in the common interest
of Europe and mankind. If he is silent about questions which
touch the interest and purpose of his Allies more nearly than
they touch those of Austria only, it must, of course, be because
he feels constrained, I suppose, to defer to Germany and Turkey
in the circumstances. Seeing and conceding, as he does, the
essential principles involved and the necessity of candidly
applying them, he naturally feels that Austria can respond to
the purpose of peace as expressed by the United States with less
embarrassment than could Germany. He would probably have gone
much farther had it not been for the embarrassments of Austria's
alliance and of her dependence upon Germany.
"After all the test of whether it is possible for either
Government to go any further in this comparison of views is
simple and obvious. The principles to be applied are:
"First, that each part of the final settlement must be based on
the essential justice of the particular case, and upon such
adjustments as are most likely to bring a peace that will be
permanent.
"Second, that peoples and provinces are not to be bartered about
from sovereignty to sovereignty as if they were mere chattels
and pawns in a game, even the great game, now for ever
discredited, of the balance of power; but that,
"Every territorial settlement involved in this war must be made
in the interest and for the benefit of the populations concerned
and not as a part of any mere adjustment of compromise of claims
amongst rival states; and,
"Fourth, that all well defined national aspirations shall be
accorded the utmost satisfaction that can be accorded them
without introducing new or perpetuating old elements of discord,
and antagonism that would be likely in time to break the peace
of Europe and consequently of the world.
"A general peace entered upon such foundations can be discussed.
Until such a peace can be secured we have no choice but to go
on. So far as we can judge, these principles that we regard as
fundamental are already everywhere accepted as imperative
except among the spokesmen of the military and annexationist
party in Germany. If they have anywhere else been rejected, the
objectors have not been sufficiently numerous or influential to
make their voices audible. The tragic circumstance is that this
one party in Germany is apparently willing and able to send
millions of men to their death to prevent what all the world now
sees to be just.
"I would not be a true spokesman of the people of the United
States if I did not say once more that we entered this war upon
no small occasion, and that we can never turn back from a course
chosen upon principle. Our resources are in part mobilized now,
and we shall not pause until they are mobilized in their
entirety. Our armies are rapidly going to the fighting front,
and will go more rapidly. Our whole strength will be put into
this state of emancipation--emancipation from the threat and
attempted mastery of selfish groups of autocratic
rulers--whatever the difficulties and present partial delays. We
are indomitable in our power of independent action, and can in
no circumstances consent to live in a world governed by intrigue
and force. We believe that our own desire for a new
international order under which reason and justice and the
common interests of mankind shall prevail, is the desire of
enlightened men everywhere. Without that new order the world
will be without peace, and human life will lack tolerable
conditions of existence and development. Having set our hand to
the task of achieving it, we shall not turn back.
"I hope that it is not necessary for me to add that no word of
what I have said is intended as a threat. That is not the
temper of our people. I have spoken thus only that the whole
world may know the true spirit of America--that men everywhere
may know that our passion for justice and for self-government is
no mere passion of words, but a passion which, once set in act,
must be satisfied. The power of the United States is a menace to
no nation or people. It will be never used in aggression or for
the aggrandizement of any selfish interest of our own. It
springs out of freedom and is for the service of freedom."
APPENDIX--B.
TEXT OF UNITED STATES REPLY TO AUSTRIA.
On the 18th of September, 1918, the Secretary of State made public the
official text of the letter he sent, to Mr. W. A. F. Ekengren, the
Swedish Minister, in charge of Austro-Hungarian affairs, conveying
President Wilson's rejection of the Austrian peace proposals. It reads
as follows:--
"Sir,--I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your note,
dated September 16, communicating to me a note from the Imperial
Government of Austria-Hungary, containing a proposal to the
Government of all the belligerent States to send delegates to a
confidential and unbinding discussion on the basic principles
for the conclusion of peace. Furthermore, it is proposed that
the delegates would be charged to make known to one another the
conception of their Governments regarding these principles, and
to receive analogous communications, as well as to request and
give frank and candid explanations on all those points which
need to be precisely defined.
"In reply, I beg to say that the substance of your communication
has been submitted to the President, who now directs me to
inform you that the Government of the United States feels that
there is only one reply which it can make to the suggestion of
the Imperial Austro-Hungarian Government. It has repeatedly, and
with entire candor, stated the terms upon which the United
States would consider peace, and can and will entertain no
proposal for a conference upon the matter concerning which it
has made its position and purpose so plain.
"Accept, sir, the renewed assurances of my highest
consideration.
"(Signed), ROBERT LANSING,
"Secretary of State."
* * * * *
Transcriber's Notes
Obvious punctuation errors repaired.
Numerous obvious spelling errors have been corrected.
Archaic or unusual words and spellings have not been changed:
beneficient, coronated, consolated, conspiration, devotedness, divers,
elogius, enflame, enounced, equilibrist, eulogium, fervously,
injustifiable, irresistable, instil, Magna Charta, planturous,
plebiscit, plebiscitary, preconized, profonated, Roumanian, Servia,
subtilties, tragical, treasonably, troublous, tutorage, unbiassed,
uncontrovertible, unsufficiently, woful.
Both "bolshevik" and "bolchevik" appear and have not been changed.
Both "standpoint(s)" and "stand-point(s)" appear and have not been
changed.
The following inconsistent usages appear and have not been changed:
"Mother Country", "mother country", "mother-country", "Mother Land",
"Mother land", "mother land", "Motherland".
Italic font is indicated by _xxx_ and bold font by =xxx=.
Page 34: Duplicate word "His" deleted (His Excellency had just).
Page 96 (and elsewhere): "per cent" changed to "per cent." for
consistency.