RASH DENUNCIATION OF PUBLIC MEN.
A long experience of public life, whether by daily observation, begun in
my early youth, when the Union of the Provinces was finally discussed,
carried and established, or, subsequently, during many years of active
political life as a journalist and member of the Quebec and Ottawa
representative Houses, has taught me to judge the actions of responsible
men, whether ministerialists or oppositionists, with great fairness and
respectful regard. At all times the government of a large progressive
country peopled by several races, of different religious creeds, is a
difficult problem. It should not be necessary to say that in days of
warlike crisis, of previously unknown proportions, like the present one,
the task becomes almost superhuman. Anyone taking into serious
consideration the very trying ordeal through which, for instance, the
rulers of Great Britain and France have been, and are still passing,
since early in 1914, cannot help being indulgent for those who have the
weighty and often crushing burden of the cares of State. Let so much be
said without in the least contesting the right of free men to their own
opinion about what is best to be done. But it was never more opportune
to remember that the honourable privilege of constitutional criticism
must have for its only superior object the good of the country by
improved methods.
We have reason to congratulate ourselves that this sound view has widely
prevailed rallying almost as units great nations,--our own one of
them--previously much divided in political thoughts and aspirations, for
the noble and patriotic purpose of winning a disastrous war they were
forced to wage, in spite of their most determined efforts to prevent it.
Public men, nations rulers, like all others are human and liable to fail
or to be found wanting. Unconscious inefficiency, however desirable to
remove, cannot be fairly classed on the same footing as guilty failures.
The first may, more or less, injure the bright prospects of a country;
the second stains her honour which an exemplary punishment can alone
redeem.
But it is said with much truth that there are always exceptions to a
general rule. That of the human heart to be fallible in public life, as
well as in other callings, has met with only one solitary exception in
Canada: the saintly Nationalist leader who will never have his equal,
"nature having destroyed the mould when she cast him."
Considering the outrageous language he thrusted at the Canadians of the
three British races and at our heroic volunteers, it is not to be
supposed that he was so tender-hearted as to spare the public men, not
only of Canada, but of all the Allied Nations.
When he affirmed that the real and only cause of the war had been, and
was still, the voracious greed of capitalist speculators, especially of
the two leading belligerents, Great Britain and Germany, united together
to profit to the tune of hundreds of millions out of the production of
warship building and materials of all sorts, was he not charging all the
statesmen and leading politicians of all the peoples at war, of having
bowed either consciously to the dictates of traitors to their countries,
or of having been stupidly blind to the guilty manipulations of
financial banditti?
It would take many pages only to make a summary of the injurious words
he has addressed to the Canadian public men of all shades of
opinion--with the only exception of the Nationalist--on account of the
support they have given, in one way or another, to the Dominion's
participation in the war. He qualified as a _Revolution_ the policy by
which we willingly decided to take part in the wars of the Empire
whenever we came to the conclusion that England was fighting for a just
cause.
On the 23rd of April, 1917, he wrote as follows:--
"_Very often we have shown the evident revolutionary character of the
Canadian intervention in the European conflict._"
After repeating his absolutely absurd pretention, according to the sound
principles of Constitutional Law, that Canada could have intervened in
the war as a "_nation_" he found fault with all and every one because
"_we are fighting to defend the Empire_." He went on and said with his
natural sweetness of language:--
"_The politicians of the two parties and the whole servile and mercenary
press have applied themselves to this revolutionary work.... For a long
time past the party leaders are the tools of British Imperialism and of_
BRITISH HIGH FINANCE."
And not satisfied with having thus slashed all the party leaders, all
the chiefs of the State, he turns round, in an access of passionate
indignation, and charges not only all the leading social classes, but
even the Bishops, the worthy leaders of the Church, as the accomplices
of the Imperialist revolution. He thrusts the terrible blow as
follows:--
"_But what the war has produced of entirely new and most disconcerting,
is the moral support and complicity which the_ "IMPERIALIST REVOLUTION"
_has found in all the leading social classes_. BISHOPS, _financiers,
publicists and professionals went into the movement with a unity, an
ardour, a zeal which reveal the effective strength of the laborious
propaganda of which Lord Grey has been the most powerful worker prior to
the war_."
So that there should be no mistake about its true meaning, he favoured
his readers with a very clear explanation indeed of what, in his
opinion, has transformed our meritorious and loyal intervention in the
war into a guilty revolutionary movement. He wrote as follows:--
"_But what the Imperialists wanted, and what they have succeeded in
obtaining, was to bind Canada to the fate of England, in the name of the
principle of Imperial solidarity and--as we shall see in a moment--to
the cause of_ 'UNIVERSAL DEMOCRACY'."
Thus, in the Nationalist leader's opinion, it is a great crime to help
England and her Allies to win a war the loss of which would most likely
have destroyed the British Empire, involving our own ruin in the
downfall of the mighty political edifice to be replaced, in the glorious
shelter it gives to human freedom, by the triumphant German autocratic
rule and its universal domination. It is, to say the least, an
extravagant notion to pretend that the war has afforded the Imperialists
the opportunity--eagerly seized--"_to tie Canada_" hand and foot, "_to
the fate of England_."
If I am not mistaken--and I am positively sure I am right in so
saying--Canada was bound to the fate of England the very day when--by
Providential decree, in that instance as well as with regard to
everything earthly--she passed under British Sovereignty. The worthy
leaders of our Church so considered--and have since unanimously
considered--at once taking the sound Christian stand that the French
Canadians were, in duty bound, to accept their new political status in
good faith, and to loyally support their new mother country whenever
circumstances would require their devoted help, whilst revering the old
as every child must do, if he is blessed with a good heart, when
separated by unforeseen events from the home of his happy youth.
I must acknowledge that with some of our French Canadians of the first
class and standing, the word "Democracy" savours with soreness. Well
read in all that pertains to the great epoch of the first French
tremendous Revolution, they abhor, with much reason, the extravagant and
false principles of the BOLSHEVIKISM of those days, which culminated in
the frightful period of the "terrorism" which, for three long years and
more, kept its strong knee on France's throat, her fair soil flooded
with the innocent blood of her children. They are apt to be laid to the
confusion that democratic government is in almost every case, if not
always, synonymous of revolutionary institutions, in as much as it
cannot, they believe and say, be otherwise than destructive of the
principle of "Authority," certainly as essential as that of "Liberty,"
both as the necessary fundamental basis of all good governments.
Knowing this, the Nationalist leader, who has evidently abjured his
liberalism of former days, which he was wont to parade in such
resounding sentences, multiplies his efforts to capture the support of
the few members of our most venerable Clergy whom he supposes labouring
under the aforesaid delusion. He would not lose the chance of trading on
their feelings and sincere conviction, in boldly declaring that his good
friends, the cursed Imperialists, had managed to drag the Dominion
through the mire of the European war by blandishing before the eyes of
the Canadian people, so enamoured of their constitutional liberties, the
supposed dangerous spectre of "_universal democracy_."
If, in reality, democratic government could not help being either the
"French revolutionary terrorism," of 1792-95,--which even frightened
such a staunch friend of Political Liberty as Burke--or the Russian
criminal bolshevikism of our own trying days, we would be forced, in
dire sadness, to despair of the world's future, as Humanity would be
forever doomed to ebb and flow between the sanguinary "absolutism"
either of "autocratic" or "terrorist" tyrants.
Happily, we can, in all sincerity, affirm that such is not the case. Is
it not sufficient, as a most reassuring proof, to point at the wonderful
achievements of free institutions, first, under the monarchical
democratic system of Great Britain and her autonomous Dominions; second,
under the republican regime of the United States.
After many long years of earnest study and serious thinking, I cannot
draw the very depressing conclusion that the two basic principles of
sound government--Authority and Liberty--cannot be brought to work
harmoniously together for the happiness and prosperity of nations, as
far as they can be achieved in this world of sufferings and sacrifices.
Such a conclusion would also be contrary to true Christian teachings,
the Almighty having created man a free being with a responsible and
immortal soul.
Nations who, forgetful of the obligations of moral laws, indulge in
guilty abuse of their liberties, are, sooner or later, as individuals
doing alike, sure to meet with the due Providential punishment they have
deserved. But, also like individuals, they can redeem themselves in
repenting for their past errors, due to uncontrolled passions, and by
resolutely and "FREELY" returning to the path of their sacred duty.
The Nationalist leader also deplores, as one of their guilty
achievements, the fact that the "_war had ended all equivocals and
consummated the complete alliance of the two parties_," to favour, as he
asserts, of course, the enterprises of the dreaded Imperialism.
True to the kind appreciation he has pledged himself to make of the
inspiring dark motives actuating the conduct of public men, he sweetly
added:--
"_The truce arrived at in 1914 could not, it is true, resist the thirst
for power. "Blues" and "Reds" have recommenced tearing themselves about
patronage, places, planturous contracts and "boodle." But with regard to
the substantial question itself, and to the Imperialist revolution
brought on and sanctioned by the war, they have remained in accord._"
It could not strike such a prejudiced mind as that of the Nationalist
leader, that political chieftains, and their respective supporters,
could conscientiously unite to save their country, their Empire and the
world from an impending terrible disaster, and yet freely and
conscientiously differ as to the best means to achieve the sacred object
to the success of which they have pledged, and they continue to make,
their best and most patriotic efforts.
The public men, and even the private citizens, who, not believing that
he speaks and writes with Divine inspiration, dare to differ from the
Nationalist leader, cannot, in his opinion, do so unless influenced by
unworthy corrupt motives. And he further draws the awful conclusion
"_that it is his duty to note the ever increasing revolutionary
character that the European war, as a whole, is assuming on the side of
the Allies_."
To support this last and absolutely unfounded charge, he positively
asserts that the joint "_policy of the statesmen, politicians and
journalists, has much less for its object to liberate oppressed nations
like Belgium, Servia_, IRELAND, _Poland and Finland, from a foreign
yoke, than to overthrow in all the countries, allies or enemies, the
monarchical form of government_."
And then follows a most virulent diatribe by which he points, in
support of his wild conclusion aforesaid, to the Russian revolution,
charging "_the officious and reptile press of the Allied countries to
have joined in spreading the legend that it had been precipitated by
German intrigues at the Court of the Czar, and to have accused the
ill-fated Emperor to have been the spy and the accomplice of the enemies
of his country_."
At this hour of the day, in the turmoil of flashing events perhaps never
before equalled in suddenness, pregnant with such alarming, or
comforting, prospective consequences, it is much too early to attempt
passing a reliable judgment on the true causes which produced the
Moscovite revolution so soon and so dastardly developed into criminal
"bolshevikism." The question must be left for History to settle when
peace is restored and the sources of truth are wide opened to the
impartial investigations of high class historians.
However, enough is known to prove that Mr. Bourassa's charge is
altogether unfounded. Anyone conversant with Russian history for the two
last centuries, is aware that German influences and intrigues have
always played a great part in the Capital of that fallen Empire. From
the very beginning of the war, it became evident that they were actively
at work at the Petrograd Court, thwarting the Emperor's efforts and
those of his advisers, military and civil, he could trust, to be true to
the cause he had sworn to defend with France and England.
The Nationalist leader, I hope, is the only man still to wonder at this,
after all that has been discovered proving what Germany has tried to
bribe the political leaders and the press of the Allies, with too much
success in France, England and the United States.
Russia has been for too many years the favourite soil where Germany was
sowing her corrupt intrigues, to let any sensible man suppose that she
would kindly withdraw from the preferred field of her infamous
operations, at the very time she was exerting herself with such energy,
and at the cost of so many millions, to extend her vast spy system
almost all over the earth,--Canada included--debauching consciences
right and left.
Is it unfair to say, for instance, after the event as it developed, that
Roumania was prematurely brought into the war in consequence of the dark
German machinations at Petrograd, with the evident understanding that
the military operations, both on the Teutonic and Moscovite sides, were
to be so conducted as to rush poor Roumania into a most disastrous
defeat, in order to feed the Central Empires with the products of the
fertile Roumanian soil?
No representative man of any consequence has pretended that the
unfortunate Czar was himself a party to that treason of the Allied
cause. He has likely been the victim of his own weakness in not using
what was left to him of his personal autocratic power to silence the
sympathies of the friends of Germany at his Imperial Court, and even in
his most intimate circle, rather than exhausting it in a supreme, but
doomed, attempt at checking the rising tide of popular aspirations sure,
as always, to overflow to frightful excesses, if unwisely compressed.
Almost daily witnessing the successive miscarriages of so many of the
Russian military operations, too often by the failure of the
ammunitions, supplied to such a large extent by the Allies, to reach the
Russian soldiers, or by other inexplicable causes, it is not surprising
that the people at large became suspicious of their government which
they soon believed to be under German tutorage.
The rapid, almost sudden, overthrow of the Russian autocratic Empire can
be accepted as evidence that the movement in favour of a change which
would more efficiently conduct Russia's share of the conflict, was
widespread. The goal it aimed at, once reached, and Russia proclaimed a
Republic, with a regular _de facto_ government under the leadership of
abler men, whose patriotism was proved by their words, but more surely
by their deeds, France, England, Italy and the United States cannot be
reasonably reproached with having unduly opened diplomatic relations
with the new Moscovite authorities.
Unfortunately, once successful in her intrigues at the Petrograd Court,
soon to fall under the weight of popular exasperation, Germany tried her
hand in a triumphant, but shameful, way with the fiery sanguinary and
treasonable element always to be found operating in the darkest corners
for their own criminal purposes. The calamitous outcome has been
"bolchevikism" betraying their country in the light of day, without
blushing, without hiding their faces in eternal shame, and signing, with
their hands stained with the blood of their own kin, the infamous treaty
of Brest-Litovsk dismembering poor Russia, scattering to the winds her
fond hopes of a grand future at the very dawn of the better days
promised by a free constitution, and plunging her in the throes of
German autocratic domination.
With regard to the Nationalist leader's rash denunciation of public men,
I have only a few more words to say. My personal recollections going
back to the early sixties of the last century, for several years free
from all party affiliations, unbiassed by any sympathies or prejudices,
I consider it my duty to say that, on the whole, Canadian public life,
as well as British public life, is honourable and entitled to the
respect of public opinion. Out of hundreds and thousands of politicians,
both in the Motherland and in our own Dominion, there may have been
failings. It would be useless, even pernicious, to point at them. The
revulsion of public feeling towards the fallen for cause, and the severe
judgment of misdeeds by the impartial historian, has been the deserved
punishment of the few who have prevaricated. I prefer by far to take my
lofty inspiration from the galaxy of faithful public servants who, from
all parties, and from various standpoints, have given the fruits of
their intelligence, of their learning, of their hard work--and in many
cases--of their private wealth, for the good of their country. In the
course of the last fifty-five years, I have known hundreds of our public
men who lived through, and came out of, a long political life getting
poorer every day without being disheartened and retiring from the public
service to which they were devoted to the last. Need I point, as
examples, to the cases of several men who, departed for a better world,
Parliament, irrespective of all party considerations, united to a man to
vote a yearly allowance of a few hundred dollars to save their surviving
widows and children from actual want and destitution!
Just as well as the Canadians of the three British races, and the
gallant volunteers of our heroic army, Canadian and British public men
can rest assured that from the high position they occupy in the world's
estimation, they are far above the fanatical aspersions of the
Nationalist leader blinded by the wild suggestions of an inexhaustible
thirst of rash condemnation.