IMPERIAL FEDERATION AND "BOURASSISM".
The leader of our "Nationalists," always frightened, apparently at
least, with the supposed dangers of further Imperialist encroachments
detrimental to the best interests of the British autonomous Colonies,
seems alarmed at the prospects to follow the close of the hostilities.
Consequently, it has been a part of his campaign to bring the French
Canadians to share his fears for their future.
Not in the least worried by such apprehensions, it was also my duty to
try and persuade my French Canadian compatriots not to be unduly
disturbed by the sayings of a publicist magnifying the errors of his
excited imagination.
That there will be after-the-war problems to consider, is most likely.
What will they be? It is very difficult to foresee just now with
sufficient definiteness. So much will depend upon the general conditions
of the restoration of peace. However, broad lines have, for the last
four years, been outlined with fair clearness permitting a general view
of what is likely to happen.
Let us for a moment examine the traces of the initial phases of the
constitutional developments likely to be the outcome of the joint
effort of the whole Empire to win the war.
The second chapter of the Report of the War Cabinet for the year
1917--already quoted somewhat extensively--deals with the new aspect of
Imperial Affairs more especially the consequence of the war. The opening
paragraph partly reads as follows:--
The outstanding event of the year in the sphere of Imperial
Affairs has been the inauguration of the Imperial War Cabinet.
This has been the direct outcome of the manner in which all
parts of the Empire had thrown themselves into the war during
the preceding years. Impalpable as was the bond which bound this
great group of peoples together, there was never any doubt about
their loyalty to the Commonwealth to which they belonged and to
the cause to which it was committed by the declaration of war.
Without counting the cost to themselves, they offered their men
and their treasure in defence of freedom and public right. From
the largest and most prosperous Dominion to the smallest island
the individual and national effort has been one of continuous
and unreserved generosity.
After mentioning that during 1917 "great progress has been made in the
organisation both of the man-power and other resources of the Empire for
the prosecution of the war," and that "the British Army is now a truly
Imperial Army, containing units from almost every part of the Empire,"
the Report says:--
The real development, however, of 1917 has been in the political
sphere, and it has been the result of the intense activity of
all parts of the Empire in prosecuting the war since August,
1914.
It had been felt for some time that, in view of the
ever-increasing part played by the Dominions in the war, it was
necessary that their Governments should not only be informed as
fully as was possible of the situation, but that, as far as was
practicable, they should participate, on a basis of complete
equality, in the deliberations which determined the main
outlines of Imperial policy.
Accordingly, a Special War Conference was convened to meet in London,
where for practical convenience it was divided into two parts: one,
"known as the Imperial War Cabinet, which consisted of the Oversea
Representatives and the members of the British War Cabinet sitting
together as an Imperial War Cabinet for deliberation about the conduct
of the war and for the discussion of the larger issues of Imperial
policy connected with the war." The other "was the Imperial War
Conference, presided over by the Secretary of State for the Colonies,
which consisted of the Oversea Representatives and a number of other
ministers, which discussed non-war problems connected with the war but
of lesser importance."
On the 17th May, 1917, the British Prime Minister, giving "to the House
of Commons a short appreciation of the work of the Imperial War
Cabinet," said in part:--
I ought to add that the institution in its present form is
extremely elastic. It grew, not by design, but out of the
necessities of the war. The essence of it is that the
responsible heads of the Governments of the Empire, with those
Ministers who are specially entrusted with the conduct of
Imperial Policy should meet together at regular intervals to
confer about foreign policy and matters connected therewith, and
come to decisions in regard to them which, subject to the
control of their own Parliaments, they will then generally
execute. By this means they will be able to obtain full
information about all aspects of Imperial affairs, and to
determine by consultation together the policy of the Empire in
its most vital aspects, without infringing in any degree the
autonomy which its parts at present enjoy. To what
constitutional developments this may lead we did not attempt to
settle. The whole question of perfecting the mechanism of
"continuous consultation" about Imperial and foreign affairs
between the "autonomous nations of an Imperial Commonwealth"
will be reserved for the consideration of that special
Conference which will be summoned as soon as possible after the
war to readjust the constitutional relations of the Empire. We
felt, however, that the experiment of consulting an Imperial
Cabinet in which India was represented had been so fruitful in
better understanding and in unity of purpose and action that it
ought to be perpetuated, and we believe that this proposal will
commend itself to the judgment of all the nations of the Empire.
The preceding are words of political wisdom, worthy of the best form of
British statesmanship. Were they the dawn of a new era, dissipating the
clouds accumulated by the trials of a long period of military conflict,
and showing in a future, more or less distant, the rising constitutional
fabric of a still greater Imperial Commonwealth, not so much in size,
than in unity, in freedom and strength? Time will tell. But can we not
at once note with confidence that the fundamental principle upheld by
all the leading British public men is that, whatever constitutional
developments may be in store for us all, they will not be allowed to
infringe "in any degree the autonomy" presently enjoyed by the Oversea
Dominions.
The Imperial War Conference held in London, last year, passed the
following very important "Resolution" dealing with the future
constitutional organisation of the Empire:--
"The Imperial War Conference are of opinion that the
readjustment of the constitutional relations of the component
parts of the Empire is too important and intricate a subject to
be dealt with during the war, and that it should form the
subject of a special Imperial Conference to be summoned as soon
as possible after the cessation of hostilities.
"They deem it their duty; however, to place on record their view
that any such readjustment, while thoroughly preserving all
existing powers of self-government and complete control of
domestic affairs, should be based on a full recognition of the
Dominions as autonomous nations of an Imperial Commonwealth, and
of India as an important portion of the same, should recognise
the right of the Dominions and India to an adequate voice in
foreign policy and in foreign relations, and should provide
effective arrangements for continuous consultation in all
important matters of common Imperial concern and for such
necessary concerted action, founded on consultation, as the
several Governments may determine."
We can await without the slightest alarm the holding of the proposed
"_special Imperial Conference to be summoned as soon as possible after
the cessation of the hostilities_." The fundamental principles upon
which "_the readjustment_," if any one is made, "_of the constitutional
relations of the component parts of the Empire_" are to rest, are well
defined in the above "Resolution":--_through preservation of "all
existing powers of self-government and complete control of domestic
affairs_;--_full recognition of the Dominions as autonomous nations of
an Imperial Commonwealth, and of India as an important portion of the
same_";--the admission of "_the right of the Dominions and India to an
adequate voice in foreign policy and in foreign relations_."
Upon that large and strong basis, I, for one, am ready to wait with
patience and confidence the result of the deliberations of the future
special Imperial Conference. With regard to the proposed Conference, I
cannot see any reason for anyone to indulge in the "Nationalist"
hysterical fears of an oppressive Imperialism devouring, as the old
mythological god--Saturn--his own children.
As I have said, the work of the special Imperial Conference will be
rendered more or less easy by the conditions of the future peace. I
pray, with all the fervour of my soul, that the war shall not end by a
hasty compromise--as wished for by our blind, if not really disloyal,
pacifists--by which the world would be doomed to another disaster far
worse than the one it is straining every nerve to overcome, and that
after years of the most costly warlike preparations. Such a peace would
be the saddest possible conclusion of the present conflict, and much
worse than the sacrifices yet to be borne by the prosecution of the war
to a finish. We must all implore Providence to save Humanity from such a
cataclysm.
A special Imperial Conference meeting under such disheartening
circumstances would indeed have a most difficult task to accomplish. It
was evidently an act of wisdom on the part of the Imperial War
Conference of last year to express the opinion that the special Imperial
Conference should be summoned only after the cessation of hostilities.
When peace shall have been restored with the only conditions which can
be satisfactory to the Allies and to the world at large, a special
Imperial Conference will be in order, having for its object to consider
the readjustment of the constitutional relations of the component parts
of the Empire, in conformity with the requirements of the new situation
which will have grown out of the necessities of the war. However
important the task, the tranquility of the world being, let us hope,
assured for many long years, there will be no reason for the Conference
to proceed hastily to any insufficiently matured conclusion. The
representative public men who will meet in London from all over the
Empire will not forget, we may rest confident, that the safest way to a
good working readjustment will be, as it has always been in the past,
that which will follow the straight line of natural growth. Dry cut
resolutions, imprudently adopted, and pressed upon unwilling populations
would have ninety-nine chances out of a hundred to be more injurious
than profitable.
Every sensible man must acknowledge that the war has in an extraordinary
manner hastened the rapidity of the advance towards the turning point in
the Constitutional organization of the British Empire. The day is near
at hand when the problem will have to be faced with courage and
broadness of mind. Very blind indeed, and far behind the times, is he
who does not realize that TO BE, or NOT TO BE, for the Empire, is
confined to two clear words: CONSOLIDATION or DISSOLUTION. The tide has
either to ebb or flow, the wave to advance or recede. The edifice must
be strengthened or left to decay. Like any living being, a political
society, be it great or small, after its birth, more or less laborious,
grows to a prosperous and healthy old age, or crumbles down prematurely.
Very much depends, for either course, on the wisdom or extravagance of
the way of passing through life. Unmeasured ambitions, wild
expectations, are too often, alike for the individual and the nation,
the surest road to a lamentable ruin. Wisdom, the outcome of sound moral
principles, and wide experience, is, on the other hand, the safest
guarantee of longevity, of bright old days full of contentment, honour,
prestige and true grandeur.
Grave will be the responsibility of those who will meet in solemn
conclave to lay down the foundations of the future British Imperial
Commonwealth. No less serious will be the responsibility of the
populations, scattered over the five continents, who will be called upon
to pronounce, freely and finally, upon the propositions which will be
submitted to their approval or disavowal. Consequently undue haste would
be more than ill-advised.
For instance, the paramount question to be considered by the new
Imperial Conference will most likely be that of the future military
organization of the Empire. Is it not evident that this problem will be
much more easily settled if the Allied nations succeed in carrying the
point they have the most at heart:--The reduction of permanent
armaments as the safest protection against any new outburst of savage
militarism flooding the earth of God with human blood. If this _sine qua
non_ condition is the top article of the future peace treaty, the great
Powers having agreed, in honour bound, to maintain the world's
tranquillity and order, will all be afforded the blessings of a long
rest from the ruinous military expenditures too long imposed upon them
by the mad run of Germany to conquer universal domination. The British
Empire, as a whole, will, as much as any other nation, enjoy the full
benefits of such a favourable situation. She will, like her Allies,
return to the pursuits of peace, with millions of veteran soldiers who,
for the next ten years at least, would, in large numbers, certainly join
the Colours once more, if need be, to defend their country in a new just
war. Then, under such circumstances, why should the peoples of the whole
Empire be immediately called upon to incur more expenses for military
purposes than absolutely necessary for the maintenance of interior
order, and to meet any sudden and unforeseen emergency.
The liquidation of the obligations necessarily accumulated during the
war will be the first duty of all the Allied nations. The task will no
doubt be very large, most onerous. Still I trust that it will not be
beyond their resources of natural wealth, of capital and labour, of
courageous savings.
As the "Resolution" adopted by the Imperial War Conference says, "the
readjustment of the constitutional relations of the component parts of
the Empire is too important and intricate a subject to be dealt with
during the war." When taken up after the war--even if just _as soon as
possible_--it will be none the less IMPORTANT AND INTRICATE. Such a
subject should not be dealt with without matured consideration and given
a hasty solution. If the peace treaty satisfactorily settles the world's
situation for a long future of general tranquillity which will certainly
bless all the nations with many years of unprecedented prosperity,
plenty of time will be afforded to deliberate wisely upon the paramount
question of the building of a "new and greater Imperial Commonwealth."
Our frenzied "Nationalists" can quiet their nerves. The imperialist wild
bear will not be growling at the door. Because we are all likely to be
called upon to consider how best to promote the unity and the future
prosperity of the Empire, we will have no reason to fear that we shall
be, from one day to the other, forcibly thrown into perilous adventures
by the Machiavellic machinations of out and out Imperialist enthusiasts.
I have already said that it is becoming more and more evident that TO
BE, or NOT TO BE, the British Empire must either CONSOLIDATE or
DISSOLVE. I must not be understood to mean that with the restoration of
peace under the happy conditions all the Allies are fighting for, the
Empire, as she will emerge from the tornado, could not, as a whole,
resume, for more or less time, her prosperous existence of _ante_-war
days. What will be best to do, it is too early to foresee. Then it is
better to wait for the issue of the war, trusting that all the truly
loyal British subjects will then join together to pronounce upon
whatever questions of imperial concern will claim their urgent
consideration.
But there is a certainty that can be at once positively affirmed. All
the peoples living and developing under the aegis of the British flag are
determined that the British Empire is to be. Whenever a special Imperial
Conference sits in London, all the representatives of the many component
parts of the British Commonwealth will meet in the great Capital surely
to deliberate over the most practical means TO CONSOLIDATE THE EMPIRE.
We may all depend that no one will propose to destroy it.
How best to consolidate the Empire, such will be the important question.
To be sure, the future special Conference will not likely be wanting in
propositions from many outside would-be constitutional framers. Schemes
may be numerous, some worth considering, others useless if not
mischievous. No reason to feel uneasy and to worry about them. We can
confidently hope that British statesmanship will be equal to the new
task it will be called upon to perform. Our Canadian public men will
have much to gain by closer intercourse with their Imperial colleagues,
and by judging great questions from a higher standpoint.
Let there be no mistake about it: the true secret of the most effective
consolidation of the Empire was discovered by the British statesmen the
day when they realized that henceforth free institutions and the largest
possible measure of colonial autonomy were the only sure means to
solidify the structure of the British Commonwealth. Such is the opinion
of the Imperial War Conference outlining in their previously quoted
"Resolution" what must be the fundamental basis of any future
"READJUSTMENT OF THE CONSTITUTIONAL RELATIONS OF THE COMPONENT PARTS OF
THE EMPIRE."
CONSTITUTIONAL DEVELOPMENT OF INDIA.
As a preliminary to the prospective readjustment of the political status
of the Empire, it is worth noting the advance of India towards political
autonomy. It was made manifest by the significant step of inviting India
to the deliberations of the Imperial War Cabinet, and by the
"Resolution" adopted by the Imperial War Conference that India must be
fully represented at all future Imperial Conferences.
Respecting India, the Report of the War Cabinet, for the year 1917,
says:--
It was clear, however, that this recognition of the new status
of India in the Empire would necessarily be followed by
substantial progress towards internal self-government.
Accordingly, on August 20th, the following important declaration
of His Majesty's Government on this subject was made in the
House of Commons by the Secretary of State for India:--
"The policy of His Majesty's Government, with which the
Government of India are in complete accord, is that of the
increasing association of Indians in every branch of the
administration and the gradual development of self-governing
institutions with a view to the progressive realization of
responsible government in India as an integral part of the
British Empire. They have decided that substantial steps in this
direction should be taken as soon as possible, and that it is of
the highest importance, as a preliminary to considering what
these steps should be, that there should be a free and informal
exchange of opinion between those in authority at home and in
India. His Majesty's Government have accordingly decided, with
His Majesty's approval, that I should accept the Viceroy's
invitation to proceed to India to discuss these matters with the
Viceroy and the Government of India, to consider with the
Viceroy the views of local Governments, and to receive with him
the suggestions of representative bodies and others. I would add
that progress in this policy can only be achieved by successive
stages. The British Government and the Government of India on
whom the responsibility lies for the welfare and advancement of
the Indian peoples, must be the judges of the time and measure
of each advance, and they must be guided by the co-operation
received from those upon whom new opportunities of service will
thus be conferred and by the extent to which it is found that
confidence can be reposed in their sense of responsibility.
Ample opportunity will be afforded for public discussion of the
proposals, which will be submitted in due course to Parliament."
In accordance with this declaration, the Secretary of State left
for India in October, and has since been in consultation with
the Government of India and deputations representative of all
interests and parties in India in regard to the advances which
should be made in Indian constitutional development in the
immediate future. No reports as to the results of these
discussions had been made public by the end of the year.
Another important decision relating to India was that whereby
the Government abandoned the rule which confines the granting of
commissions in the Indian army to officers of British
extraction. A number of Indian officers, who have served with
distinction in the war, have already received commissions.
Who, only twenty years ago, would have believed that the day was so near
at hand when this Asiatic vast and populous country, called India, would
be most earnestly considering, through numerous representatives, in
consultation with the British Government, the proper steps to be taken
"FOR THE GRADUAL DEVELOPMENT OF SELF-GOVERNING INSTITUTIONS WITH A VIEW
TO THE PROGRESSIVE REALIZATION OF RESPONSIBLE GOVERNMENT IN INDIA AS AN
INTEGRAL PART OF THE BRITISH EMPIRE." In every way, it is a most
extraordinary political evolution. If it reaches the admirable
conclusion aimed at--for which success every true friend of Political
Liberty will fervently pray--it will have realized one of the greatest
constitutional achievements of modern times.
Behold just now how safely and wisely this Indian evolution is
proceeding under the experienced direction of British statesmanship. It
is "TO BE ACHIEVED BY SUCCESSIVE STAGES", declares the Secretary of
State for India, speaking in the name of the whole British responsible
Cabinet. Such have been accomplished all the constitutional developments
which have wrought so much perfection for British free institutions.
True progress, in every form, is never revolutionary. And why? For the
very reason that instead of fighting for destruction by brute force, it
aims at perfecting by regular advances in the right direction, by
successive improvements which experience justifies, which reason,
intelligence and wisdom approve, which political sense recommends, which
sound moral principles authorize and sanction.
A country favoured with the free British constitutional regime is not
the land where bolshevikism of any grade or stamp, can flourish and bear
fruits of desolation and shame.
The wonderful Indian country, for so many centuries tortured by
intestine troubles, at last rescued by England from that barbarous
situation, given a reorganized administration able to maintain interior
peace, favoured by British business experience and capital with material
progress in many ways, specially in transportation facilities, may soon
see--let us hope--the dawn of the glorious days of a large measure of
political freedom and responsible government.
Far away indeed from the perilous Imperialism abhorred by our much
depressed "Nationalists" is India safely moving.