CHAPTER XIV.

THE VERITABLE AIMS OF THE ALLIES.

After doing their utmost to persuade the French Canadians that the

Allies, more especially England and Russia, were equally responsible for

the war, together with Germany and Austria, our "Nationalist" leaders

moreover asserted that they were hostile to a just and lasting peace on

account of their unfair claims. In support of their pretension, they

repeatedly affirmed that the Allies were pledged to the complete

destruction of the German Empire. No more unfounded charge could be made

against the Nations suddenly challenged to a gigantic struggle for life

or death.

It was very important to protect my French Canadian countrymen against

views which, if not proved to be absolutely wrong, were calculated to

bias their mind against the Allies. With this patriotic object strongly

impressed upon my mind, I fully explained what were the veritable aims

of Great Britain, France, Russia and Italy, in fighting their deadly

enemy. When I issued my French book, the United States had not then

entered the contest. Their declaration of war against Germany, in the

spring of 1917, after the outrage of the sinking of the Lusitania, and

the numerous criminal provocations of the submarine campaign, clearly

emphasized, once more, what the Allies had been strenuously struggling

for from the outbreak of the hostilities. They had taken up the gauntlet

savagely thrown to them, declaring to the world that they would battle

to the last to put an end to German militarism, always threatening

general peace, to protect the small nations, notably Belgium and Servia,

against the onslaught of mighty and tyrannical conquerors, to save

Humanity, Civilization and Freedom from the crushing ascendency of

autocratic rule. The great American Republic rallied with them to the

defence of this most sacred cause. Need I refer to the numerous and

eloquent messages of President Wilson, to the writings of the American

press, and to the declarations of all the leading public men of the

United States, in both Houses of Congress, or before public meetings, in

support of the contention which was proved beyond controversy for all

fair minded men.

Mr. Bourassa, whether from sheer misconception, or blindly carried away

by incomprehensible German sympathies, having their root in his

prejudiced hostility to England, could see no difference between a war

policy aiming at putting an end to Prussian militarism, and one having

for its object the dismemberment of the German Empire. Nor could he

conceive that fighting for human liberty was a nobler purpose than

struggling for autocratic tyranny. Though ever posing as the champion

of the small nationalities, he would not utter a word of sympathy for

martyred Belgium, barbarously conquered Servia, oppressed Poland, since

the beginning of the war.

The great conflict once begun under so terrific conditions, every one

somewhat posted with the immense resources of the belligerents, their

respective warlike spirit and enduring qualities, could easily foresee

that, unfortunately, it was most likely to last for several years, the

contending parties being so far apart in their respective aspirations.

Elated beyond all reason by her triumph over France, in 1870, which had

for its first very important result the final creation of the German

Empire, proclaimed to the world from Versailles,--the bleeding heart of

her vanquished foe,--the new great Power, dominating Central Europe,

lost no time in setting all its energies to the task of perfecting the

most gigantic military organization ever seen. To all clear sighted men,

Germany could not be supposed to accept the heavy sacrifices required

for such an end with the sole purpose of maintaining peace. Further

conquests were evidently her inspiring aim.

Who can forget how Humanity was staggered by the rapidity of the

onslaught of the Teutonic hordes let loose against nations whose

greatest wish was to keep the peace of the world? In a sudden rush, the

waves of the torrent overran Belgium and Northern France dashing direct

towards Paris.

The wonderful plan of campaign, so scientifically conceived and matured,

could then be understood as it was boldly and powerfully developed. The

Berlin military staff, knowing that France was not sufficiently prepared

for the struggle, that England, if forced to intervene in honour bound,

by the criminal violation of Belgium's neutrality, would require a

couple of years to organize an army of millions of men, decided to

strike the first blow with such an overpowering strength as to conquer

Belgium in a victorious run and crush France out of the fight. A couple

of months were to be sufficient to that most coveted end. Meantime

Austria was to face and resist the Russian attack, to allow Germany the

necessary time to settle victoriously the western part of the campaign,

so cleverly planned and successfully carried out, before transferring

her glorious legions to the Eastern theatre of the war. Russia was not

supposed to be able to properly organize her armies in less than many

months, when it could no longer expect to triumph over the enthusiastic

Huns.

In the depressing darkness of those anxious days, the great Marne

victory came like the brilliant sun piercing the heavy clouds, pledging

final success as the reward of the persevering courage and heroism to be

long displayed to deserve it. Germany's first dream of conquering

universal domination by military operations even overshadowing those of

the illustrious Napoleonic Era, and of Caesar's marvellously laid deep

foundations of Roman grandeur, was shattered to pieces.

Before the Teutonic armies could be reorganized for another great

offensive, England's forces and those of her Colonies would be in a

position to enter the struggle; France's resources would be brought to

bear with all their strength; Italy would break away from the Central

Empires and heartily join the Allies.

Then the conflict turned to that weary trench fighting which to the

sadness of its trials added new evidence of the inevitable lengthening

of the war. No wonder that the longing for peace was intensified under

the pressure of conditions becoming more and more trying. Without doubt

all true friends of human prosperity and happiness, in their limited

possible worldly measure, were fervently praying to God in favour of the

restoration of harmony between the warring Nations. But they saw with

undeniable clearness that there were two essential--sine qua

non--conditions to the peace of the future. To be of any value it must

be _Just_ and _Durable_. If it could become permanent, much more the

better.

Unfortunately, outside the legions of the true friends of an honourable

peace, there were found, in the Allied countries, faint hearted men

getting tired of the worries and sacrifices consequent upon the

prolonged struggle. The moment they began to show their hands, was the

signal for the ultra Revolutionists of Russia, finally organized into

the disastrous bolshevikism, for the paid traitors of France, for the

disloyal elements of the British Empire, to rally around them to set in

motion, with accrued force, a current of opinion clamouring for peace

almost at any price. To quiet this unpatriotic longing of the

disheartened, the political leaders of the Allies publicly explained

their war aims, positively affirming that their objective was that _Just

and Durable_ peace to which alone they could and would agree.

Canada had also her _pacifist_ element. So far as the French Canadians

were concerned, it was, though small in numbers, almost entirely

recruited in the ranks of the supporters of "_Nationalism_." I feel I

must explain that our "_Nationalism_," as it has been repeatedly

propounded, does not in the least represent the sound views of the very

large majority of my French Canadian countrymen.

As was to be expected, Mr. Bourassa was again the outspoken organ of our

French Canadian _pacifists_. He laid great stress on what he gave out as

a fact: that if peace negotiations were not at once entered upon and

brought to a successful conclusion, it was on account of the Allies'

unreasonable claims, pointing especially to England's determination not

to surrender her supremacy on the high seas, to develop more and more

what he termed her _imperialism_ for the purpose of dominating the world

_economically_.

In my French work, I strongly took issue with the views of our

_pacifists_ as expressed by their leader and their press. Addressing my

French Canadian countrymen on the bounden duties of all loyal British

subjects, it was my ardent purpose to tell them the plain truth.

Writing, as I did, in 1916, I was then, as I had been from the very

beginning, firmly convinced that the conflict would be of long duration,

that it was very wrong--even criminal if disloyally inspired--for any

one to delude them by vain hopes, or deceive them by false charges.

Having some knowledge of military strategy and tactics, I saw with the

clear light of noon day that, despite the gigantic efforts put forth by

the Allies, and the admirable heroism of their armies--our Canadian

force brilliantly playing its part--final victory would be attained only

by indomitable perseverance, both of the millions of fighting men and of

the whole Allied nations backing them to the last with their moral and

material support. That profound conviction of mine I was very anxious to

strongly impress on the minds of my French-Canadian readers, imploring

them not to be carried away by the "Nationalist" erroneous pretentions

that peace could easily be obtained, if the Allies would only agree to

negotiate. I told them plainly, what was absolutely true, that the war

aims of Germany were so well known and inadmissible that there was not

the least shadow of hope that peace negotiations could lead to a

reasonable understanding realizing the two imperious conditions of

_Justice and Durability_ in a settlement to which all the Allies were

in honour pledged. I explained to them that it was no use whatever to be

deluded by expectations, however tempting they might appear, because

under the then conditions of the military situation--time and events

have since brought no favourable change but quite the reverse--there was

not the slightest chance of an opening for a successful consideration of

the questions to be debated and settled before the complete cessation of

the conflict. There was only one conclusion to be drawn from the

circumstances of the case, and, however sad to acknowledge, it was that

the fight must be carried on to a final victorious issue, any weakening

of determination and purpose being sure to bring about humiliating

defeat.

THE ONLY POSSIBLE PEACE CONDITIONS.

Whenever representatives of the belligerents shall meet to negotiate for

peace, there will of course be many questions of first class importance

to consider and discuss. But the one which must overshadow any other and

of necessity carry the day, is that peace must be restored under

conditions that will, if not forever, at least for many long years,

protect Humanity and Civilization against a recurrence of such a

calamity as ambitious and cruel Germany has criminally imposed upon the

world. I urged my French Canadian readers to consider seriously how

peace due to a compromise, accepted out of sheer discouragement, would

soon develop into a still more trying ordeal than the one Canada had

willingly and deliberately undertaken to fight out with the Allies. I

forcibly explained to them that if the present war did not result in an

international agreement to put an end to the extravagant and ruinous

militarism which, under Prussian terrorism, was proving to be the curse

of almost the whole universe, all the sacrifices of so many millions of

lives, heroically given, of untold sufferings, of so much treasures,

would have been made in vain if Germany was allowed to continue a

permanent menace to general tranquillity.

It was a wonder to me that any one could fail to understand that an

armed peace would be only a truce during which militarism would be

spreading with increased vigour and strength. It was evident--and still

daily becoming more and more so--that Germany would only consent to it

with the determination to renew, on a still much larger scale, her

military organization with the purpose of a more gigantic effort at

universal domination.

Then was it not plain that labouring under the inevitable necessity of

such an international situation, the Allied nations,--the British Empire

as much as France, the United States and Italy--would by force be

obliged to make the sacrifices required to maintain their military

systems in such a state of efficiency as to be always ready to face

their ambitious foe with good prospects of success. Such being the

undeniable case, I affirmed--I am sure with the best of reasons--that

Great Britain could not return to her ante-war policy of the enlistment

of only a small standing territorial army, trusting as formerly to her

Naval strength for her defence and the safe maintenance of her prestige

and power. Like all the continental nations, England would have to incur

the very heavy cost of keeping millions of men always fully armed.

I firmly told my French Canadian countrymen that it was no use deluding

themselves with the "Nationalist" notion that peace being restored under

the above mentioned circumstances, the British Colonies would not be

called upon to share, with England, the burdens of the extensive

military preparations necessitated for their own safety as well as for

that of Great Britain and the whole Empire. The very reasons which had

prompted Canada and all her sister Dominions to intervene in the present

war, would surely induce them to cooperate with the Mother Country to

maintain a highly and costly state of military preparedness in order to

be ever ready for any critical emergency.

Could it be believed that after the sad experience of the actual

conflict, the Allied nations--Great Britain perhaps more than any

other--would blindly once again run the risk of being caught napping and

deceived by an unscrupulous and hypocritical enemy, unsufficiently

prepared to at once rise in their might to fight for their very

national existence and the safety of Mankind against tyrannical

absolutism. If such abominable pages of History as those that for the

last four years are written with the blood of millions of heroes

defending Human Freedom were, by fear of new sacrifices, allowed to be

repeated, shame would be on the supposed civilized world having fallen

so low as to bow to the dictates of barbarism. Let all truly hearted men

hope and pray that no such dark days shall again be the fearful lot of

Humanity. Let them all resolve that if the world can at last emerge free

from the present hurricane, they will not permit, out of weakness and

despondency, the sweeping waves of teutonism to submerge Civilization

and destroy the monuments of the work of centuries of the Christian Art.

After showing the dark side of the picture, and what would be the

fearful consequences of a German victory, or of an armed peace pending

the renewal, with still much increased vigour and resources, of the

conflict only suspended, I explained to my French Canadian readers the

great advantages to be derived by all, Germany included, from the

restoration of peace carrying with it the untold benefits to be derived

from the cessation of extravagant military organization, yearly

destroying the capital created by hard work and the saving of the

millions of the working populations. If an international agreement could

be arrived at by which militarism would be reduced to the requirements

of the maintenance of interior order and the safeguarding of

conventional peace amongst the Powers, then many long years of material

prosperity, in all its diversity of beneficial development, would surely

follow. Canada, like the other British Colonies, would not have to incur

any very large expenditure for military purposes, devoting all her

energies to the intelligent building of the grand future which her

immense territorial resources would certainly make, not only possible,

but sure.

How much could material development be conducive to intellectual, moral

and religious progress, if the Nations of the Earth would only sincerely

and permanently abide by the Divine teachings of Christianity.

Considering all the conditions of the military situation, at the end of

the summer of 1916, I clearly perceived the imperious necessity of the

Allies--Canada as well as all her associates--to fight to a finish. That

duty I did my best to impress on the minds of the French Canadians.

Events have since developed in many ways, but they all tend to

strengthen the conviction that ultimate victory will only be the price

of unshaken perseverance, of undaunted courage, of more patriotic

sacrifices.

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