for the sortie, it is believed that the enemy was in utter
ignorance of the movement. To confirm him in error, a
succession of trusty spies were sent to him in the character
of deserters up to the close of day of the 16th; and so little
did the army know of what were General Brown’s plans for that
day, that even if an officer had gone over to the enemy, the
information he could have given must have been favourable to
the meditated enterprise, as no one had been consulted but
General Porter, and the engineers Colonels McRae and Wood.
“At nine o’clock in the evening of the 16th, the
general-in-chief called his assistant adjutant-general, Major
Jones, and after explaining concisely his object, ordered
him to see the officers whom the General named and direct
them to his tent. The officers General Brown had selected
to have the honour of leading commands on the 17th came; he
explained to them his views and determinations, and enjoyed
much satisfaction at seeing that his confidence had not been
misplaced. They left him to prepare for the duty assigned to
them on the succeeding day. At twelve o’clock the last agent
was sent to the enemy in the character of a deserter, and
aided, by disclosing all he knew, to confirm him in security.
“The letter, of which the following is an extract, was written
by General Brown to the Department of War early in the morning
of the 25th July, 1814:
“‘As General Gaines informed me that the Commodore was in
port, and as he did not know when the fleet would sail, or
when the guns and troops that I had been expecting would even
leave Sackett’s Harbour, I have thought it proper to change my
position with a view to other objects.’
“General Scott, with the first brigade, Towson’s artillery,
all the dragoons and mounted men, was accordingly put in
march towards Queenston. He was particularly instructed to
report if the enemy appeared, and to call for assistance if
that was necessary. Having command of the dragoons, he would
have, it was supposed, the means of intelligence. On General
Scott’s arrival near the Falls, he learned that the enemy was
in force directly in his front, a narrow piece of woods alone
intercepting his view of them. Waiting only to despatch this
information, but not to receive any in return, the General
advanced upon him.
“Hearing the report of cannon and small arms, General Brown
at once concluded that a battle had commenced between the
advance of his army and the enemy, and without waiting for
information from General Scott, ordered the second brigade
and all the artillery to march as rapidly as possible to his
support, and directed Colonel Gardner to remain and see this
order executed. He then rode with his aids-de-camp, and Major
McRee, with all speed towards the scene of action. As he
approached the Falls, about a mile from Chippeway, he met Major
Jones, who had accompanied General Scott, bearing a message
from him, advising General Brown that he had met the enemy.
From the information given by Major Jones, it was concluded to
order up General Porter’s command, and Major Jones was sent
with this order. Advancing a little further, General Brown
met Major Wood, of the engineers, who also had accompanied
General Scott. He reported that the conflict between General
Scott and the enemy was close and desperate, and urged that
reinforcements should be hurried forward. The reinforcements
were now marching with all possible rapidity. The Major-General
was accompanied by Major Wood to the field of battle. Upon
his arrival, he found that General Scott had passed the wood,
and engaged the enemy upon the Queenston road and the ground
to the left of it, with the 9th, 11th, and 22d regiments, and
Towson’s artillery. The 25th had been detached to the right
to be governed by circumstances. Apprehending these troops to
be much exhausted, notwithstanding the good front they showed,
and knowing that they had suffered severely in the contest,
General Brown determined to form and interpose a new line
with the advancing troops, and thus disengage General Scott,
and hold his brigade in reserve. By this time Captains Biddle
and Ritchie’s companies of artillery had come into action.
The head of General Ripley’s column was nearly up with the
right of General Scott’s line. At this moment the enemy fell
back, in consequence, it was believed, of the arrival of fresh
troops, which they could see and begin to feel. At the moment
the enemy broke, General Scott’s brigade gave a general huzza,
that cheered the whole line. General Ripley was ordered to
pass his line and display his column in front. The movement
was commenced in obedience to the order. Majors McRee and Wood
had rapidly reconnoitered the enemy and his position. McRee
reported that he appeared to have taken up a new position with
his line, and with his artillery, to have occupied a height
which gave him great advantages it being the key of the whole
position. To secure the victory, it was necessary to carry
this height, and seize his artillery. McRee was ordered by the
Major-General to conduct Ripley’s command on the Queenstown
road, with a view to that object, and prepare the 21st regiment
under Colonel Miller for the duty.
“The second brigade immediately advanced on the Queenston
road. Gen. Brown, with his aids-de-camp and Major Wood passing
to the left of the second brigade in front of the first,
approached the enemy’s artillery, and observed an extended
line of infantry formed for its support. A detachment of the
first regiment of infantry, under command of Col. Nicolas,
which arrived that day, and was attached to neither of the
brigades, but had marched to the field of battle in the rear
of the second, was ordered promptly to break off to the
left, and form a line facing the enemy on the height, with a
view of drawing his fire and attracting his attention, while
Col. Miller advanced with the bayonet upon his left flank to
carry his artillery. As the first regiment, led by Major Wood
and commanded by Col. Nicolas, approached its position, the
commanding General rode to Col. Miller, and ordered him to
charge and carry the enemy’s artillery with the bayonet. He
replied in a tone of great promptness and good humour—‘It shall
be done, Sir.’
“At this moment the first regiment gave way under the fire
of the enemy; but Col. Miller, without regard to this
circumstance, advanced steadily to his object, and carried
the height and the cannon in a style rarely equalled—never
excelled. At this point of time when Col. Miller moved, the 23d
regiment was on his right, a little in the rear. Gen. Ripley
led this regiment: it had some severe fighting, and in a degree
gave way, but was promptly re-formed, and brought upon the
right of the 21st, with which were connected a detachment of
the 17th and 19th.
“Gen. Ripley being now with his brigade, formed a line, (the
enemy having been driven from his commanding ground) with the
captured cannon, nine pieces in the rear. The first regiment
having been rallied, was brought into line by Lt. Col. Nicolas
on the left of the second brigade; and Gen. Porter coming up
at this time, occupied with his command the extreme left. Our
artillery formed the right between the 21st and 23d regiments.
Having given to Col. Miller orders to storm the heights and
carry the cannon as he advanced, Gen. Brown moved from his
right flank to the rear of his left. Maj. Wood and Capt.
Spencer met him on the Queenston road; turning down that road,
he passed directly in the rear of the 23rd, as they advanced
to the support of Col. Miller. The shouts of the American
soldiers on the heights at this moment, assured him of Col.
Miller’s success, and he hastened toward the place, designing
to turn from the Queenston road towards the heights up Lundy’s
Lane. In the act of doing so, Maj. Wood and Capt. Spencer, who
were about a horse’s length before him, were near riding upon
a body of the enemy; and nothing prevented them from doing it
but an officer exclaiming before them, “They are the Yankees.”
The exclamation halted the three American officers, and upon
looking down the road they saw a line of British infantry drawn
up in front of the western fence of the road with its right
resting upon Lundy’s Lane.
“The British officer had, at the moment he gave this alarm,
discovered Maj. Jesup. The Major had, as before observed, at
the commencement of the action, been ordered by Gen. Scott to
take ground to his right.
“He had succeeded in turning the enemy’s left, had captured
Gen. Riall and several other officers, and sent them to camp,
and then, feeling and searching his way silently towards where
the battle was raging, had brought his regiment, the 25th,
after a little comparative loss, up to the eastern fence at
the Queenston road, a little to the north of Lundy’s Lane.
The moment the British gave Jesup notice of having discovered
him, Jesup ordered his command to fire upon the enemy’s line.
The lines could not have been more then four rods apart—Jesup
behind the south fence, the British in front of the north.
The slaughter was dreadful; the enemy fled down the Queenston
road at the third or fourth fire. As the firing ceased,
the Major-General approached Major Jesup, advised him that
Col. Miller had carried the enemy’s artillery, and received
information of the capture of Gen. Riall.
“The enemy having rallied his broken forces and received
reinforcements, was now discovered in good order and in great
force. The commanding General, doubting the correctness of the
information, and to ascertain the truth, passed in person with
his suite in front of our line. He could no longer doubt, as a
more extended line than he had yet seen during the engagement
was near, and advancing upon us. Capt. Spencer, without saying
a word, put spurs to his horse, and rode directly up to the
advancing line, then, turning towards the enemy’s right,
inquired in a strong and firm voice, ‘What regiment is that?’
and was as promptly answered, ‘The Royal Scots, Sir.’
“General Brown and suite then threw themselves behind our
troops without loss of time, and waited the attack. The enemy
advanced slowly and firmly upon us: perfect silence was
observed throughout both armies until the lines approached to
within four to six rods. Our troops had levelled their pieces
and the artillery was prepared,—the order to fire was given.
Most awful was its effect. The lines closed in part before the
enemy was broken. He then retired precipitately, the American
army following him. The field was covered with the slain, but
not an enemy capable of marching was to be seen. We dressed our
men upon the ground we occupied. Gen. Brown was not disposed
to leave it in the dark, knowing it was the best in the
neigbourhood. His intention, then, was to maintain it until
day should dawn, and to be governed by circumstances.
“Our gallant and accomplished foe did not give us much time
for deliberation. He showed himself within twenty minutes,
apparently undismayed and in good order.”
[4] The twenty-first carried the celebrated ‘_I’ll try, Sir_,’ inscribed
upon their buttons during the remainder of the war.
Extract of a private letter from the writer of the above article, dated
January 15, 1841.
... “As to the fate of the gallant and accomplished Wood.—You
supposed a flag from the enemy reported he had been bayoneted
to death on the ground—like enough, but how did the enemy
recognise his body. Gen. Porter thinks he fell at the close of
the action at battery No. 1, but I never heard that any one saw
him fall.—His body never was recovered. Those of Gibson and
Davis, the leaders of the two other columns in Gen. Porter’s
command, were.
“Soon after the war, McRee, one of the best military engineers
this country ever produced, threw up his commission in disgust
and died of the cholera at St. Louis.
“From the time I lost sight of Gen. Scott in my narrative until
after the change referred to at the end of the narrative, Gen.
Scott with three of his battalions had been held in reserve.
The commander-in-chief now rode in person to Gen. Scott, and
ordered him to advance. That officer was prepared and expected
the call.—As Scott advanced toward Ripley’s left, Gen. Brown
passed to the left to speak with Gen. Porter and see the
condition and countenance of his militia, who, at that moment,
were thrown into some confusion under a most galling and deadly
fire from the enemy: they were, however, kept to their duty by
the exertions of their gallant chiefs, and most nobly sustained
the conflict. The enemy was repulsed and again driven out of
sight. But a short time, however, had elapsed, when he was
once more distinctly seen, in great force, advancing upon our
main line under the command of Ripley and Porter. The direction
that Scott had given his column would have enabled him in five
minutes, to have formed a line in the rear of the enemy’s
right, and thus have brought him between two fires. But in a
moment most unexpected, a flank fire from a party of the enemy,
concealed upon our left, falling upon the centre of Scott’s
command, when in open column, blasted our proud expectations.
His column was severed in two; one part passing to the rear,
the other by the right flank of platoons towards the main line.
About this period Gen. Brown received his first wound, a musket
ball passing through his right thigh and _carrying away his
watch seal_, a few minutes after Capt. Spencer received his
mortal wound....
“This was the last desperate effort made by the enemy to regain
his position and artillery....
“Porter’s volunteers were not excelled by the regulars
during this charge. They were soon precipitated by their
heroic commander upon the enemy’s line, which they broke and
dispersed, making many prisoners. The enemy now seemed to be
effectually routed; they disappeared....
“At the commencement of the action, Col. Jesup was detached
to the left of the enemy, with the discretionary order, to be
governed by circumstances.—The commander of the British forces
had committed a fault by leaving a road unguarded on his left.
Col. Jesup, taking advantage of this, threw himself promptly
into the rear of the enemy, where he was enabled to operate
with brilliant enterprise and the happiest effect. The capture
of Gen. Riall, with a large escort of officers of rank, was
part of the trophies of his intrepidity and skill. It is not,
we venture to assert, bestowing on him too much praise to say,
that to his achievements, more than to those of any other
individual, is to be attributed the preservation of the first
brigade from utter annihilation.
“Among the officers captured by Col. Jesup, was Capt. Loring,
one of General Drummond’s aid-de-camps, who had been despatched
from the front line to order up the reserve, with a view to
fall on Scott with the concentrated force of the whole army
and overwhelm him at a single effort. Nor would it have been
possible to prevent this catastrophe, had the reserve arrived
in time; the force with which General Scott would have been
obliged to contend being nearly quadruple that of his own. By
the fortunate capture, however, of the British aid-de-camp,
before the completion of the service on which he had been
ordered, the enemy’s reserve was not brought into action until
the arrival of Gen. Ripley’s brigade, which prevented the
disaster that must otherwise have ensued, and achieved, in the
end, one of the most honourable victories that ever shed lustre
upon the arms of a nation....”
* * * * *
_Note to Lundy’s Lane._—RAINBOW OF THE CATARACT.—The afternoon of the
action presented one of those delicious summer scenes in which all
nature appears to be breathing in harmony and beauty.—As General Scott’s
brigade came in view, and halted in the vicinity of the cataracts, the
mist rising from the falls, was thrown in upon the land, arching the
American force with a vivid and gorgeous rainbow, the left resting on the
cataract, and the right lost in the forest. Its brilliance and beauty was
such, that it excited not only the enthusiasm of the officers, but even
the camp followers were filled with admiration.
* * * * *
_Note to Lundy’s Lane._—THE DAY AFTER THE BATTLE.—“I rode to the
battle-ground about day-light on the following morning, without
witnessing the presence of a single British officer or soldier. The
dead had not been removed through the night, and such a scene of
carnage I never before beheld.—Red coats, blue, and grey, promiscuously
intermingled, _in many places three deep_, and around the hill where the
enemy’s artillery was carried by Colonel Miller, the carcasses of sixty
or seventy horses added to the horror of the scene.”—_Private Letter of
an Officer._
The dead were collected and burnt in funeral piles, made of rails, on the
field where they had fallen.
* * * * *
_Note to Lundy’s Lane._—THE TWO SERGEANTS.—For several days after the
action, the country people found the bodies of soldiers who had straggled
off into the woods, and died of their wounds.—At some distance from
the field of battle, and entirely alone, were found the bodies of two
sergeants, American and English, transfixed by each other’s bayonets,
lying across each other, where they had fallen in deadly duel. It is
rare that individual combat takes place under such circumstances in the
absence of spectators to cheer on the combatants by their approval, and
this incident conveys some idea of the desperation which characterised
the general contest on that night. Yet in this lonely and brief tragedy,
these two men were enacting parts, which to them were as momentous as the
furious conflict of the masses in the distance.
* * * * *
_Note to Lundy’s Lane._—DEATH OF CAPTAIN HULL.—Captain Hull, a son of
General Hull, whose unfortunate surrender at Detroit created so much
odium, fell in this battle. He led his men into the midst of the heaviest
fire of the enemy, and after they were almost if not all destroyed,
plunged sword in hand into the centre of the British column, fighting
with the utmost desperation until he was literally impaled upon their
bayonets.
In the pocket of this gallant and generous young officer, was found a
letter, avowing his determination to signalize the name or to fall in the
attempt.
* * * * *
_Note to Lundy’s Lane._—SCOTT’S BRIGADE.—Part of Gen. Scott’s command
were dressed in grey—(probably the fatigue dress)—at the battle of
Chippewa. An English company officer relates, that—“Advancing at the head
of my men, I saw a body of Americans drawn up, dressed in grey uniform.
Supposing them to be militia, I directed my men to fire, and immediately
charge bayonet.—What was my surprise, to find as the smoke of our fire
lifted from the ground, that instead of flying in consternation from our
destructive discharge, the supposed militia were coming down upon us at
‘double quick’—at the charge. In two minutes I stood alone, my men having
given way, without waiting to meet the shock.”
* * * * *
_Note to Lundy’s Lane._—DEATH OF CAPT. SPENCER.—Capt. Spencer,
aid-de-camp to Maj. Gen. Brown, a son of the Hon. Ambrose Spencer, was
only eighteen years of age at the time that he closed his brief career.
He was directed by Gen. Brown to carry an order to another part of the
field, and to avoid a more circuitous route, he chivalrously galloped
down, exposed to the heavy fire in the front of the line, eliciting
the admiration of both armies, but before he reached the point of his
destination, two balls passed through his body, and he rolled from his
saddle.
The following letter to Gen. Armstrong, Secretary of War, will show in
what estimation he was held by Gen. Brown:—
Copy of a letter from Major Gen. Brown, to Gen. Armstrong,
Secretary of War.
“HEAD QUARTERS, FORT ERIE, 20th September, 1814.
“SIR—Among the officers lost to this army, in the battle of
Niagara Falls, was my aid-de-camp, Captain Ambrose Spencer, who
being mortally wounded, was obliged to be left in the hands
of the enemy. By flags from the British army, I was shortly
afterwards assured of his convalescence, and an offer was made
me by Lieutenant General Drummond, to exchange him for his own
aid, Captain Loring, then a prisoner of war with us. However
singular this proposition appeared, as Captain Loring was not
wounded, nor had received the slightest injury, I was willing
to comply with it on Captain Spencer’s account. But as I knew
his wounds were severe, I first sent to ascertain the fact of
his being then living. My messenger, with a flag, was detained,
nor even once permitted to see Captain Spencer, though in his
immediate vicinity.
“The evidence I wished to acquire failed; but my regard for
Captain Spencer, would not permit me longer to delay, and I
informed General Drummond, that his aid should be exchanged,
even for the _body_ of mine. This offer was, no doubt, gladly
accepted, and the _corpse_ of Captain Spencer sent to the
American shore.”
* * * * *
_Note to MONTREAL._—The custom of emblazoning on the flags, and other
military insignia of the regiments, the actions in which they have
signalized themselves, obtaining in the British and other European
services, is not now allowed in that of the United States, on the score
of its aristocratic tendency! Although, perhaps, in the instance alluded
to, the stupidity of the individual prevented him from understanding
their meaning; still, to the more intelligent of the soldiers, they are
no doubt a great incentive to uphold the honour of the regiment.
* * * * *
_Note to LAKE GEORGE AND TICONDEROGA._—This important position, situated
on Lake Champlain near the foot of the Horicon, (called by the English,
Lake George, and by the French, St. Sacrament,) was first fortified by
the French, and was the point from which they made so many incursions,
in conjunction with the Indians, upon the English settlements. Lord
Abercrombie led an army of nearly 16,000 men against it in the year
1658; but was defeated with a loss of 2000 men, and one of his most
distinguished officers, Lord Howe, who fell at the head of one of the
advance columns. In the following year it surrendered to General Amherst,
who led a force of nearly equal number against it. Its surprise and
capture by Ethan Allen at the commencement of our revolution, is, we
presume, familiar to every American, as also the fact of Burgoyne’s
getting heavy cannon upon the neighbouring mountain which had heretofore
been considered impracticable, and from which the works were entirely
commanded. The necessary withdrawal of the army by St. Clair, after
blowing up the works, is as related in the text.
* * * * *
_Note to Bass Fishing._—CREW OF THE ESSEX FRIGATE.—In the bloody and
heroic defence of the Essex, in which, out of a crew of two hundred and
fifty-five men, one hundred and fifty-three were killed and wounded! a
number of instances of individual daring and devotion are recorded of
the common sailors. Besides the act of Ripley, which is mentioned in the
text, one man received a cannon ball through his body, and exclaimed in
the agonies of death—“Never mind, shipmates, I die for free trade and
sailor’s rights.” Another expired inciting his shipmates to “fight for
liberty!”—and another, Benjamin Hazen, having dressed himself in a clean
shirt and jacket, threw himself overboard, declaring, that “he would
never be incarcerated in an English prison.” An old man-of-war’s-man
who was in her, informed the writer, that her sides were so decayed by
exposure to the climate in which she had been cruizing, that the dust
flew like smoke from every shot that came through the bulwarks, and that
at the close of the action, when the Essex was lying perfectly helpless,
a target for the two heavy British ships, riddled by every ball from
their long guns, without the ability to return a single shot—he was
near the quarter-deck and heard Commodore Porter walking up and down
with hurried steps, repeatedly strike his breast and exclaim, in great
apparent agony—“My Heaven!—is there no shot for me!”
* * * * *