Chapter IX.

EDUCATION INTO DEMOCRACY.

“Education teaches in what social welfare consists. It is of first

importance to you that your sons should be taught what are the

ruling principles and beliefs which guide the lives of their

fellowmen in their own times and in their own country; what the

moral, social and political programme of their nation is; what the

spirit of the legislation by which their deeds will have to be

judged; what degree of progress Humanity has already attained and

that which it has yet to attain. And it is important to you that

they should feel themselves from their earliest years, united in the

spirit of equality and of love for a common aim, with the millions

of brothers that God has given them.”—MAZZINI.

I

“IT was,” says Mr. Benjamin Kidd, “with a well-founded instinct that

William II. of Germany, on his accession turned to the elementary school

teachers of his country when he aimed to impose the elements of a new

social heredity on the whole German people.” It is impossible at this

time of day not to go far in agreement with Mr. Kidd when he tells us

that it is not so much what is born in a man as what he is born into

that shapes his life. The most powerful formative influence in the

shaping of character and outlook is “social heredity,” “imposed on the

young at an early age and under conditions of emotion.”[55] This

judgment is no longer a matter of speculation. Dr. Stanley Hall’s work

upon the phenomena of adolescence has made it clear that the plastic and

absorbent stuff of youth will inevitably take its abiding shape and

colour from the cultural setting in which it finds itself. The advocates

of sectarian education in the famous English controversy about the

Balfour Acts were, from their own point of view, speaking within the

universe of the soundest possible psychology when they insisted that in

religious education “atmosphere” was paramount. It was a piece of very

astute observation on the part of the ancient Jews that led to the

practice of bringing their twelve-year-old boys to Jerusalem for the

Passover ceremonies. All the early training was crystallised into a

definite direction of life by the induction of the youth at his most

sensitive moment into the highly charged emotional atmosphere of the

Holy City at the great festival of national remembrance and hope. He

went there a boy; he returned home a Jew.

Footnote 55:

Benjamin Kidd, _The Science of Power_, p. 305.

Again and again in the course of this examination of the conditions of

democratic evolution, we have had reason to look to education for a

solution of many fundamental matters. It is indeed no longer possible to

overlook the absolute primacy of the school in any progressive

democratic polity; and if the foundations of the coming democratic

commonwealth are to be well and truly laid, they must be laid around

about the child. Our present purpose does not require that we should

consider the actual machinery of the education proper to democratic

development—that is a matter for the educator. Our business here and now

is to consider the broad general characters of such an education.

It is a commonplace that needs no labouring that modern education

suffers many things from the “dead hand.” The tradition of the “grammar

school” which aimed at opening the field of knowledge by a training in

letters is still with us, despite the fact that we have become

familiarised in recent years with a rounder and fuller conception of

education. We have been told again and again that the business of

education is to produce good citizens, to promote the growth of moral

character, and so forth; and slowly this emphasis has made some headway

in the minds of educational officials. But the whole implication of this

conception of education is far from being realised, even by those who

are actively engaged in the work of education. A disproportionate

pre-occupation with “letters” and knowledge still remains to betray our

bondage to traditional ideas; and this in spite of the fact that popular

education has in recent years received a very definite orientation

through the demand for industrial efficiency. But as yet there has not

been—save in the region of what is called “technical education”—any

serious and sustained effort to co-ordinate the whole subject matter of

education to this particular end. “Technical” education appears in the

scheme not as an integral or organic part of the process as a whole, but

as a somewhat arbitrary and unrelated annex to the last stage of the

process.

To this demand that education should minister to industrial efficiency

we shall have reason to return presently. Here we are concerned only

with the fact that though this demand has been fairly general and

insistent, it has not succeeded in shaking the hold of tradition upon

the method of the educational process. Popular education still consists

in the main of variations upon and extensions of the three R’s; and

though the experts have discussed widely and in detail the ways and

means of directing the educational processes to given ends, the

solutions have not yet arrived in any very substantial way in the

schools.

Roughly, our popular education is still governed by the idea of

equipping the young person with such a quantum of knowledge as he may be

supposed to require in order to make a living and gain some sort of

settled place in life. It has become more and more possible in recent

times for boys and girls who show unusual aptitudes to proceed to the

higher branches of learning; but in the main our thought of popular

education has been coloured by a pernicious doctrine of “minimums.” We

have asked how little education can be given consistently with the need

of the individual and the society in which he lives; and the opposition

which meets any endeavour to raise the “school leaving age” proves quite

conclusively that we have not generally advanced beyond the stage of

regarding that education as best which is soonest done with. For this

the economic strain of life is partly accountable; it is desirable that

the boys and girls should be wage-earning as speedily as possible; but

even more responsible for this state of things is a general ignorance

concerning the meaning and purpose of education. Indeed, few of those

who are now parents have reason to recall with any profound interest or

gratitude the days when they were receiving an alleged education.

Something in the nature of a systematic campaign of education in the

interests of education would seem to be necessary if the popular

indifference is to be removed to any good purpose.

It has indeed to be remembered that popular education is still in its

infancy; and the prejudice it has to overcome is the result of the

inevitable failures of its experimental stages. When it is recalled that

elementary education in England was until 1870 in the hands of voluntary

agencies, and that only since that date has education become universally

accessible, it is perhaps remarkable that education should have made as

much headway as it has made; and much of our criticism of current

educational methods tends to overlook what is under the circumstances

the real magnitude of the achievement in education. At the same time it

is plain that our educational methods are in need of much sustained

radical criticism if our purposes in education are to be saved from

mis-carriage.

II

But most of all do we require to clear our minds concerning the goal we

are seeking through education. It is true, as Professor Dewey has

pointed out, that it is not possible to define an end for education; for

in a profound sense, education has no end. A true education will be that

which fits an individual to go on learning to the end of his life. The

aim of education is more education. At the same time this education will

not be for its own sake, or for the learning it helps the scholar to

acquire. Here again Dr. Dewey helps us by reminding us that one aim of

education is social efficiency. Plainly and beyond peradventure no

education will serve a democracy which does not produce socially

efficient persons.

But this word _efficiency_ has become discredited by its recent use. We

have heard something of efficiency engineers who have tried to reduce

human faculty into mathematical formulæ for the purpose of speeding up

and suitably supplementing the mechanical processes of industry. It

amounts to no more than a systematic endeavour to fit the human agent to

the machine so as to get more out of the machine. The result for the

life of the human agent as a whole is hardly taken into account. And

even if this myth of efficiency engineering has met the fate it

deserved, its very appearance and name are symptomatic of the general

direction of popular thought upon the main business of a community. Nor

is this confined to the classes that are interested in getting the

utmost out of the worker, or to the unreflecting public. The British

National Union of Teachers at its Annual Conference in 1916 declared

that “this great war, with its terrible wastage of human life and

material has brought into bold relief the economic potentialities of the

child. As never before, the nation now realises that efficient men and

women are the best permanent capital the state possesses.”[56] So that

the business of education is to develop the economic potentialities of

the child in order to provide capital for the state. It does not appear

that the child has any rights in the matter at all. He is to be trained

in order to become “the best permanent capital” of the state. It is to

be hoped that two more years of war have brought a more fruitful vision

to the National Union of Teachers.

Footnote 56:

Quoted in the _Public_ (N.Y.), July 6th, 1918.

Yet the word _efficiency_ is worth keeping, for it embodies the true

conception of educational aim so long as it is rightly interpreted; and

industrial efficiency must be allowed to enter into our interpretation

of it. Industrial efficiency gains its preponderant emphasis in recent

discussion because we are still in the toils of the disastrous illusion

that the national ideal is national wealth. We think of the nation’s

well-being in terms of its financial prosperity; and naturally we tend

to subordinate all our social processes to this end. But the result of

this tendency will be to create not a society, but a wealth-producing

machine; and those human possibilities in which the final wealth of life

lies, will have to fight a doubtful battle for their very existence, and

at best can gain no more than a precarious foothold in the interstices

of the money-making organisation.

From this bias education must be delivered—at whatever cost; and a

doctrine of social efficiency enunciated which will be comprehensive

enough to satisfy the requirements of the single mind and the social

whole at the same time. In point of fact, these requirements are

virtually identical, for that which makes a full man makes also for a

full fellowship. The individual is to find himself in precisely those

things which enable him to contribute his due to society. We need,

therefore, to enquire somewhat broadly into the nature of the things in

which the individual shall render his due to the commonality. We shall

then be in a position to state in general terms what we should look to

the educational process to provide.

Professor Dewey has laid down in this connection a principle of the

utmost importance. He affirms that “we may produce in schools a

projection in type of the society we should like to realise.”[57] If we

are to train the young for social life, the proper method is to surround

them in childhood, so far as that may be, with the conditions of the

ideal social life toward which we look. The school should be the

_societas perfecta_ in miniature. This naturally requires a very

considerable departure in _tone_ from the conditions which still

prevail. The pontifical and authoritarian tradition of the mediæval

school is still with us; and an attention is devoted to problems of

discipline and order which is disproportionate to the real business of

preparing for life in a democratic commonwealth, and is to a great

extent from an angle and in a spirit alien to the purpose in hand. A

considerable breach in this system has already been made by the new

emphasis upon the value of self-determination in education from the

earliest stages; but the relaxation of the traditional canons of

discipline does not carry us far enough. Self-determination must be

recognised not only as an individual right but as a group

responsibility; and the practice of popular self-government should begin

in the schools. It is symptomatic of the present tendency among

educators of a liberal and radical type that in the prospectus of a

school soon to be established, it is laid down that the internal

government “shall be increasingly democratic, scholars and teachers

sharing both legislation and administration,” and that the external

government shall be vested in a council, representing the trustees, the

faculty and the scholars. This is a sane and fruitful method of

initiating boys and girls into the larger responsibilities of social

life. Already the plan has been adopted in some existing schools with a

considerable measure of success; and if the school is to be the organ of

a genuine training in social efficiency, we need a wide extension of

this method.

Footnote 57:

_Democracy and Education_, p. 370.

But beyond this discipline in self-government, the school has to

undertake the fitting of the child for other kinds of social

contribution.

(_a_) He must be trained to contribute his share to the supply of the

physical needs of the community. Obviously, in a school, the direct and

complete application of this principle is impossible. It is laid down in

the prospectus before referred to that “all must share, teacher and

scholar alike, in the labour that lies at the basis of human life and

unites all men through their common need”; and it is ordained that “the

kitchen, the crafts-room and the garden shall rank equally with the

classroom.” It is proposed to give the scholars “direct experience of

agricultural processes and the preparation of the main articles of food,

spinning, weaving, dyeing, sewing, carpentry, building, pottery,

printing and any other crafts directly contributing to the life of the

community.” Naturally, no child is required to become expert in all

these occupations; but his training in them will presently serve to

reveal his special aptitudes and to determine his own personal choice.

It is not contemplated in this particular experiment that machinery will

be introduced to any considerable extent; and while it is stated that

machinery will not be excluded, it is obvious that it is regarded with

some dubiety, if not hostility. But it is necessary to accept the

position that the machine industry is here with us and is here to stay;

and a proper perception of its true function will save us from assuming

a fallacious attitude in regard to it. While the incentive to the

development and improvement of large scale mechanical processes has been

the pursuit of profit, the real office of these processes is to diminish

the purely mechanical and menial operations which are necessary to life,

and consequently to release a larger volume of human energy for tasks of

a more independent and creative nature. There are certain necessities of

life concerning which our requirements are that they should be good in

quality and abundant in quantity—and as no question but of utility

arises in relation to them, they may be assigned to the large-scale

machine industry. This, however, does not in the least absolve us from

including in our school curriculum a provision for the habituation of

children to mechanical processes of this kind. But because these

processes are necessarily monotonous and irksome, every effort should be

made to introduce into them what elements of interest may be attached to

them; and to reduce to the lowest possible point the current tendency to

make the worker a mere accessory of the machine.

Miss Helen Marot has recently described proposals for an educational

experiment which aims at the association of discipline in industrial

production with the educational process. This particular experiment

takes the form of producing wooden toys; and while, as Miss Marot sees,

the production of toys has anyhow an intrinsic interest, the details

which are given show how radically the atmosphere of the machine

industry might be changed by giving it a place in the school curriculum.

Miss Marot’s assumption that the machine industry can be so transformed

by democratic control as to satisfy the creative instinct has already

been adversely criticised in these pages; but the present discussion is

not affected by criticism of that particular point. What it is to our

purpose to observe is that mechanical processes may be relieved of some

of their present irksomeness by supplying them with their appropriate

background. First of all, it is necessary that the worker should be

acquainted with the whole process of manufacture in order that he may

participate in his own special task with a measure of intelligent

interest; and this will involve a degree of familiarity with the

technical problems of management, with accounting and costing, with the

internal conditions of the industry and the plant, and with the larger

economics of the enterprise. But in addition to all this more immediate

business of habituation to routine, provision is made for the

development of artistic judgment and execution and for the acquisition

of knowledge relating to the craft itself—consisting in this case of

“authentic accounts and inspirational stories of industrial life,

especially of the lumber, wood-working and the toy industry.”

Obviously not all trades command the interest which can be created

around toy-making. In the manufacture of articles of utility which are

produced by processes of a highly standardised kind, it would be less

easy to introduce elements of romance and sentiment. Still much can and

should be done in every trade; and admission to any particular trade

should be preceded by some discipline of this kind. If ever industry is

organised on the basis of national Guilds, surely one function of the

Guilds will be to establish national trade schools in which a generous

training of this kind can be given and which shall be closely

co-ordinated to the entire scheme of public education.

III

But it cannot be too frequently emphasised that we are not to accept the

present subordination of social life to the exigencies of the machine

industry. That the machine industry is here to stay need not be argued;

and we may dismiss as impracticable the suggestion of a return to the

handicraft system. The machine industry must be retained for the

production of utilities where no question of beauty or ornament arises;

and it should be so ordered as to reduce the purely mechanical

operations entailed in the manufacture of the staple commodities to a

minimum. Consequently care should always be had to prevent an

exaggerated emphasis upon the place of the machine industry in

education. It is not to be pretended that mechanical processes can ever

in themselves minister substantially to the joy of life. The best that

can be said is that their present disadvantages can be materially

reduced; but not even the sense of partnership and democratic control,

the shortening of hours and the addition of intellectual interest, taken

all together, can turn factory life into “a thing of beauty and a joy

for ever.”

Some emphasis has already been laid upon the difference between

productive and creative activity. Creation is not merely production, but

reproduction, that is to say, the activity in which we express

_ourselves_ for the joy of the thing itself. The present writer was

brought up in a slate-quarrying town in North Wales. The workers spent

their time in mining and dressing roofing-slates—an industry which

involves no special skill save only in the department of

slate-splitting. This is handwork and no satisfactory mechanical

substitute for it has yet been contrived; and there is much emulation

among the workers in this process. Apart from this there is nothing

note-worthy about the industry except the very considerable extent of

partnership which prevails (or used to prevail) in the work itself and

of fellowship in the dressing shops. But after the day’s work was done

there was a somewhat remarkable activity of another kind. Sometimes a

worker would take a piece of raw slate home with him and spend his spare

time in turning it into candlesticks or some other article by means of a

lathe or by direct manual work. The result from an artistic standpoint

was doubtless very crude; but it was interesting and instructive to

observe the almost instinctive way in which men, released from necessary

toil, turned to the production of things of beauty. This free

self-expression took other forms in other men. Welsh quarrymen have

always been well-known for their literary tastes; and the town contained

a considerable number of quite capable writers of both prose and verse

in the Welsh language. Others there were—and these were a large

number—whose dispositions were musical; and since the purchase of

musical instruments was as a rule beyond these men’s pockets, they

devoted themselves to vocal music. The congregational singing in the

churches was famous throughout the country; and while there were many

individual vocalists and composers of considerable merit, the

development of choral singing reached an extremely high point. It was an

intensely religious community and was full of religious activities of

many kinds. It was perfectly plain that the real business and joy of

life lay not in the production of roofing-slates but in the exercises of

creative self-expression to which the men appeared to turn naturally and

instinctively when the business of making a livelihood was over.

This is a parable for the educator. While the business of producing the

necessities of life should be so conceived and ordered as to make

participation in it as much a pleasure as a duty, it is not to be

gainsaid that the joy and the ultimate wealth of life lies in the free

and self-directed activity of self-expression whether by the individual

himself or in some free concert with his neighbours. Education for life

will necessarily take account of this circumstance—not only because it

provides a means of personal satisfaction but also because it might, and

properly developed would, become the chief and the most characteristic

contribution of the individual to the life and growth of the community.

The school must therefore provide opportunity of independent personal

self-expression—in every manner of medium—in order that the peculiar

creative aptitude of each child may be discovered and encouraged.

Whether it be wood-carving or verse-writing, pattern-designing or

violin-playing, any education that pretends to fit a child for a vital

social service must make room for it.

It is in this region that we are to look for the differentiation of

future social function according to particular aptitudes. To-day,

education reproduces the traditional social schism between the

privileged and the disinherited classes. On the one hand, we have

schools and universities which aim to provide a culture appropriate to

those who have to assume the business of leadership and government in

the community; on the other we have a popular education which appears in

the main to aim at providing a docile mass amenable to leadership and

government. There is virtually no attempt to sift out of the mass those

who have aptitudes for special social tasks or genius for any form of

artistic production. Its methods—mitigated only by the vagaries of the

personal equation—are calculated to turn out human products having the

uniformity of a sheet of postage stamps. This method can have no result

but that of producing and perpetuating a general spiritual poverty. In a

democratic community it should be intolerable that schools for children

should exist other than the common school. The common school being what

it is, it is not surprising that there should be a demand for schools

that give a better chance to the human material of boys and girls. This,

however, tends to stereotype a class-distinction; and for that reason to

limit the field in which the talent for public leadership and artistic

and political genius might be discovered. In the common school there

should be provision and encouragement for the exercise of free and

original self-expression in every possible way so that each child may be

enabled to discover its own peculiar vocation in the commonwealth. Not

every child will reveal a faculty for creative self-expression of a high

order; but every child should have the chance of doing so. And it is the

only safe assumption on which to proceed that every child has in it the

latent capacity for making a unique and original personal contribution

to the total life and wealth and beauty of the community. The common

school should become the mine out of which we dig the raw material of

our poets, whether minor or major, our singers, our sculptors, our

fabricators of beautiful garments, our painters of pictures, our

orators, our thinkers and our house-decorators; and there is an untold

wealth of this raw material which is lost to society all the time under

the conditions of our present preoccupation with the making of money. It

would be stupid to suppose that every child can become a great artist;

but some kind of artist in some kind of medium every child should have

the opportunity of becoming, on the assumption that here—in this region

of creative self-expression—lies the richest contribution he can make to

the common life.

IV

But the democratic principle further requires the intelligent

co-operation of persons in the conduct of affairs; and it is the part of

the common school to furnish the necessary equipment of this

partnership. In this equipment there are two main elements. The first is

the provision of adequate capital of information for the stimulation and

direction of thought; the second is the encouragement of independent and

original thought.

There is a certain body of knowledge which it is essential that the

child should have if he is to think rightly and to order his conduct

accordingly. This body of knowledge may be roughly described as

knowledge of the world in which we live; and its two chief parts have

reference to the world as it now is, and to the story of how it came to

be what it is. The former involves observation and interpretation of the

actual conditions of the life in which the child lives; and the process

should begin where the child stands. In the modern teaching of

geography, the beginning is made in school-yard or the precinct and from

this centre it broadens out to cover one’s city, one’s county, one’s

state or province, one’s country, until at last it embraces the round

earth. This is as it should be. In the past the teaching of geography

has been a mere imparting of a mass of facts, which have seemed to

possess no direct relation to life; by making the child’s own location a

focus round about which the available and necessary knowledge of the

world can be gathered in a more or less coherent fashion, the relation

of facts, which in themselves might seem remote and irrelevant to the

business of life, becomes more evident, and the entire study gains a new

vitality. This discussion is now trenching dangerously upon the province

of educational theory; but it is needful to emphasise how indispensable

it is that knowledge should not be, as it has so often been, allowed to

appear unconnected with the actual business of living in this world.

Even yet one may hear children asking in a bewildered way—“What on earth

is the use of my learning the height of Popocatapetl?” Or “what good is

it to know the length of the Yang-Tse-Kiang?” Information of this kind

has no doubt a certain fascination for some types of mind; but it may be

left for those minds to seek it out for themselves. The business of the

school is to make possible the acquisition of the knowledge which bears

upon the contribution which the pupil is expected to make to the

community. This is not to say that there is not knowledge which is

desirable for its own sake, or that the love of knowledge should not be

encouraged for what it brings. Moreover, soon or late all knowledge will

possess a social value. But the knowledge which is most valuable is that

which the individual acquires for himself; and the responsibility of the

school in this matter is to release and quicken the capacity for

independent and continuous acquisition of knowledge. But this

_desideratum_ is not in the least compromised or neglected by ordering

the acquisition of knowledge in the first instance with reference to the

actual business of social life.

It is the business of the educator to determine what the subject-matter

of the curriculum must be in order to give the pupil adequate knowledge

of the world in which he has to live; it is our business here simply to

stress the point that this knowledge shall be of a relevant and vital

kind. It should have to do not only with the physical features of the

world, but with social and political institutions and the like; and

indeed throughout it should have more to say about the ways than about

the places in which people live. But chiefly this aspect of the

educational process should aim to equip the pupil with the necessary

knowledge to enable him to acquire more knowledge through his own direct

experience of the world.

But this knowledge of the world as it is would be hopelessly inadequate

were it not connected with some knowledge of how the world came to be

what it is. Here again the subject-matter must be defined by the

experience of the educator. The business of this writing is to emphasise

the requirement that this knowledge of the past shall be ordered

conformably to the ultimate social fruitfulness of the pupil. In his

boyhood the present writer was required to study geology—at first sight

a somewhat irrelevant subject for a lad in his early teens. But he

happened to live in a district where slate-quarrying was the only

industry; and when he learnt that his bread and butter came from the

“Llandeilo Beds”; and that these same “beds” occupied a specific place

in a more or less orderly process of world-making, the study of geology

assumed a new interest. But its most important action was the awakening

of a dim sense of being an “heir of all the ages.” This feeling received

a very powerful reinforcement from another side. The writer well

remembers his first reading of the story of the Pilgrim Fathers.

Hitherto history had seemed to consist mainly of the puerile and

discreditable exploits of a succession of royal persons of whom none

were better than they should be; and he had wondered what on earth all

this had to do with a boy living among the Welsh mountains in the

nineteenth century. But the Pilgrims Fathers were different; here at

last was something that seemed to have a meaning, and it is easy to see

what that meaning would be to a lad whose upbringing had been in a

Strong Nonconformist tradition. It took long years to fill with a

connected content the interval between the sailing of the _Mayflower_

and the campaign for the disestablishment of the Anglican Church in

Wales; but from henceforth the lad knew that he stood in the succession

of a tradition that had made a difference to the world and that he owed

a very great deal to it.

The story of how we have come by our inheritance of freedom, of the

age-long upward struggle of mankind, this above all should furnish the

inspiration and the guidance for our service of the present. For this

reason, emphasis should be laid upon the history of peoples rather than

of states, upon the movement of social life rather than upon historical

biography. It seems hardly credible but it is strictly true that the

present writer left school without ever having heard of the Craft Guilds

of the Middle ages; or of the great tradition of ecclesiastical

architecture which enters so organically into the story of social

development in England. He had heard in a somewhat casual manner of Wat

Tyler and John Ball, and of other incidents which disturbed the normal

flow of royal intrigue and adventure; but of the story of the common

people he knew virtually nothing at all. Yet after all that is the

history that chiefly matters; and much has yet to be done to give it its

proper place in the school curriculum.

Whatever the subject-matter, its arrangement and presentation should be

so ordered as to inspire and enable the child to make a willing and

worthy contribution to the life of his community. But the social

emphasis in education, if it is to be true to itself and indeed to the

general history of mankind, must define society in wider terms than that

of the immediate community. Mr. Wells has told us that mankind has been

forever “pursuing the frontiers of its possible community.” Whether by

revolution within the commonwealth, by imperial expansion or by fusion

with other commonwealths, there has been an abiding impulse—erratic and

often perverse in its operations—to broaden the basis of human

fellowship. And in the present position of the world, there is nothing

so urgent as to quicken a social sympathy wide enough to embrace the

world. It is peculiarly the function of geography and history to serve

this purpose. Geography should assume that frontiers are the lines at

which peoples meet rather than part; and history should lay stress upon

the forces that have made for human unity rather than for national

power. If the writer may be permitted to indulge in a last personal

reminiscence, the tendency in the teaching of history in the past may be

illustrated by the fact that the outstanding impression left upon him by

the school history was that the French were the hereditary enemies of

the British; and it is something to the point to observe that the text

books of American history have in the past failed to lay proper emphasis

upon the circumstance that during the Revolutionary War the best mind of

England was on the side of the colonists. The gratuitous and

unhistorical prejudice which the traditional attitude in school history

has bred is not a little accountable for the divisive tempers that have

led to wars. To-day the shrinkage of the world has made this attitude

more than ever disastrous; and in view of our hope of a League of

Nations it is essential that geography and history in particular should

be treated as the opportunity for a general expansion of social

sympathy.

V

It is hardly necessary to point out that the conception of history which

is pleaded for here includes the history of thought, of art, and of

religion; and that so far as is possible, this history should be learnt

by direct recourse to its sources in the classic literature and art of

the past. But generous and comprehensive as the provision for acquiring

knowledge should be, the educational process has not finished its

business until it has habituated the youth to the task of using this

knowledge as the basis and material of independent thought. Democracy

faces no greater danger than the inability of the people to exercise a

critical judgment upon the voices that clamour for their suffrages; and

the experiences of war-time have shown that freedom is not inconsistent

with a very dangerous unreflective docility on the part of the public.

This danger is the greater when the staple of a people’s reading is the

daily press, which envelops men in the tumult and the clangour of

passing events without providing them with the longer perspective

necessary to a valid judgment. The power of the demagogue and the

tyranny of the press are to be mitigated only by an educational process

which does two things—first of all, provides a background of general

knowledge and interest, and second, turns out individuals able and

accustomed to think for themselves. And just because the life of

democracy requires free discussion, the school curriculum should contain

stated provision for the discussion of current matters, which would turn

out to be a powerful stimulant of independent thought, especially in its

critical aspects. The more constructive and sustained elements in

independent thought may be encouraged by a careful development of the

time-honoured method of the essay. But whatever the precise methods may

be, the aim must be the systematic encouragement of the habit of

independent thought; and in this connection, with proper safeguards

against putting a premium on “cussedness,” it is important that

dissenting and minority opinions, which whether right or wrong contain

some guarantee of independence, should be welcomed and valued as the

promise of ultimate social usefulness.

VI

Important as the materials and methods of education are, we cannot

afford to forget that there are two other elements of our problem,

closely related to one another, which are in the end of greater

importance. The first of these is the teacher. It is not a gratuitous

slander upon the general body of teachers to say that the whole method

of recruiting teachers and the conditions of the teaching profession

tend to degrade teaching into a trade. A great deal needs to be done to

exalt the teacher’s office in the public mind; and the teaching

profession should be so honoured as to give it the first call upon the

human material in the community. As things are, it is far too much

regarded as a means of livelihood, comparatively easily qualified for,

and tolerably well remunerated; and the training required for admission

into the profession is quite inadequate. If only teaching were rightly

esteemed and its practitioners held in such honour as even judges, who

do a much inferior work, are held, it would be possible to exercise a

far more careful selection of persons suited by their temperamental and

moral characters for the work. For we have to look for something

infinitely greater than the successful communication of knowledge, or

the training of mental faculties. Robert Owen followed an essentially

sound instinct when, having established a school for infants in New

Lanark he put at the head of it a man who could neither read or write,

but who was familiar with birds and flowers and had “a way with him.”

Robert Louis Stevenson, writing of Wordsworth, says, “I do not know that

you learn a lesson. You need not agree with any of his beliefs; and yet

a spell is cast. Such are the best teachers. A dogma learned is only a

new error, the old one was perhaps as good. But a spirit communicated is

a perpetual possession. These best teachers climb beyond teaching to the

plane of art; it is themselves and what is best in themselves that they

communicate.” It was said during the education controversy in England

that some teachers taught more religion in an hour’s arithmetic lesson

than others did in a year of “religious instruction,” and the saying is

true. It is the spirit communicated that makes the difference between a

real and a spurious education.

Especially is this the case when we consider the business of education

from the point of view of social efficiency. For the prerequisite of

social efficiency is social vision, social passion; and this is

supremely a matter of contagion. For this reason, the true type of

teacher will be devoid of the pontifical, _ex-cathedra_ temper and will

rather seek out a relation of comradeship with his pupils. The form of a

democratic education will be essentially co-operative; and its spirit

will be that of fellowship. This brings us to the second outstanding

point of our discussion, namely, the question of “atmosphere.” Upon this

subject there is little more to be said than what is contained in

Professor Dewey’s dictum that the school should so far as possible be a

miniature of the society we desire to create. The creation of

“atmosphere” is of course specifically the task of the faculty; and the

eagerness and the enthusiasm of their participation in the more informal

amenities of school life is an important factor in the process. But most

of all is a genuine social passion in themselves the surest guarantee

that they will help in the making of socially creative and effective

persons.

Much is being said at the present time concerning the introduction of

military training into schools. It is worth notice in passing that Mr.

Fisher, the British Minister of Education, recently informed a

deputation of miners that the government had canvassed the question and

had decided that the innovation had neither educational nor military

value and would not be adopted. It is no doubt true that military

training would have a beneficial effect upon the physique of the boys;

but, quite apart from its dubious value for education and any subsequent

purpose, it must be observed that the genius of the military business is

intrinsically hostile to the development of the democratic ideals. For

the military organisation is a regimentation of men for power; it

entails the mechanisation of the human material and imposes a discipline

of uniformity upon those who are subject to it. Democratic education has

to do with life, and its genius moves in the direction of the largest

possible spontaneity and variation in the individuals with whom it has

to do. Moreover, military discipline introduces the authoritarian temper

into the atmosphere; and this is a temper altogether at variance with

the spirit of frank comradeship in which a democratic education should

be pursued. What advantages may accrue to the future in the shape of

improved physical health and strength in the community is more than

counter-balanced by the injection of an undemocratic virus into the

minds of those who are called to sustain the democracy of the future.

Nor is it impossible to compensate ourselves for the loss of physical

training consequent upon the rejection of military training. For there

are other ways of providing for physical efficiency; and those other

ways are more consistent with the aim of a democratic education. In the

sports field, for instance, you have at once an instrument of physical

training as well as a definite education in a team work, which does not

depend upon uniform and synchronous movements commanded from without,

but upon the intelligence and dexterity of the players themselves.

Moreover, the sports field affords an illustration of the proper use of

the competitive spirit. The military discipline has its eye upon

potential enemies to be destroyed; the sports discipline has its eye

upon rival teams of friends and thus always a cheer for the beaten team

in the end. It has been observed that the difference in temper between

the behaviour of the German and the English soldier was to be traced to

the fact that the football field had played a large part in the training

of the latter; and it is not unlikely that even the superior military

efficiency of the English soldier in the latter stages of the war has to

be attributed to the same circumstance. In any case, sportsmanship is

nearer akin to the spirit of democracy than the military discipline.

A plea has been made for military training on the ground that the rhythm

of its movements has a certain psychological value. That the place of

rhythm in education has been neglected is indeed true; and there is

little doubt that a more sustained attention to it would add much to

physical grace and the joy and beauty of life. The question, however,

remains whether the military rhythm which rests upon a principle of

regularity is likely to have the psychological effects proper to such

education as these pages contemplate. The rhythm of the folk-dance like

the rhythm of the ballad is a far more accurate version of the rhythm

which is natural to men and women; and the rhythm of Walt Whitman, which

is of the same order, reflects the genuine rhythm of democracy. The

Eurhythmics of Dalcroze, because they encourage a spontaneous

self-expression through the free rhythmical movement of the body promise

more for the future grace and beauty of democratic life than a military

discipline can from its very nature do.

VII

The sum of the matter then is this, that the test of a true democratic

education lies in the quality and power of the social vision it evokes

in the growing child, in the measure of power and capacity it gives to

the child to share in the realisation of the vision, and in this sharing

to give to the child the inspiring and joyous promise of personal

self-fulfilment. Here we have tried only to sketch in very rough and

fragmentary outline what would appear to be the temper and the general

configuration of such an educational process; and much has been omitted

which naturally belongs to a full discussion of the subject. Of the

place of dramatic and symbolic activities in education, generous notice

should be taken in any extended treatment, for it is obvious, first of

all that the dramatic and the symbolic make a peculiar appeal to the

child, and second, that the social enthusiasm which it is our desire to

quicken can be quickened more effectively in no other way. There is one

point, however, upon which it might serve an immediate purpose to dwell.

The graduation ceremony in an American school provides a fitting close

to a school career; it rounds it off with dignity and solemnity. But

something more than this should be done—whether on leaving school or

college or trade school—in order to impress upon the individual that he

is passing into another world demanding other and more responsible

service. Some solemn ceremonial of initiation into the rights and

responsibilities of citizenship, accompanied by every circumstance of

gravity and reverence, should furnish the fitting close to the period of

training. At present we slip out into the business of life in a ragged

insignificant way. Our entry upon responsible citizenship should be

signalised by a great public observance which should serve the purpose

not only of launching the youth upon his course in life, but also of

reminding the rest of the community of its vows and its obligations to

the common life.[58]

Footnote 58:

This discussion closes without any attempt to deal with the problem of

education beyond the school age. The office of the University in

democratic development is obviously large and important; but here

again the writer confesses his inability to handle the subject

adequately with any degree of confidence. Valuable suggestions

concerning the social ministry of the University may be found in _The

Coming Polity_, by Patrick Geddes and Victor Branford, especially in

the chapter on “The University Militant.”

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HEADLEY BROS., ASHFORD, KENT & 18 DEVONSHIRE ST., E.C.2.

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● Transcriber’s Notes:

○ Missing or obscured punctuation was silently corrected.

○ Typographical errors were silently corrected.

○ Inconsistent spelling and hyphenation were made consistent only

when a predominant form was found in this book.

○ Text that was in italics is enclosed by underscores (_italics_).

The Unfinished Programme of Democracy · 第 9 / 9 章