be the truth: "Here is some mistake in Josephus; for when he had
promised us a decree for the restoration of Jerusalem he brings in a
decree of far greater antiquity, and that a league of friendship and
union only. One may easily believe that Josephus gave order for one
thing, and his amanuensis performed another, by transposing decrees that
concerned the Hyrcani, and as deluded by the sameness of their names;
for that belongs to the first high priest of this name, [John Hyrcanus,]
which Josephus here ascribes to one that lived later [Hyrcanus, the son
of Alexander Janneus]. However, the decree which he proposes to set down
follows a little lower, in the collection of Raman decrees that
concerned the Jews and is that dated when Cæsar was consul the fifth
time." See ch. 10. sect. 5.]
14 (return) [ Those who will carefully observe the several occasional
numbers and chronological characters in the life and death of this
Herod, and of his children, hereafter noted, will see that twenty-five
years, and not fifteen, must for certain have been here Josephus's own
number for the age of Herod, when he was made governor of Galilee. See
ch. 23. sect. 5, and ch. 24. sect. 7; and particularly Antiq. B. XVII.
ch. 8. sect. 1, where about forty-four years afterwards Herod dies an
old man at about seventy.]
15 (return) [ It is here worth our while to remark, that none could be
put to death in Judea but by the approbation of the Jewish Sanhedrim,
there being an excellent provision in the law of Moses, that even in
criminal causes, and particularly where life was concerned, an appeal
should lie from the lesser councils of seven in the other cities to the
supreme council of seventy-one at Jerusalem; and that is exactly
according to our Savior's words, when he says, "It could not be that a
prophet should perish out of Jerusalem," Luke 13:33.]
16 (return) [ This account, as Reland observes, is confirmed by the
Talmudists, who call this Sameas, "Simeon, the son of Shetach."]
17 (return) [ That Hyrcanus was himself in Egypt, along with Antipater,
at this time, to whom accordingly the bold and prudent actions of his
deputy Antipater are here ascribed, as this decree of Julius Cæsar
supposes, we are further assured by the testimony of Strabo, already
produced by Josephus, ch. 8. sect. 3.]
18 (return) [ Dr. Hudson justly supposes that the Roman imperators, or
generals of armies, meant both here and sect. 2, who gave testimony to
Hyrcanus's and the Jews' faithfulness and goodwill to the Romans before
the senate and people of Rome, were principally Pompey, Scaurus, and
Gabinius; of all whom Josephus had already given us the history, so far
as the Jews were concerned with them.]
19 (return) [ We have here a most remarkable and authentic attestation
of the citizens of Pergamus, that Abraham was the father of all the
Hebrews; that their own ancestors were, in the oldest times, the friends
of those Hebrews; and that the public arts of their city, then extant,
confirmed the same; which evidence is too strong to be evaded by our
present ignorance of the particular occasion of such ancient friendship
and alliance between those people. See the like full evidence of the
kindred of the Lacedemonians and the Jews; and that became they were
both of the posterity of Abraham, by a public epistle of those people to
the Jews, preserved in the First Book of the Maccabees, 12:19-23; and
thence by Josephus, Antiq. B. XII. ch. 4 sect. 10; both which authentic
records are highly valuable. It is also well worthy of observation, what
Moses Chorenensis, the principal Armenian historian, informs us of, p.
83, that Arsaces, who raised the Parthian empire, was of the seed of
Abraham by Chetura; and that thereby was accomplished that prediction
which said, "Kings of nations shall proceed from thee," Genesis 17:6.]
20 (return) [ If we compare Josephus's promise in sect. 1, to produce
all the public decrees of the Romans in favor of the Jews, with his
excuse here for omitting many of them, we may observe, that when he came
to transcribe all those decrees he had collected, he found them so
numerous, that he thought he should too much tire his readers if he had
attempted it, which he thought a sufficient apology for his omitting the
rest of them; yet do those by him produced afford such a strong
confirmation to his history, and give such great light to even the Roman
antiquities themselves, that I believe the curious are not a little
sorry for such his omissions.]
21 (return) [ For Marcus, this president of Syria, sent as successor to
Sextus Cæsar, the Roman historians require us to read "Marcus" in
Josephus, and this perpetually, both in these Antiquities, and in his
History of the Wars, as the learned generally agree.]
22 (return) [ In this and the following chapters the reader will easily
remark, how truly Gronovius observes, in his notes on the Roman decrees
in favor of the Jews, that their rights and privileges were commonly
purchased of the Romans with money. Many examples of this sort, both as
to the Romans and others in authority, will occur in our Josephus, both
now and hereafter, and need not be taken particular notice of on the
several occasions in these notes. Accordingly, the chief captain
confesses to St. Paul that "with a great sum he had obtained his
freedom," Acts 22:28; as had St. Paul's ancestors, very probably,
purchased the like freedom for their family by money, as the same author
justly concludes also.]
23 (return) [ This clause plainly alludes to that well-known but unusual
and very long darkness of the sun which happened upon the murder of
Julius Cæsar by Brutus and Cassius, which is greatly taken notice of by
Virgil, Pliny, and other Roman authors. See Virgil's Georgics, B. I.,
just before the end; and Pliny's Nat. Hist. B. IL ch. 33.]
24 (return) [ We may here take notice that espousals alone were of old
esteemed a sufficient foundation for affinity, Hyrcanus being here
called father-in-law to Herod because his granddaughter Mariamne was
betrothed to him, although the marriage was not completed till four
years afterwards. See Matthew 1:16.]
25 (return) [ This law of Moses, that the priests were to be "without
blemish," as to all the parts of their bodies, is in Leviticus 21:17-24]
26 (return) [ Concerning the chronology of Herod, and the time when he
was first made king at Rome, and concerning the time when he began his
second reign, without a rival, upon the conquest and slaughter of
Antigonus, both principally derived from this and the two next chapters
in Josephus, see the note on sect. 6, and ch. 15. sect. 10.]
27 (return) [ This grievous want of water at Masada, till the place had
like to have been taken by the Parthians, [mentioned both here, and Of
the War, B. I. ch. 15. sect. 1,] is an indication that it was now summer
time.]
28 (return) [ This affirmation of Antigonus, spoken in the days of
Herod, and in a manner to his face, that he was an Idumean, i.e. a half
Jew, seems to me of much greater authority than that pretense of his
favorite and flatterer Nicolaus of Damascus, that he derived his
pedigree from Jews as far backward as the Babylonish captivity, ch. 1.
sect. 3. Accordingly Josephus always esteems him an Idumean, though he
says his father Antipater was of the same people with the Jews, ch.
viii. sect. 1. and by birth a Jew, Antiq. B. XX. ch. 8. sect. 7; as
indeed all such proselytes of justice, as the Idumeans, were in time
esteemed the very same people with the Jews.]
29 (return) [ It may be worth our observation here, that these soldiers
of Herod could not have gotten upon the tops of these houses which were
full of enemies, in order to pull up the upper floors, and destroy them
beneath, but by ladders from the out side; which illustrates some texts
in the New Testament, by which it appears that men used to ascend
thither by ladders on the outsides. See Matthew 24:17; Mark 13:15; Luke
5:19; 17:31.]
30 (return) [ Note here, that Josephus fully and frequently assures us
that there passed above three years between Herod's first obtaining the
kingdom at Rome, and his second obtaining it upon the taking of
Jerusalem and death of Antigonus. The present history of this interval
twice mentions the army going into winter quarters, which perhaps
belonged to two several winters, ch. 15. sect. 3, 4; and though Josephus
says nothing how long they lay in those quarters, yet does he give such
an account of the long and studied delays of Ventidius, Silo, and
Macheras, who were to see Herod settled in his new kingdom, but seem not
to have had sufficient forces for that purpose, and were for certain all
corrupted by Antigonus to make the longest delays possible, and gives us
such particular accounts of the many great actions of Herod during the
same interval, as fairly imply that interval, before Herod went to
Samosata, to have been very considerable. However, what is wanting in
Josephus, is fully supplied by Moses Chorenensis, the Armenian
historian, in his history of that interval, B. II ch. 18., where he
directly assures us that Tigranes, then king of Armenia, and the
principal manager of this Parthian war, reigned two years after Herod
was made king at Rome, and yet Antony did not hear of his death, in that
very neighborhood, at Samosata, till he was come thither to besiege it;
after which Herod brought him an army, which was three hundred and forty
miles' march, and through a difficult country, full of enemies also, and
joined with him in the siege of Samosata till that city was taken; then
Herod and Sosins marched back with their large armies the same number of
three hundred and forty miles; and when, in a little time, they sat down
to besiege Jerusalem, they were not able to take it but by a siege of
five months. All which put together, fully supplies what is wanting in
Josephus, and secures the entire chronology of these times beyond
contradiction.]
BOOK XV. Containing The Interval Of Eighteen Years.—From The Death Of
Antigonus To The Finishing Of The Temple By Herod.
CHAPTER 1. Concerning Pollio And Sameas. Herod Slays The Principal Of
Antigonus's Friends, And Spoils The City Of Its Wealth. Antony Beheads
Antigonus.
1. How Sosius and Herod took Jerusalem by force; and besides that, how
they took Antigonus captive, has been related by us in the foregoing
book. We will now proceed in the narration. And since Herod had now the
government of all Judea put into his hands, he promoted such of the
private men in the city as had been of his party, but never left off
avenging and punishing every day those that had chosen to be of the
party of his enemies. But Pollio the Pharisee, and Sameas, a disciple of
his, were honored by him above all the rest; for when Jerusalem was
besieged, they advised the citizens to receive Herod, for which advice
they were well requited. But this Pollio, at the time when Herod was
once upon his trial of life and death, foretold, in way of reproach, to
Hyrcanus and the other judges, how this Herod, whom they suffered now to
escape, would afterward inflict punishment on them all; which had its
completion in time, while God fulfilled the words he had spoken.
2. At this time Herod, now he had got Jerusalem under his power, carried
off all the royal ornaments, and spoiled the wealthy men of what they
had gotten; and when, by these means, he had heaped together a great
quantity of silver and gold, he gave it all to Antony, and his friends
that were about him. He also slew forty-five of the principal men of
Antigonus's party, and set guards at the gates of the city, that nothing
might be carried out together with their dead bodies. They also searched
the dead, and whatsoever was found, either of silver or gold, or other
treasure, it was carried to the king; nor was there any end of the
miseries he brought upon them; and this distress was in part occasioned
by the covetousness of the prince regent, who was still in want of more,
and in part by the Sabbatic year, which was still going on, and forced
the country to lie still uncultivated, since we are forbidden to sow our
land in that year. Now when Antony had received Antigonus as his
captive, he determined to keep him against his triumph; but when he
heard that the nation grew seditious, and that, out of their hatred to
Herod, they continued to bear good-will to Antigonus, he resolved to
behead him at Antioch, for otherwise the Jews could no way be brought to
be quiet. And Strabo of Cappadocia attests to what I have said, when he
thus speaks: "Antony ordered Antigonus the Jew to be brought to Antioch,
and there to be beheaded. And this Antony seems to me to have been the
very first man who beheaded a king, as supposing he could no other way
bend the minds of the Jews so as to receive Herod, whom he had made king
in his stead; for by no torments could they be forced to call him king,
so great a fondness they had for their former king; so he thought that
this dishonorable death would diminish the value they had for
Antigonus's memory, and at the same time would diminish the hatred they
bare to Herod." Thus far Strabo.
CHAPTER 2. How Hyrcanus Was Set At Liberty By The Parthians, And
Returned To Herod; And What Alexandra Did When She Heard That Ananelus
Was Made High Priest.
1. Now after Herod was in possession of the kingdom, Hyrcanus the high
priest, who was then a captive among the Parthians, came to him again,
and was set free from his captivity, in the manner following:
Barzapharnes and Pacorus, the generals of the Parthians, took Hyrcanus,
who was first made high priest and afterward king, and Herod's brother,
Phasaelus captives, and were them away into Parthia. Phasaelus indeed
could not bear the reproach of being in bonds; and thinking that death
with glory was better than any life whatsoever, he became his own
executioner, as I have formerly related.
2. But when Hyrcanus was brought into Parthia the king Phraates treated
him after a very gentle manner, as having already learned of what an
illustrious family he was; on which account he set him free from his
bonds, and gave him a habitation at Babylon, 1 where there were Jews in
great numbers. These Jews honored Hyrcanus as their high priest and
king, as did all the Jewish nation that dwelt as far as Euphrates; which
respect was very much to his satisfaction. But when he was informed that
Herod had received the kingdom, new hopes came upon him, as having been
himself still of a kind disposition towards him, and expecting that
Herod would bear in mind what favor he had received from him; and when
he was upon his trial, and when he was in danger that a capital sentence
would be pronounced against him, he delivered him from that danger, and
from all punishment. Accordingly, he talked of that matter with the Jews
that came often to him with great affection; but they endeavored to
retain him among them, and desired that he would stay with them, putting
him in mind of the kind offices and honors they did him, and that those
honors they paid him were not at all inferior to what they could pay to
either their high priests or their kings; and what was a greater motive
to determine him, they said, was this, that he could not have those
dignities [in Judea] because of that maim in his body, which had been
inflicted on him by Antigonus; and that kings do not use to requite men
for those kindnesses which they received when they were private persons,
the height of their fortune making usually no small changes in them.
3. Now although they suggested these arguments to him for his own
advantage, yet did Hyrcanus still desire to depart. Herod also wrote to
him, and persuaded him to desire of Phraates, and the Jews that were
there, that they should not grudge him the royal authority, which he
should have jointly with himself, for that now was the proper time for
himself to make him amends for the favors he had received from him, as
having been brought up by him, and saved by him also, as well as for
Hyrcanus to receive it. And as he wrote thus to Hyrcanus, so did he send
also Saramallas, his ambassador, to Phraates, and many presents with
him, and desired him in the most obliging way that he would be no
hinderance to his gratitude towards his benefactor. But this zeal of
Herod's did not flow from that principle, but because he had been made
governor of that country without having any just claim to it, he was
afraid, and that upon reasons good enough, of a change in his condition,
and so made what haste he could to get Hyrcanus into his power, or
indeed to put him quite out of the way; which last thing he compassed
afterward.
4. Accordingly, when Hyrcanus came, full of assurance, by the permission
of the king of Parthia, and at the expense of the Jews, who supplied him
with money, Herod received him with all possible respect, and gave him
the upper place at public meetings, and set him above all the rest at
feasts, and thereby deceived him. He called him his father, and
endeavored, by all the ways possible, that he might have no suspicion of
any treacherous design against him. He also did other things, in order
to secure his government, which yet occasioned a sedition in his own
family; for being cautious how he made any illustrious person the high
priest of God, 2 he sent for an obscure priest out of Babylon, whose
name was Ananelus, and bestowed the high priesthood upon him.
5. However, Alexandra, the daughter of Hyrcanus, and wife of Alexander,
the son of Aristobulus the king, who had also brought Alexander [two]
children, could not bear this indignity. Now this son was one of the
greatest comeliness, and was called Aristobulus; and the daughter,
Mariamne, was married to Herod, and eminent for her beauty also. This
Alexandra was much disturbed, and took this indignity offered to her son
exceeding ill, that while he was alive, any one else should be sent for
to have the dignity of the high priesthood conferred upon him.
Accordingly, she wrote to Cleopatra [a musician assisting her in taking
care to have her letters carried] to desire her intercession with
Antony, in order to gain the high priesthood for her son.
6. But as Antony was slow in granting this request, his friend Dellius 3
came into Judea upon some affairs; and when he saw Aristobulus, he stood
in admiration at the tallness and handsomeness of the child, and no less
at Mariamne, the king's wife, and was open in his commendations of
Alexandra, as the mother of most beautiful children. And when she came
to discourse with him, he persuaded her to get pictures drawn of them
both, and to send them to Antony, for that when he saw them, he would
deny her nothing that she should ask. Accordingly, Alexandra was
elevated with these words of his, and sent the pictures to Antony.
Dellius also talked extravagantly, and said that these children seemed
not derived from men, but from some god or other. His design in doing so
was to entice Antony into lewd pleasures with them, who was ashamed to
send for the damsel, as being the wife of Herod, and avoided it, because
of the reproaches he should have from Cleopatra on that account; but he
sent, in the most decent manner he could, for the young man; but added
this withal, unless he thought it hard upon him so to do. When this
letter was brought to Herod, he did not think it safe for him to send
one so handsome as was Aristobulus, in the prime of his life, for he was
sixteen years of age, and of so noble a family, and particularly not to
Antony, the principal man among the Romans, and one that would abuse him
in his amours, and besides, one that openly indulged himself in such
pleasures as his power allowed him without control. He therefore wrote
back to him, that if this boy should only go out of the country, all
would be in a state of war and uproar, because the Jews were in hopes of
a change in the government, and to have another king over them.
7. When Herod had thus excused himself to Antony, he resolved that he
would not entirely permit the child or Alexandra to be treated
dishonorably; but his wife Mariamne lay vehemently at him to restore the
high priesthood to her brother; and he judged it was for his advantage
so to do, because if he once had that dignity, he could not go out of
the country. So he called his friends together, and told them that
Alexandra privately conspired against his royal authority, and
endeavored, by the means of Cleopatra, so to bring it about, that he
might be deprived of the government, and that by Antony's means this
youth might have the management of public affairs in his stead; and that
this procedure of hers was unjust, since she would at the same time
deprive her daughter of the dignity she now had, and would bring
disturbances upon the kingdom, for which he had taken a great deal of
pains, and had gotten it with extraordinary hazards; that yet, while he
well remembered her wicked practices, he would not leave off doing what
was right himself, but would even now give the youth the high
priesthood; and that he formerly set up Ananelus, because Aristobulus
was then so very young a child. Now when he had said this, not at
random, but as he thought with the best discretion he had, in order to
deceive the women, and those friends whom he had taken to consult
withal, Alexandra, out of the great joy she had at this unexpected
promise, and out of fear from the suspicions she lay under, fell a
weeping; and made the following apology for herself; and said, that as
to the [high] priesthood, she was very much concerned for the disgrace
her son was under, and so did her utmost endeavors to procure it for
him; but that as to the kingdom, she had made no attempts, and that if
it were offered her [for her son], she would not accept it; and that now
she would be satisfied with her son's dignity, while he himself held the
civil government, and she had thereby the security that arose from his
peculiar ability in governing to all the remainder of her family; that
she was now overcome by his benefits, and thankfully accepted of this
honor showed by him to her son, and that she would hereafter be entirely
obedient. And she desired him to excuse her, if the nobility of her
family, and that freedom of acting which she thought that allowed her,
had made her act too precipitately and imprudently in this matter. So
when they had spoken thus to one another, they came to an agreement, and
all suspicions, so far as appeared, were vanished away.
CHAPTER 3. How Herod Upon His Making Aristobulus High Priest Took Care
That He Should Be Murdered In A Little Time; And What Apology He Made To
Antony About Aristobulus; As Also Concerning Joseph And Mariamne.
1. So king Herod immediately took the high priesthood away from
Ananelus, who, as we said before, was not of this country, but one of
those Jews that had been carried captive beyond Euphrates; for there
were not a few ten thousands of this people that had been carried
captives, and dwelt about Babylonia, whence Ananelus came. He was one of
the stock of the high priests 4 and had been of old a particular friend
of Herod; and when he was first made king, he conferred that dignity
upon him, and now put him out of it again, in order to quiet the
troubles in his family, though what he did was plainly unlawful, for at
no other time [of old] was any one that had once been in that dignity
deprived of it. It was Antiochus Epiphanes who first brake that law, and
deprived Jesus, and made his brother Onias high priest in his stead.
Aristobulus was the second that did so, and took that dignity from his
brother [Hyrcanus]; and this Herod was the third, who took that high
office away [from Ananelus], and gave it to this young man, Aristobulus,
in his stead.
2. And now Herod seemed to have healed the divisions in his family; yet
was he not without suspicion, as is frequently the case, of people
seeming to be reconciled to one another, but thought that, as Alexandra
had already made attempts tending to innovations, so did he fear that
she would go on therein, if she found a fit opportunity for so doing; so
he gave a command that she should dwell in the palace, and meddle with
no public affairs. Her guards also were so careful, that nothing she did
in private life every day was concealed. All these hardships put her out
of patience, by little and little and she began to hate Herod; for as
she had the pride of a woman to the utmost degree, she had great
indignation at this suspicious guard that was about her, as desirous
rather to undergo any thing that could befall her, than to be deprived
of her liberty of speech, and, under the notion of an honorary guard, to
live in a state of slavery and terror. She therefore sent to Cleopatra,
and made a long complaint of the circumstances she was in, and entreated
her to do her utmost for her assistance. Cleopatra hereupon advised her
to take her son with her, and come away immediately to her into Egypt.
This advice pleased her; and she had this contrivance for getting away:
She got two coffins made, as if they were to carry away two dead bodies
and put herself into one, and her son into the other and gave orders to
such of her servants as knew of her intentions to carry them away in the
night time. Now their road was to be thence to the sea-side and there
was a ship ready to carry them into Egypt. Now Aesop, one of her
servants, happened to fall upon Sabion, one of her friends, and spake of
this matter to him, as thinking he had known of it before. When Sabion
knew this, [who had formerly been an enemy of Herod, and been esteemed
one of those that laid snares for and gave the poison to [his father]
Antipater,] he expected that this discovery would change Herod's hatred
into kindness; so he told the king of this private stratagem of
Alexandra: whereupon be suffered her to proceed to the execution of her
project, and caught her in the very fact; but still he passed by her
offense; and though he had a great mind to do it, he durst not inflict
any thing that was severe upon her, for he knew that Cleopatra would not
bear that he should have her accused, on account of her hatred to him;
but made a show as if it were rather the generosity of his soul, and his
great moderation, that made him forgive them. However, he fully proposed
to himself to put this young man out of the way, by one means or other;
but he thought he might in probability be better concealed in doing it,
if he did it not presently, nor immediately after what had lately
happened.
3. And now, upon the approach of the feast of tabernacles, which is a
festival very much observed among us, he let those days pass over, and
both he and the rest of the people were therein very merry; yet did the
envy which at this time arose in him cause him to make haste to do what
he was about, and provoke him to it; for when this youth Aristobulus,
who was now in the seventeenth year of his age, went up to the altar,
according to the law, to offer the sacrifices, and this with the
ornaments of his high priesthood, and when he performed the sacred
offices, 5 he seemed to be exceedingly comely, and taller than men
usually were at that age, and to exhibit in his countenance a great deal
of that high family he was sprung from,—a warm zeal and affection
towards him appeared among the people, and the memory of the actions of
his grandfather Aristobulus was fresh in their minds; and their
affections got so far the mastery of them, that they could not forbear
to show their inclinations to him. They at once rejoiced and were
confounded, and mingled with good wishes their joyful acclamations which
they made to him, till the good-will of the multitude was made too
evident; and they more rashly proclaimed the happiness they had received
from his family than was fit under a monarchy to have done. Upon all
this, Herod resolved to complete what he had intended against the young
man. When therefore the festival was over, and he was feasting at
Jericho 6 with Alexandra, who entertained them there, he was then very
pleasant with the young man, and drew him into a lonely place, and at
the same time played with him in a juvenile and ludicrous manner. Now
the nature of that place was hotter than ordinary; so they went out in a
body, and of a sudden, and in a vein of madness; and as they stood by
the fish-ponds, of which there were large ones about the house, they
went to cool themselves [by bathing], because it was in the midst of a
hot day. At first they were only spectators of Herod's servants and
acquaintance as they were swimming; but after a while, the young man, at
the instigation of Herod, went into the water among them, while such of
Herod's acquaintance, as he had appointed to do it, dipped him as he was
swimming, and plunged him under water, in the dark of the evening, as if
it had been done in sport only; nor did they desist till he was entirely
suffocated. And thus was Aristobulus murdered, having lived no more in
all than eighteen years, 7 and kept the high priesthood one year only;
which high priesthood Ananelus now recovered again.
4. When this sad accident was told the women, their joy was soon changed
to lamentation, at the sight of the dead body that lay before them, and
their sorrow was immoderate. The city also [of Jerusalem], upon the
spreading of this news, were in very great grief, every family looking
on this calamity as if it had not belonged to another, but that one of
themselves was slain. But Alexandra was more deeply affected, upon her
knowledge that he had been destroyed [on purpose]. Her sorrow was
greater than that of others, by her knowing how the murder was
committed; but she was under the necessity of bearing up under it, out
of her prospect of a greater mischief that might otherwise follow; and
she oftentimes came to an inclination to kill herself with her own hand,
but still she restrained herself, in hopes she might live long enough to
revenge the unjust murder thus privately committed; nay, she further
resolved to endeavor to live longer, and to give no occasion to think
she suspected that her son was slain on purpose, and supposed that she
might thereby be in a capacity of revenging it at a proper opportunity.
Thus did she restrain herself, that she might not be noted for
entertaining any such suspicion. However, Herod endeavored that none
abroad should believe that the child's death was caused by any design of
his; and for this purpose he did not only use the ordinary signs of
sorrow, but fell into tears also, and exhibited a real confusion of
soul; and perhaps his affections were overcome on this occasion, when he
saw the child's countenance so young and so beautiful, although his
death was supposed to tend to his own security. So far at least this
grief served as to make some apology for him; and as for his funeral,
that he took care should be very magnificent, by making great
preparation for a sepulcher to lay his body in, and providing a great
quantity of spices, and burying many ornaments together with him, till
the very women, who were in such deep sorrow, were astonished at it, and
received in this way some consolation.
5. However, no such things could overcome Alexandra's grief; but the
remembrance of this miserable case made her sorrow, both deep and
obstinate. Accordingly, she wrote an account of this treacherous scene
to Cleopatra, and how her son was murdered; but Cleopatra, as she had
formerly been desirous to give her what satisfaction she could, and
commiserating Alexandra's misfortunes, made the case her own, and would
not let Antony be quiet, but excited him to punish the child's murder;
for that it was an unworthy thing that Herod, who had been by him made
king of a kingdom that no way belonged to him, should be guilty of such
horrid crimes against those that were of the royal blood in reality.
Antony was persuaded by these arguments; and when he came to Laodicea,
he sent and commanded Herod to come and make his defense, as to what he
had done to Aristobulus, for that such a treacherous design was not well
done, if he had any hand in it. Herod was now in fear, both of the
accusation, and of Cleopatra's ill-will to him, which was such that she
was ever endeavoring to make Antony hate him. He therefore determined to
obey his summons, for he had no possible way to avoid it. So he left his
uncle Joseph procurator for his government, and for the public affairs,
and gave him a private charge, that if Antony should kill him, he also
should kill Mariamne immediately; for that he had a tender affection for
this his wife, and was afraid of the injury that should be offered him,
if, after his death, she, for her beauty, should be engaged to some
other man: but his intimation was nothing but this at the bottom, that
Antony had fallen in love with her, when he had formerly heard somewhat
of her beauty. So when Herod had given Joseph this charge, and had
indeed no sure hopes of escaping with his life, he went away to Antony.
6. But as Joseph was administering the public affairs of the kingdom,
and for that reason was very frequently with Mariamne, both because his
business required it, and because of the respects he ought to pay to the
queen, he frequently let himself into discourses about Herod's kindness,
and great affection towards her; and when the women, especially
Alexandra, used to turn his discourses into feminine raillery, Joseph
was so over-desirous to demonstrate the kings inclinations, that he
proceeded so far as to mention the charge he had received, and thence
drew his demonstration, that Herod was not able to live without her; and
that if he should come to any ill end, he could not endure a separation
from her, even after he was dead. Thus spake Joseph. But the women, as
was natural, did not take this to be an instance of Herod's strong
affection for them, but of his severe usage of them, that they could not
escape destruction, nor a tyrannical death, even when he was dead
himself. And this saying [of Joseph] was a foundation for the women's
severe suspicions about him afterwards.
7. At this time a report went about the city Jerusalem among Herod's
enemies, that Antony had tortured Herod, and put him to death. This
report, as is natural, disturbed those that were about the palace, but
chiefly the women; upon which Alexandra endeavored to persuade Joseph to
go out of the palace, and fly away with them to the ensigns of the Roman
legion, which then lay encamped about the city, as a guard to the
kingdom, under the command of Julius; for that by this means, if any
disturbance should happen about the palace, they should be in greater
security, as having the Romans favorable to them; and that besides, they
hoped to obtain the highest authority, if Antony did but once see
Mariamne, by whose means they should recover the kingdom, and want
nothing which was reasonable for them to hope for, because of their
royal extraction.
8. But as they were in the midst of these deliberations, letters were
brought from Herod about all his affairs, and proved contrary to the
report, and of what they before expected; for when he was come to
Antony, he soon recovered his interest with him, by the presents he made
him, which he had brought with him from Jerusalem; and he soon induced
him, upon discoursing with him, to leave off his indignation at him, so
that Cleopatra's persuasions had less force than the arguments and
presents he brought to regain his friendship; for Antony said that it
was not good to require an account of a king, as to the affairs of his
government, for at this rate he could be no king at all, but that those
who had given him that authority ought to permit him to make use of it.
He also said the same things to Cleopatra, that it would be best for her
not busily to meddle with the acts of the king's government. Herod wrote
an account of these things, and enlarged upon the other honors which he
had received from Antony; how he sat by him at his hearing causes, and
took his diet with him every day, and that he enjoyed those favors from
him, notwithstanding the reproaches that Cleopatra so severely laid
against him, who having a great desire of his country, and earnestly
entreating Antony that the kingdom might be given to her, labored with
her utmost diligence to have him out of the way; but that he still found
Antony just to him, and had no longer any apprehensions of hard
treatment from him; and that he was soon upon his return, with a firmer
additional assurance of his favor to him, in his reigning and managing
public affairs; and that there was no longer any hope for Cleopatra's
covetous temper, since Antony had given her Celesyria instead of what
she had desired; by which means he had at once pacified her, and got
clear of the entreaties which she made him to have Judea bestowed upon
her.
9. When these letters were brought, the women left off their attempt for
flying to the Romans, which they thought of while Herod was supposed to
be dead; yet was not that purpose of theirs a secret; but when the king
had conducted Antony on his way against the Partnians, he returned to
Judea, when both his sister Salome and his mother informed him of
Alexandra's intentions. Salome also added somewhat further against
Joseph, though it was no more than a calumny, that he had often had
criminal conversation with Mariamne. The reason of her saying so was
this, that she for a long time bare her ill-will; for when they had
differences with one another, Mariamne took great freedoms, and
reproached the rest for the meanness of their birth. But Herod, whose
affection to Mariamne was always very warm, was presently disturbed at
this, and could not bear the torments of jealousy, but was still
restrained from doing any rash thing to her by the love he had for her;
yet did his vehement affection and jealousy together make him ask
Mariamne by herself about this matter of Joseph; but she denied it upon
her oath, and said all that an innocent woman could possibly say in her
own defense; so that by little and little the king was prevailed upon to
drop the suspicion, and left off his anger at her; and being overcome
with his passion for his wife, he made an apology to her for having
seemed to believe what he had heard about her, and returned her a great
many acknowledgments of her modest behavior, and professed the
extraordinary affection and kindness he had for her, till at last, as is
usual between lovers, they both fell into tears, and embraced one
another with a most tender affection. But as the king gave more and more
assurances of his belief of her fidelity, and endeavored to draw her to
a like confidence in him, Mariamne said, "Yet was not that command thou
gavest, that if any harm came to thee from Antony, I, who had been no
occasion of it, should perish with thee, a sign of thy love to me?" When
these words were fallen from her, the king was shocked at them, and
presently let her go out of his arms, and cried out, and tore his hair
with his own hands, and said, that "now he had an evident demonstration
that Joseph had had criminal conversation" with his wife; for that he
would never have uttered what he had told him alone by himself, unless
there had been such a great familiarity and firm confidence between
them. And while he was in this passion he had like to have killed his
wife; but being still overborne by his love to her, he restrained this
his passion, though not without a lasting grief and disquietness of
mind. However, he gave order to slay Joseph, without permitting him to
come into his sight; and as for Alexandra, he bound her, and kept her in
custody, as the cause of all this mischief.
CHAPTER 4. How Cleopatra, When She Had Gotten From Antony Some Parts Of
Judea And Arabia Came Into Judea; And How Herod Gave Her Many Presents
And Conducted Her On Her Way Back To Egypt.
1. Now at this time the affairs of Syria were in confusion by
Cleopatra's constant persuasions to Antony to make an attempt upon every
body's dominions; for she persuaded him to take those dominions away
from their several princes, and bestow them upon her; and she had a
mighty influence upon him, by reason of his being enslaved to her by his
affections. She was also by nature very covetous, and stuck at no
wickedness. She had already poisoned her brother, because she knew that
he was to be king of Egypt, and this when he was but fifteen years old;
and she got her sister Arsinoe to be slain, by the means of Antony, when
she was a supplicant at Diana's temple at Ephesus; for if there were but
any hopes of getting money, she would violate both temples and
sepulchers. Nor was there any holy place that was esteemed the most
inviolable, from which she would not fetch the ornaments it had in it;
nor any place so profane, but was to suffer the most flagitious
treatment possible from her, if it could but contribute somewhat to the
covetous humor of this wicked creature: yet did not all this suffice so
extravagant a woman, who was a slave to her lusts, but she still
imagined that she wanted every thing she could think of, and did her
utmost to gain it; for which reason she hurried Antony on perpetually to
deprive others of their dominions, and give them to her. And as she went
over Syria with him, she contrived to get it into her possession; so he
slew Lysanias, the son of Ptolemy, accusing him of his bringing the
Parthians upon those countries. She also petitioned Antony to give her
Judea and Arabia; and, in order thereto, desired him to take these
countries away from their present governors. As for Antony, he was so
entirely overcome by this woman, that one would not think her
conversation only could do it, but that he was some way or other
bewitched to do whatsoever she would have him; yet did the grossest
parts of her injustice make him so ashamed, that he would not always
hearken to her to do those flagrant enormities she would have persuaded
him to. That therefore he might not totally deny her, nor, by doing
every thing which she enjoined him, appear openly to be an ill man, he
took some parts of each of those countries away from their former
governors, and gave them to her. Thus he gave her the cities that were
within the river Eleutherus, as far as Egypt, excepting Tyre and Sidon,
which he knew to have been free cities from their ancestors, although
she pressed him very often to bestow those on her also.
2. When Cleopatra had obtained thus much, and had accompanied Antony in
his expedition to Armenia as far as Euphrates, she returned back, and
came to Apamia and Damascus, and passed on to Judea, where Herod met
her, and farmed of her parts of Arabia, and those revenues that came to
her from the region about Jericho. This country bears that balsam, which
is the most precious drug that is there, and grows there alone. The
place bears also palm trees, both many in number, and those excellent in
their kind. When she was there, and was very often with Herod, she
endeavored to have criminal conversation with the king; nor did she
affect secrecy in the indulgence of such sort of pleasures; and perhaps
she had in some measure a passion of love to him; or rather, what is
most probable, she laid a treacherous snare for him, by aiming to obtain
such adulterous conversation from him: however, upon the whole, she
seemed overcome with love to him. Now Herod had a great while borne no
good-will to Cleopatra, as knowing that she was a woman irksome to all;
and at that time he thought her particularly worthy of his hatred, if
this attempt proceeded out of lust; he had also thought of preventing
her intrigues, by putting her to death, if such were her endeavors.
However, he refused to comply with her proposals, and called a counsel
of his friends to consult with them whether he should not kill her, now
he had her in his power; for that he should thereby deliver all those
from a multitude of evils to whom she was already become irksome, and
was expected to be still so for the time to come; and that this very
thing would be much for the advantage of Antony himself, since she would
certainly not be faithful to him, in case any such season or necessity
should come upon him as that he should stand in need of her fidelity.
But when he thought to follow this advice, his friends would not let
him; and told him that, in the first place, it was not right to attempt
so great a thing, and run himself thereby into the utmost danger; and
they laid hard at him, and begged of him to undertake nothing rashly,
for that Antony would never bear it, no, not though any one should
evidently lay before his eyes that it was for his own advantage; and
that the appearance of depriving him of her conversation, by this
violent and treacherous method, would probably set his affections more
on a flame than before. Nor did it appear that he could offer any thing
of tolerable weight in his defense, this attempt being against such a
woman as was of the highest dignity of any of her sex at that time in
the world; and as to any advantage to be expected from such an
undertaking, if any such could be supposed in this case, it would appear
to deserve condemnation, on account of the insolence he must take upon
him in doing it: which considerations made it very plain that in so
doing he would find his government filled with mischief, both great and
lasting, both to himself and his posterity, whereas it was still in his
power to reject that wickedness she would persuade him to, and to come
off honorably at the same time. So by thus affrighting Herod, and
representing to him the hazard he must, in all probability, run by this
undertaking, they restrained him from it. So he treated Cleopatra
kindly, and made her presents, and conducted her on her way to Egypt.
3. But Antony subdued Armenia, and sent Artabazes, the son of Tigranes,
in bonds, with his children and procurators, to Egypt, and made a
present of them, and of all the royal ornaments which he had taken out
of that kingdom, to Cleopatra. And Artaxias, the eldest of his sons, who
had escaped at that time, took the kingdom of Armenia; who yet was
ejected by Archelaus and Nero Cæsar, when they restored Tigranes, his
younger brother, to that kingdom; but this happened a good while
afterward.
4. But then, as to the tributes which Herod was to pay Cleopatra for
that country which Antony had given her, he acted fairly with her, as
deeming it not safe for him to afford any cause for Cleopatra to hate
him. As for the king of Arabia, whose tribute Herod had undertaken to
pay her, for some time indeed he paid him as much as came to two hundred
talents; but he afterwards became very niggardly and slow in his
payments, and could hardly be brought to pay some parts of it, and was
not willing to pay even them without some deductions.
CHAPTER 5. How Herod Made War With The King Of Arabia, And After They
Had Fought Many Battles, At Length Conquered Him, And Was Chosen By The
Arabs To Be Governor Of That Nation; As Also Concerning A Great
Earthquake.
1. Hereupon Herod held himself ready to go against the king of Arabia,
because of his ingratitude to him, and because, after all, he would do
nothing that was just to him, although Herod made the Roman war an
occasion of delaying his own; for the battle at Actium was now expected,
which fell into the hundred eighty and seventh olympiad, where Cæsar and
Antony were to fight for the supreme power of the world; but Herod
having enjoyed a country that was very fruitful, and that now for a long
time, and having received great taxes, and raised great armies
therewith, got together a body of men, and carefully furnished them with
all necessaries, and designed them as auxiliaries for Antony. But Antony
said he had no want of his assistance; but he commanded him to punish
the king of Arabia; for he had heard both from him, and from Cleopatra,
how perfidious he was; for this was what Cleopatra desired, who thought
it for her own advantage that these two kings should do one another as
great mischief as possible. Upon this message from Antony, Herod
returned back, but kept his army with him, in order to invade Arabia
immediately. So when his army of horsemen and footmen was ready, he
marched to Diospolis, whither the Arabians came also to meet them, for
they were not unapprized of this war that was coming upon them; and
after a great battle had been fought, the Jews had the victory. But
afterward there were gotten together another numerous army of the
Arabians, at Cana, which is a place of Celesyria. Herod was informed of
this beforehand; so he came marching against them with the greatest part
of the forces he had; and when he was come near to Cana, he resolved to
encamp himself; and he cast up a bulwark, that he might take a proper
season for attacking the enemy; but as he was giving those orders, the
multitude of the Jews cried out that he should make no delay, but lead
them against the Arabians. They went with great spirit, as believing
they were in very good order; and those especially were so that had been
in the former battle, and had been conquerors, and had not permitted
their enemies so much as to come to a close fight with them. And when
they were so tumultuous, and showed such great alacrity, the king
resolved to make use of that zeal the multitude then exhibited; and when
he had assured them he would not be behindhand with them in courage, he
led them on, and stood before them all in his armor, all the regiments
following him in their several ranks: whereupon a consternation fell
upon the Arabians; for when they perceived that the Jews were not to be
conquered, and were full of spirit, the greater part of them ran away,
and avoided fighting; and they had been quite destroyed, had not Anthony
fallen upon the Jews, and distressed them; for this man was Cleopatra's
general over the soldiers she had there, and was at enmity with Herod,
and very wistfully looked on to see what the event of the battle would
be. He had also resolved, that in case the Arabians did any thing that
was brave and successful, he would lie still; but in case they were
beaten, as it really happened, he would attack the Jews with those
forces he had of his own, and with those that the country had gotten
together for him. So he fell upon the Jews unexpectedly, when they were
fatigued, and thought they had already vanquished the enemy, and made a
great slaughter of them; for as the Jews had spent their courage upon
their known enemies, and were about to enjoy themselves in quietness
after their victory, they were easily beaten by these that attacked them
afresh, and in particular received a great loss in places where the
horses could not be of service, and which were very stony, and where
those that attacked them were better acquainted with the places than
themselves. And when the Jews had suffered this loss, the Arabians
raised their spirits after their defeat, and returning back again, slew
those that were already put to flight; and indeed all sorts of slaughter
were now frequent, and of those that escaped, a few only returned into
the camp. So king Herod, when he despaired of the battle, rode up to
them to bring them assistance; yet did he not come time enough to do
them any service, though he labored hard to do it; but the Jewish camp
was taken; so that the Arabians had unexpectedly a most glorious
success, having gained that victory which of themselves they were no way
likely to have gained, and slaying a great part of the enemy's army:
whence afterward Herod could only act like a private robber, and make
excursions upon many parts of Arabia, and distress them by sudden
incursions, while he encamped among the mountains, and avoided by any
means to come to a pitched battle; yet did he greatly harass the enemy
by his assiduity, and the hard labor he took in this matter. He also
took great care of his own forces, and used all the means he could to
restore his affairs to their old state.
2. At this time it was that the fight happened at Actium, between
Octavius Cæsar and Antony, in the seventh year of the reign of Herod 8
and then it was also that there was an earthquake in Judea, such a one
as had not happened at any other time, and which earthquake brought a
great destruction upon the cattle in that country. About ten thousand
men also perished by the fall of houses; but the army, which lodged in
the field, received no damage by this sad accident. When the Arabians
were informed of this, and when those that hated the Jews, and pleased
themselves with aggravating the reports, told them of it, they raised
their spirits, as if their enemy's country was quite overthrown, and the
men were utterly destroyed, and thought there now remained nothing that
could oppose them. Accordingly, they took the Jewish ambassadors, who
came to them after all this had happened, to make peace with them, and
slew them, and came with great alacrity against their army; but the Jews
durst not withstand them, and were so cast down by the calamities they
were under, that they took no care of their affairs, but gave up
themselves to despair; for they had no hope that they should be upon a
level again with them in battles, nor obtain any assistance elsewhere,
while their affairs at home were in such great distress also. When
matters were in this condition, the king persuaded the commanders by his
words, and tried to raise their spirits, which were quite sunk; and
first he endeavored to encourage and embolden some of the better sort
beforehand, and then ventured to make a speech to the multitude, which
he had before avoided to do, lest he should find them uneasy thereat,
because of the misfortunes which had happened; so he made a consolatory
speech to the multitude, in the manner following:
3. "You are not unacquainted, my fellow soldiers, that we have had, not
long since, many accidents that have put a stop to what we are about,
and it is probable that even those that are most distinguished above
others for their courage can hardly keep up their spirits in such
circumstances; but since we cannot avoid fighting, and nothing that hath
happened is of such a nature but it may by ourselves be recovered into a
good state, and this by one brave action only well performed, I have
proposed to myself both to give you some encouragement, and, at the same
time, some information; both which parts of my design will tend to this
point; that you may still continue in your own proper fortitude. I will
then, in the first place, demonstrate to you that this war is a just one
on our side, and that on this account it is a war of necessity, and
occasioned by the injustice of our adversaries; for if you be once
satisfied of this, it will be a real cause of alacrity to you; after
which I will further demonstrate, that the misfortunes we are under are
of no great consequence, and that we have the greatest reason to hope
for victory. I shall begin with the first, and appeal to yourselves as
witnesses to what I shall say. You are not ignorant certainly of the
wickedness of the Arabians, which is to that degree as to appear
incredible to all other men, and to include somewhat that shows the
grossest barbarity and ignorance of God. The chief things wherein they
have affronted us have arisen from covetousness and envy; and they have
attacked us in an insidious manner, and on the sudden. And what occasion
is there for me to mention many instances of such their procedure? When
they were in danger of losing their own government of themselves, and of
being slaves to Cleopatra, what others were they that freed them from
that fear? for it was the friendship I had with Antony, and the kind
disposition he was in towards us, that hath been the occasion that even
these Arabians have not been utterly undone, Antony being unwilling to
undertake any thing which might be suspected by us of unkindness: but
when he had a mind to bestow some parts of each of our dominions on
Cleopatra, I also managed that matter so, that by giving him presents of
my own, I might obtain a security to both nations, while I undertook
myself to answer for the money, and gave him two hundred talents, and
became surety for those two hundred more which were imposed upon the
land that was subject to this tribute; and this they have defrauded us
of, although it was not reasonable that Jews should pay tribute to any
man living, or allow part of their land to be taxable; but although that
was to be, yet ought we not to pay tribute for these Arabians, whom we
have ourselves preserved; nor is it fit that they, who have professed
[and that with great integrity and sense of our kindness] that it is by
our means that they keep their principality, should injure us, and
deprive us of what is our due, and this while we have been still not
their enemies, but their friends. And whereas observation of covenants
takes place among the bitterest enemies, but among friends is absolutely
necessary, this is not observed among these men, who think gain to be
the best of all things, let it be by any means whatsoever, and that
injustice is no harm, if they may but get money by it: is it therefore a
question with you, whether the unjust are to be punished or not? when
God himself hath declared his mind that so it ought to be, and hath
commanded that we ever should hate injuries and injustice, which is not
only just, but necessary, in wars between several nations; for these
Arabians have done what both the Greeks and barbarians own to be an
instance of the grossest wickedness, with regard to our ambassadors,
which they have beheaded, while the Greeks declare that such ambassadors
are sacred and inviolable. 9 And for ourselves, we have learned from God
the most excellent of our doctrines, and the most holy part of our law,
by angels or ambassadors; for this name brings God to the knowledge of
mankind, and is sufficient to reconcile enemies one to another. What
wickedness then can be greater than the slaughter of ambassadors, who
come to treat about doing what is right? And when such have been their
actions, how is it possible they can either live securely in common
life, or be successful in war? In my opinion, this is impossible; but
perhaps some will say, that what is holy, and what is righteous, is
indeed on our side, but that the Arabians are either more courageous or
more numerous than we are. Now, as to this, in the first place, it is
not fit for us to say so, for with whom is what is righteous, with them
is God himself; now where God is, there is both multitude and courage.
But to examine our own circumstances a little, we were conquerors in the
first battle; and when we fought again, they were not able to oppose us,
but ran away, and could not endure our attacks or our courage; but when
we had conquered them, then came Athenion, and made war against us
without declaring it; and pray, is this an instance of their manhood? or
is it not a second instance of their wickedness and treachery? Why are
we therefore of less courage, on account of that which ought to inspire
us with stronger hopes? and why are we terrified at these, who, when
they fight upon the level, are continually beaten, and when they seem to
be conquerors, they gain it by wickedness? and if we suppose that any
one should deem them to be men of real courage, will not he be excited
by that very consideration to do his utmost against them? for true valor
is not shown by fighting against weak persons, but in being able to
overcome the most hardy. But then if the distresses we are ourselves
under, and the miseries that have come by the earthquake, hath
affrighted any one, let him consider, in the first place, that this very
thing will deceive the Arabians, by their supposal that what hath
befallen us is greater than it really is. Moreover, it is not right that
the same thing that emboldens them should discourage us; for these men,
you see, do not derive their alacrity from any advantageous virtue of
their own, but from their hope, as to us, that we are quite cast down by
our misfortunes; but when we boldly march against them, we shall soon
pull down their insolent conceit of themselves, and shall gain this by
attacking them, that they will not be so insolent when we come to the
battle; for our distresses are not so great, nor is what hath happened
all indication of the anger of God against us, as some imagine; for such
things are accidental, and adversities that come in the usual course of
things; and if we allow that this was done by the will of God, we must
allow that it is now over by his will also, and that he is satisfied
with what hath already happened; for had he been willing to afflict us
still more thereby, he had not changed his mind so soon. And as for the
war we are engaged in, he hath himself demonstrated that he is willing
it should go on, and that he knows it to be a just war; for while some
of the people in the country have perished, all you who were in arms
have suffered nothing, but are all preserved alive; whereby God makes it
plain to us, that if you had universally, with your children and wives,
been in the army, it had come to pass that you had not undergone any
thing that would have much hurt you. Consider these things, and, what is
more than all the rest, that you have God at all times for your
Protector; and prosecute these men with a just bravery, who, in point of
friendship, are unjust, in their battles perfidious, towards ambassadors
impious, and always inferior to you in valor."
4. When the Jews heard this speech, they were much raised in their
minds, and more disposed to fight than before. So Herod, when he had
offered the sacrifices appointed by the law 10 made haste, and took
them, and led them against the Arabians; and in order to that passed
over Jordan, and pitched his camp near to that of the enemy. He also
thought fit to seize upon a certain castle that lay in the midst of
them, as hoping it would be for his advantage, and would the sooner
produce a battle; and that if there were occasion for delay, he should
by it have his camp fortified; and as the Arabians had the same
intentions upon that place, a contest arose about it; at first they were
but skirmishes, after which there came more soldiers, and it proved a
sort of fight, and some fell on both sides, till those of the Arabian
side were beaten and retreated. This was no small encouragement to the
Jews immediately; and when Herod observed that the enemy's army was
disposed to any thing rather than to come to an engagement, he ventured
boldly to attempt the bulwark itself, and to pull it to pieces, and so
to get nearer to their camp, in order to fight them; for when they were
forced out of their trenches, they went out in disorder, and had not the
least alacrity, or hope of victory; yet did they fight hand to hand,
because they were more in number than the Jews, and because they were in
such a disposition of war that they were under a necessity of coming on
boldly; so they came to a terrible battle, while not a few fell on each
side. However, at length the Arabians fled; and so great a slaughter was
made upon their being routed, that they were not only killed by their
enemies, but became the authors of their own deaths also, and were
trodden down by the multitude, and the great current of people in
disorder, and were destroyed by their own armor; so five thousand men
lay dead upon the spot, while the rest of the multitude soon ran within
the bulwark for safety, but had no firm hope of safety, by reason of
their want of necessaries, and especially of water. The Jews pursued
them, but could not get in with them, but sat round about the bulwark,
and watched any assistance that would get in to them, and prevented any
there, that had a mind to it, from running away.
5. When the Arabians were in these circumstances, they sent ambassadors
to Herod, in the first place, to propose terms of accommodation, and
after that to offer him, so pressing was their thirst upon them, to
undergo whatsoever he pleased, if he would free them from their present
distress; but he would admit of no ambassadors, of no price of
redemption, nor of any other moderate terms whatever, being very
desirous to revenge those unjust actions which they had been guilty of
towards his nation. So they were necessitated by other motives, and
particularly by their thirst, to come out, and deliver themselves up to
him, to be carried away captives; and in five days' time the number of
four thousand were taken prisoners, while all the rest resolved to make
a sally upon their enemies, and to fight it out with them, choosing
rather, if so it must be, to die therein, than to perish gradually and
ingloriously. When they had taken this resolution, they came out of
their trenches, but could no way sustain the fight, being too much
disabled, both in mind and body, and having not room to exert
themselves, and thought it an advantage to be killed, and a misery to
survive; so at the first onset there fell about seven thousand of them,
after which stroke they let all the courage they had put on before fall,
and stood amazed at Herod's warlike spirit under his own calamities; so
for the future they yielded, and made him ruler of their nation;
whereupon he was greatly elevated at so seasonable a success, and
returned home, taking great authority upon him, on account of so bold
and glorious an expedition as he had made.
CHAPTER 6. How Herod Slew Hyrcanus And Then Hasted Away To Cæsar, And
Obtained The Kingdom From Him Also; And How A Little Time Afterward, He
Entertained Cæsar In A Most Honorable Manner.
1. Herod's other affairs were now very prosperous, and he was not to be
easily assaulted on any side. Yet did there come upon him a danger that
would hazard his entire dominions, after Antony had been beaten at the
battle of Actium by Cæsar [Octavian]; for at that time both Herod's
enemies and friends despaired of his affairs, for it was not probable
that he would remain without punishment, who had showed so much
friendship for Antony. So it happened that his friends despaired, and
had no hopes of his escape; but for his enemies, they all outwardly
appeared to be troubled at his case, but were privately very glad of it,
as hoping to obtain a change for the better. As for Herod himself he saw
that there was no one of royal dignity left but Hyrcanus, and therefore
he thought it would be for his advantage not to suffer him to be an
obstacle in his way any longer; for that in case he himself survived,
and escaped the danger he was in, he thought it the safest way to put it
out of the power of such a man to make any attempt against him, at such
junctures of affairs, as was more worthy of the kingdom than himself;
and in case he should be slain by Cæsar, his envy prompted him to desire
to slay him that would otherwise be king after him.
2. While Herod had these things in his mind, there was a certain
occasion afforded him: for Hyrcanus was of so mild a temper, both then
and at other times, that he desired not to meddle with public affairs,
nor to concern himself with innovations, but left all to fortune, and
contented himself with what that afforded him: but Alexandra [his
daughter] was a lover of strife, and was exceeding desirous of a change
of the government, and spake to her father not to bear for ever Herod's
injurious treatment of their family, but to anticipate their future
hopes, as he safely might; and desired him to write about these matters
to Malchus, who was then governor of Arabia, to receive them, and to
secure them [from Herod], for that if they went away, and Herod's
affairs proved to be as it was likely they would be, by reason of
Cæsar's enmity to him, they should then be the only persons that could
take the government; and this, both on account of the royal family they
were of, and on account of the good disposition of: the multitude to
them. While she used these persuasions, Hyrcanus put off her suit; but
as she showed that she was a woman, and a contentious woman too, and
would not desist either night or day, but would always be speaking to
him about these matters, and about Herod's treacherous designs, she at
last prevailed with him to intrust Dositheus, one of his friends, with a
letter, wherein his resolution was declared; and he desired the Arabian
governor to send to him some horsemen, who should receive him, and
conduct him to the lake Asphaltites, which is from the bounds of
Jerusalem three hundred furlongs: and he did therefore trust Dositheus
with this letter, because he was a careful attendant on him, and on
Alexandra, and had no small occasions to bear ill-will to Herod; for he
was a kinsman of one Joseph, whom he had slain, and a brother of those
that were formerly slain at Tyre by Antony: yet could not these motives
induce Dositheus to serve Hyrcanus in this affair; for, preferring the
hopes he had from the present king to those he had from him, he gave
Herod the letter. So he took his kindness in good part, and bid him
besides do what he had already done, that is, go on in serving him, by
rolling up the epistle and sealing it again, and delivering it to
Malchus, and then to bring back his letter in answer to it; for it would
be much better if he could know Malchus's intentions also. And when
Dositheus was very ready to serve him in this point also, the Arabian
governor returned back for answer, that he would receive Hyrcanus, and
all that should come with him, and even all the Jews that were of his
party; that he would, moreover, send forces sufficient to secure them in
their journey; and that he should be in no want of any thing he should
desire. Now as soon as Herod had received this letter, he immediately
sent for Hyrcanus, and questioned him about the league he had made with
Malchus; and when he denied it, he showed his letter to the Sanhedrim,
and put the man to death immediately.
3. And this account we give the reader, as it is contained in the
commentaries of king Herod: but other historians do not agree with them,
for they suppose that Herod did not find, but rather make, this an
occasion for thus putting him to death, and that by treacherously laying
a snare for him; for thus do they write: That Herod and he were once at
a treat, and that Herod had given no occasion to suspect [that he was
displeased at him], but put this question to Hyrcanus, Whether he had
received any letters from Malchus? and when he answered that he had
received letters, but those of salutation only; and when he asked
further, whether he had not received any presents from him? and when he
had replied that he had received no more than four horses to ride on,
which Malchus had sent him; they pretended that Herod charged these upon
him as the crimes of bribery and treason, and gave order that he should
be led away and slain. And in order to demonstrate that he had been
guilty of no offense, when he was thus brought to his end, they alleged
how mild his temper had been, and that even in his youth he had never
given any demonstration of boldness or rashness, and that the case was
the same when he came to be king, but that he even then committed the
management of the greatest part of public affairs to Antipater; and that
he was now above fourscore years old, and knew that Herod's government
was in a secure state. He also came over Euphrates, and left those who
greatly honored him beyond that river, though he were to be entirely
under Herod's government; and that it was a most incredible thing that
he should enterprise any thing by way of innovation, and not at all
agreeable to his temper, but that this was a plot of Herod's
contrivance.
4. And this was the fate of Hyrcanus; and thus did he end his life,
after he had endured various and manifold turns of fortune in his
lifetime. For he was made high priest of the Jewish nation in the
beginning of his mother Alexandra's reign, who held the government nine
years; and when, after his mother's death, he took the kingdom himself,
and held it three months, he lost it, by the means of his brother
Aristobulus. He was then restored by Pompey, and received all sorts of
honor from him, and enjoyed them forty years; but when he was again
deprived by Antigonus, and was maimed in his body, he was made a captive
by the Parthians, and thence returned home again after some time, on
account of the hopes that Herod had given him; none of which came to
pass according to his expectation, but he still conflicted with many
misfortunes through the whole course of his life; and, what was the
heaviest calamity of all, as we have related already, he came to an end
which was undeserved by him. His character appeared to be that of a man
of a mild and moderate disposition, and suffered the administration of
affairs to be generally done by others under him. He was averse to much
meddling with the public, nor had shrewdness enough to govern a kingdom.
And both Antipater and Herod came to their greatness by reason of his
mildness; and at last he met with such an end from them as was not
agreeable either to justice or piety.
5. Now Herod, as soon as he had put Hyrcanus out of the way, made haste
to Cæsar; and because he could not have any hopes of kindness from him,
on account of the friendship he had for Antony, he had a suspicion of
Alexandra, lest she should take this opportunity to bring the multitude
to a revolt, and introduce a sedition into the affairs of the kingdom;
so he committed the care of every thing to his brother Pheroras, and
placed his mother Cypros, and his sister [Salome], and the whole family
at Masada, and gave him a charge, that if he should hear any sad news
about him, he should take care of the government. But as to Mariamne his
wife, because of the misunderstanding between her and his sister, and
his sister's mother, which made it impossible for them to live together,
he placed her at Alexandrium, with Alexandra her mother, and left his
treasurer Joseph and Sohemus of Iturea to take care of that fortress.
These two had been very faithful to him from the beginning, and were now
left as a guard to the women. They also had it in charge, that if they
should hear any mischief had befallen him, they should kill them both,
and, as far as they were able, to preserve the kingdom for his sons, and
for his brother Pheroras.
6. When he had given them this charge, he made haste to Rhodes, to meet
Cæsar; and when he had sailed to that city, he took off his diadem, but
remitted nothing else of his usual dignity. And when, upon his meeting
him, he desired that he would let him speak to him, he therein exhibited
a much more noble specimen of a great soul; for he did not betake
himself to supplications, as men usually do upon such occasions, nor
offered him any petition, as if he were an offender; but, after an
undaunted manner, gave an account of what he had done; for he spake thus
to Cæsar: That he had the greatest friendship for Antony, and did every
thing he could that he might attain the government; that he was not
indeed in the army with him, because the Arabians had diverted him; but
that he had sent him both money and corn, which was but too little in
comparison of what he ought to have done for him; "for if a man owns
himself to be another's friend, and knows him to be a benefactor, he is
obliged to hazard every thing, to use every faculty of his soul, every
member of his body, and all the wealth he hath, for him, in which I
confess I have been too deficient. However, I am conscious to myself,
that so far I have done right, that I have not deserted him upon his
defeat at Actium; nor upon the evident change of his fortune have I
transferred my hopes from him to another, but have preserved myself,
though not as a valuable fellow soldier, yet certainly as a faithful
counselor, to Antony, when I demonstrated to him that the only way that
he had to save himself, and not to lose all his authority, was to slay
Cleopatra; for when she was once dead, there would be room for him to
retain his authority, and rather to bring thee to make a composition
with him, than to continue at enmity any longer. None of which advises
would he attend to, but preferred his own rash resolution before them,
which have happened unprofitably for him, but profitably for thee. Now,
therefore, in case thou determinest about me, and my alacrity in serving
Antony, according to thy anger at him, I own there is no room for me to
deny what I have done, nor will I be ashamed to own, and that publicly
too, that I had a great kindness for him. But if thou wilt put him out
of the case, and only examine how I behave myself to my benefactors in
general, and what sort of friend I am, thou wilt find by experience that
we shall do and be the same to thyself, for it is but changing the
names, and the firmness of friendship that we shall bear to thee will
not be disapproved by thee."
7. By this speech, and by his behavior, which showed Cæsar the frankness
of his mind, he greatly gained upon him, who was himself of a generous
and magnificent temper, insomuch that those very actions, which were the
foundation of the accusation against him, procured him Cæsar's good-
will. Accordingly, he restored him his diadem again; and encouraged him
to exhibit himself as great a friend to himself as he had been to
Antony, and then had him in great esteem. Moreover, he added this, that
Quintus Didius had written to him that Herod had very readily assisted
him in the affair of the gladiators. So when he had obtained such a kind
reception, and had, beyond all his hopes, procured his crown to be more
entirely and firmly settled upon him than ever by Cæsar's donation, as
well as by that decree of the Romans, which Cæsar took care to procure
for his greater security, he conducted Cæsar on his way to Egypt, and
made presents, even beyond his ability, to both him and his friends, and
in general behaved himself with great magnanimity. He also desired that
Cæsar would not put to death one Alexander, who had been a companion of
Antony; but Cæsar had sworn to put him to death, and so he could not
obtain that his petition. And now he returned to Judea again with
greater honor and assurance than ever, and affrighted those that had
expectations to the contrary, as still acquiring from his very dangers
greater splendor than before, by the favor of God to him. So he prepared
for the reception of Cæsar, as he was going out of Syria to invade
Egypt; and when he came, he entertained him at Ptolemais with all royal
magnificence. He also bestowed presents on the army, and brought them
provisions in abundance. He also proved to be one of Cæsar's most
cordial friends, and put the army in array, and rode along with Cæsar,
and had a hundred and fifty men, well appointed in all respects, after a
rich and sumptuous manner, for the better reception of him and his
friends. He also provided them with what they should want, as they
passed over the dry desert, insomuch that they lacked neither wine nor
water, which last the soldiers stood in the greatest need of; and
besides, he presented Cæsar with eight hundred talents, and procured to
himself the good-will of them all, because he was assisting to them in a
much greater and more splendid degree than the kingdom he had obtained
could afford; by which means he more and more demonstrated to Cæsar the
firmness of his friendship, and his readiness to assist him; and what
was of the greatest advantage to him was this, that his liberality came
at a seasonable time also. And when they returned again out of Egypt,
his assistances were no way inferior to the good offices he had formerly
done them.
CHAPTER 7. How Herod Slew Sohemus And Mariamne And Afterward Alexandra
And Costobarus, And His Most Intimate Friends, And At Last The Sons Of
Babbas Also.
1. However, when he came into his kingdom again, he found his house all
in disorder, and his wife Mariamne and her mother Alexandra very uneasy;
for as they supposed [what was easy to be supposed] that they were not
put into that fortress [Alexandrium] for the security of their persons,
but as into a garrison for their imprisonment, and that they had no
power over any thing, either of others or of their own affairs, they
were very uneasy; and Mariamne supposing that the king's love to her was
but hypocritical, and rather pretended [as advantageous to himself] than
real, she looked upon it as fallacious. She also was grieved that he
would not allow her any hopes of surviving him, if he should come to any
harm himself. She also recollected what commands he had formerly given
to Joseph, insomuch that she endeavored to please her keepers, and
especially Sohemus, as well apprized how all was in his power. And at
the first Sohemus was faithful to Herod, and neglected none of the
things he had given him in charge; but when the women, by kind words and
liberal presents, had gained his affections over to them, he was by
degrees overcome, and at length discovered to them all the king's
injunctions, and this on that account principally, that he did not so
much as hope he would come back with the same authority he had before;
so that he thought he should both escape any danger from him, and
supposed that he did hereby much gratify the women, who were likely not
to be overlooked in the settling of the government; nay, that they would
be able to make him abundant recompense, since they must either reign
themselves, or be very near to him that should reign. He had a further
ground of hope also, that though Herod should have all the success he
could wish for, and should return again, he could not contradict his
wife in what she desired, for he knew that the king's fondness for his
wife was inexpressible. These were the motives that drew Sohemus to
discover what injunctions had been given him. So Mariamne was greatly
displeased to hear that there was no end of the dangers she was under
from Herod, and was greatly uneasy at it, and wished that he might
obtain no favors [from Cæsar], and esteemed it almost an insupportable
task to live with him any longer; and this she afterward openly
declared, without concealing her resentment.
2. And now Herod sailed home with joy, at the unexpected good success he
had had; and went first of all, as was proper, to this his wife, and
told her, and her only, the good news, as preferring her before the
rest, on account of his fondness for her, and the intimacy there had
been between them, and saluted her; but so it happened, that as he told
her of the good success he had had, she was so far from rejoicing at it,
that she rather was sorry for it; nor was she able to conceal her
resentments, but, depending on her dignity, and the nobility of her
birth, in return for his salutations, she gave a groan, and declared
evidently that she rather grieved than rejoiced at his success, and this
till Herod was disturbed at her, as affording him, not only marks of her
suspicion, but evident signs of her dissatisfaction. This much troubled
him, to see that this surprising hatred of his wife to him was not
concealed, but open; and he took this so ill, and yet was so unable to
bear it, on account of the fondness he had for her, that he could not
continue long in any one mind, but sometimes was angry at her, and
sometimes reconciled himself to her; but by always changing one passion
for another, he was still in great uncertainty, and thus was he
entangled between hatred and love, and was frequently disposed to
inflict punishment on her for her insolence towards him; but being
deeply in love with her in his soul, he was not able to get quit of this
woman. In short, as he would gladly have her punished, so was he afraid
lest, ere he were aware, he should, by putting her to death, bring a
heavier punishment upon himself at the same time.
3. When Herod's sister and mother perceived that he was in this temper
with regard to Mariamne they thought they had now got an excellent
opportunity to exercise their hatred against her and provoked Herod to
wrath by telling him, such long stories and calumnies about her, as
might at once excite his hatred and his jealousy. Now, though he
willingly enough heard their words, yet had not he courage enough to do
any thing to her as if he believed them; but still he became worse and
worse disposed to her, and these ill passions were more and more
inflamed on both sides, while she did not hide her disposition towards
him, and he turned his love to her into wrath against her. But when he
was just going to put this matter past all remedy, he heard the news
that Cæsar was the victor in the war, and that Antony and Cleopatra were
both dead, and that he had conquered Egypt; whereupon he made haste to
go to meet Cæsar, and left the affairs of his family in their present
state. However, Mariamne recommended Sohemus to him, as he was setting
out on his journey, and professed that she owed him thanks for the care
he had taken of her, and asked of the king for him a place in the
government; upon which an honorable employment was bestowed upon him
accordingly. Now when Herod was come into Egypt, he was introduced to
Cæsar with great freedom, as already a friend of his, and received very
great favors from him; for he made him a present of those four hundred
Galatians who had been Cleopatra's guards, and restored that country to
him again, which, by her means, had been taken away from him. He also
added to his kingdom Gadara, Hippos, and Samaria; and, besides those,
the maritime cities, Gaza, and Anthedon, and Joppa, and Strato's Tower.
4. Upon these new acquisitions, he grew more magnificent, and conducted
Cæsar as far as Antioch; but upon his return, as much as his prosperity
was augmented by the foreign additions that had been made him, so much
the greater were the distresses that came upon him in his own family,
and chiefly in the affair of his wife, wherein he formerly appeared to
have been most of all fortunate; for the affection he had for Mariamne
was no way inferior to the affections of such as are on that account
celebrated in history, and this very justly. As for her, she was in
other respects a chaste woman, and faithful to him; yet had she somewhat
of a woman rough by nature, and treated her husband imperiously enough,
because she saw he was so fond of her as to be enslaved to her. She did
not also consider seasonably with herself that she lived under a
monarchy, and that she was at another's disposal, and accordingly would
behave herself after a saucy manner to him, which yet he usually put off
in a jesting way, and bore with moderation and good temper. She would
also expose his mother and his sister openly, on account of the meanness
of their birth, and would speak unkindly of them, insomuch that there
was before this a disagreement and unpardonable hatred among the women,
and it was now come to greater reproaches of one another than formerly,
which suspicions increased, and lasted a whole year after Herod returned
from Cæsar. However, these misfortunes, which had been kept under some
decency for a great while, burst out all at once upon such an occasion
as was now offered; for as the king was one day about noon lain down on
his bed to rest him, he called for Mariamne, out of the great affection
he had always for her. She came in accordingly, but would not lie down
by him; and when he was very desirous of her company, she showed her
contempt of him; and added, by way of reproach, that he had caused her
father and her brother to be slain. 11 And when he took this injury very
unkindly, and was ready to use violence to her, in a precipitate manner,
the king's sister Salome, observing that he was more than ordinarily
disturbed, sent in to the king his cup-bearer, who had been prepared
long beforehand for such a design, and bid him tell the king how
Mariamne had persuaded him to give his assistance in preparing a love
potion for him; and if he appeared to be greatly concerned, and to ask
what that love potion was, to tell him that she had the potion, and that
he was desired only to give it him; but that in case he did not appear
to be much concerned at this potion, to let the thing drop; and that if
he did so, no harm should thereby come to him. When she had given him
these instructions, she sent him in at this time to make such a speech.
So he went in, after a composed manner, to gain credit to what he should
say, and yet somewhat hastily, and said that Mariamne had given him
presents, and persuaded him to give him a love potion. And when this
moved the king, he said that this love potion was a composition that she
had given him, whose effects he did not know, which was the reason of
his resolving to give him this information, as the safest course he
could take, both for himself and for the king. When Herod heard what he
said, and was in an ill disposition before, his indignation grew more
violent; and he ordered that eunuch of Mariamne, who was most faithful
to her, to be brought to torture about this potion, as well knowing it
was not possible that any thing small or great could be done without
him. And when the man was under the utmost agonies, he could say nothing
concerning the thing he was tortured about, but so far he knew, that
Mariamne's hatred against him was occasioned by somewhat that Sohemus
had said to her. Now as he was saying this, Herod cried out aloud, and
said that Sohemus, who had been at all other times most faithful to him,
and to his government, would not have betrayed what injunctions he had
given him, unless he had had a nearer conversation than ordinary with
Mariamne. So he gave order that Sohemus should be seized on and slain
immediately; but he allowed his wife to take her trial; and got together
those that were most faithful to him, and laid an elaborate accusation
against her for this love potion and composition, which had been charged
upon her by way of calumny only. However, he kept no temper in what he
said, and was in too great a passion for judging well about this matter.
Accordingly, when the court was at length satisfied that he was so
resolved, they passed the sentence of death upon her; but when the
sentence was passed upon her, this temper was suggested by himself, and
by some others of the court, that she should not be thus hastily put to
death, but be laid in prison in one of the fortresses belonging to the
kingdom: but Salome and her party labored hard to have the woman put to
death; and they prevailed with the king to do so, and advised this out
of caution, lest the multitude should be tumultuous if she were suffered
to live; and thus was Mariamne led to execution.
5. When Alexandra observed how things went, and that there were small
hopes that she herself should escape the like treatment from Herod, she
changed her behavior to quite the reverse of what might have been
expected from her former boldness, and this after a very indecent
manner; for out of her desire to show how entirely ignorant she was of
the crimes laid against Mariamne, she leaped out of her place, and
reproached her daughter in the hearing of all the people; and cried out
that she had been an ill woman, and ungrateful to her husband, and that
her punishment came justly upon her for such her insolent behavior, for
that she had not made proper returns to him who had been their common
benefactor. And when she had for some time acted after this hypocritical
manner, and been so outrageous as to tear her hair, this indecent and
dissembling behavior, as was to be expected, was greatly condemned by
the rest of the spectators, as it was principally by the poor woman who
was to suffer; for at the first she gave her not a word, nor was
discomposed at her peevishness, and only looked at her, yet did she out
of a greatness of soul discover her concern for her mother's offense,
and especially for her exposing herself in a manner so unbecoming her;
but as for herself, she went to her death with an unshaken firmness of
mind, and without changing the color of her face, and thereby evidently
discovered the nobility of her descent to the spectators, even in the
last moments of her life.
6. And thus died Mariamne, a woman of an excellent character, both for
chastity and greatness of soul; but she wanted moderation, and had too
much of contention in her nature; yet had she all that can be said in
the beauty of her body, and her majestic appearance in conversation; and
thence arose the greatest part of the occasions why she did not prove so
agreeable to the king, nor live so pleasantly with him, as she might
otherwise have done; for while she was most indulgently used by the
king, out of his fondness for her, and did not expect that he could do
any hard thing to her, she took too unbounded a liberty. Moreover, that
which most afflicted her was, what he had done to her relations, and she
ventured to speak of all they had suffered by him, and at last greatly
provoked both the king's mother and sister, till they became enemies to
her; and even he himself also did the same, on whom alone she depended
for her expectations of escaping the last of punishments.
7. But when she was once dead, the king's affections for her were
kindled in a more outrageous manner than before, whose old passion for
her we have already described; for his love to her was not of a calm
nature, nor such as we usually meet with among other husbands; for at
its commencement it was of an enthusiastic kind, nor was it by their
long cohabitation and free conversation together brought under his power
to manage; but at this time his love to Mariamne seemed to seize him in
such a peculiar manner, as looked like Divine vengeance upon him for the
taking away her life; for he would frequently call for her, and
frequently lament for her in a most indecent manner. Moreover, he
bethought him of every thing he could make use of to divert his mind
from thinking of her, and contrived feasts and assemblies for that
purpose, but nothing would suffice; he therefore laid aside the
administration of public affairs, and was so far conquered by his
passion, that he would order his servants to call for Mariamne, as if
she were still alive, and could still hear them. And when he was in this
way, there arose a pestilential disease, and carried off the greatest
part of the multitude, and of his best and most esteemed friends, and
made all men suspect that this was brought upon them by the anger of
God, for the injustice that had been done to Mariamne. This circumstance
affected the king still more, till at length he forced himself to go
into desert places, and there, under pretense of going a hunting,
bitterly afflicted himself; yet had he not borne his grief there many
days before he fell into a most dangerous distemper himself: he had an
inflammation upon him, and a pain in the hinder part of his head, joined
with madness; and for the remedies that were used, they did him no good
at all, but proved contrary to his case, and so at length brought him to
despair. All the physicians also that were about him, partly because the
medicines they brought for his recovery could not at all conquer the
disease, and partly because his diet could be no other than what his
disease inclined him to, desired him to eat whatever he had a mind to,
and so left the small hopes they had of his recovery in the power of
that diet, and committed him to fortune. And thus did his distemper go
on, while he was at Samaria, now called Sebaste.
8. Now Alexandra abode at this time at Jerusalem; and being informed
what condition Herod was in, she endeavored to get possession of the
fortified places that were about the city, which were two, the one
belonging to the city itself, the other belonging to the temple; and
those that could get them into their hands had the whole nation under
their power, for without the command of them it was not possible to
offer their sacrifices; and to think of leaving on those sacrifices is
to every Jew plainly impossible, who are still more ready to lose their
lives than to leave off that Divine worship which they have been wont to
pay unto God. Alexandra, therefore, discoursed with those that had the
keeping of these strong holds, that it was proper for them to deliver
the same to her, and to Herod's sons, lest, upon his death, any other
person should seize upon the government; and that upon his recovery none
could keep them more safely for him than those of his own family. These
words were not by them at all taken in good part; and as they had been
in former times faithful [to Herod], they resolved to continue so more
than ever, both because they hated Alexandra, and because they thought
it a sort of impiety to despair of Herod's recovery while he was yet
alive, for they had been his old friends; and one of them, whose name
was Achiabus, was his cousin-german. They sent messengers therefore to
acquaint him with Alexandra's design; so he made no longer delay, but
gave orders to have her slain; yet was it still with difficulty, and
after he had endured great pain, that he got clear of his distemper. He
was still sorely afflicted, both in mind and body, and made very uneasy,
and readier than ever upon all occasions to inflict punishment upon
those that fell under his hand. He also slew the most intimate of his
friends, Costobarus, and Lysimachus, and Cadias, who was also called
Antipater; as also Dositheus, and that upon the following occasion.
9. Costobarus was an Idumean by birth, and one of principal dignity
among them, and one whose ancestors had been priests to the Koze, whom
the Idumeans had [formerly] esteemed as a god; but after Hyrcanus had
made a change in their political government, and made them receive the
Jewish customs and law, Herod made Costobarus governor of Idumea and
Gaza, and gave him his sister Salome to wife; and this was upon the
slaughter of [his uncle] Joseph, who had that government before, as we
have related already. When Costobarus had gotten to be so highly
advanced, it pleased him and was more than he hoped for, and he was more
and more puffed up by his good success, and in a little while he
exceeded all bounds, and did not think fit to obey what Herod, as their
ruler, commanded him, or that the Idumeans should make use of the Jewish
customs, or be subject to them. He therefore sent to Cleopatra, and
informed her that the Idumeans had been always under his progenitors,
and that for the same reason it was but just that she should desire that
country for him of Antony, for that he was ready to transfer his
friendship to her; and this he did, not because he was better pleased to
be under Cleopatra's government, but because he thought that, upon the
diminution of Herod's power, it would not be difficult for him to obtain
himself the entire government over the Idumeans, and somewhat more also;
for he raised his hopes still higher, as having no small pretenses, both
by his birth and by these riches which he had gotten by his constant
attention to filthy lucre; and accordingly it was not a small matter
that he aimed at. So Cleopatra desired this country of Antony, but
failed of her purpose. An account of this was brought to Herod, who was
thereupon ready to kill Costobarus; yet, upon the entreaties of his
sister and mother, he forgave him, and vouchsafed to pardon him
entirely; though he still had a suspicion of him afterward for this his
attempt.
10. But some time afterward, when Salome happened to quarrel with
Costobarus, she sent him a bill of divorce 12 and dissolved her marriage
with him, though this was not according to the Jewish laws; for with us
it is lawful for a husband to do so; but a wife; if she departs from her
husband, cannot of herself be married to another, unless her former
husband put her away. However, Salome chose to follow not the law of her
country, but the law of her authority, and so renounced her wedlock; and
told her brother Herod, that she left her husband out of her good-will
to him, because she perceived that he, with Antipater, and Lysimachus,
and Dositheus, were raising a sedition against him; as an evidence
whereof, she alleged the case of the sons of Babas, that they had been
by him preserved alive already for the interval of twelve years; which
proved to be true. But when Herod thus unexpectedly heard of it, he was
greatly surprised at it, and was the more surprised, because the
relation appeared incredible to him. As for the fact relating to these
sons of Babas, Herod had formerly taken great pains to bring them to
punishment, as being enemies to his government; but they were now
forgotten by him, on account of the length of time [since he had ordered
them to be slain]. Now the cause of his ill-will and hatred to them
arose hence, that while Antigonus was king, Herod, with his army,
besieged the city of Jerusalem, where the distress and miseries which
the besieged endured were so pressing, that the greater number of them
invited Herod into the city, and already placed their hopes on him. Now
the sons of Babas were of great dignity, and had power among the
multitude, and were faithful to Antigonus, and were always raising
calumnies against Herod, and encouraged the people to preserve the
government to that royal family which held it by inheritance. So these
men acted thus politically, and, as they thought, for their own
advantage; but when the city was taken, and Herod had gotten the
government into his hands, and Costobarus was appointed to hinder men
from passing out at the gates, and to guard the city, that those
citizens that were guilty, and of the party opposite to the king, might
not get out of it, Costobarus, being sensible that the sons of Babas
were had in respect and honor by the whole multitude, and supposing that
their preservation might be of great advantage to him in the changes of
government afterward, he set them by themselves, and concealed them in
his own farms; and when the thing was suspected, he assured Herod upon
oath that he really knew nothing of that matter, and so overcame the
suspicions that lay upon him; nay, after that, when the king had
publicly proposed a reward for the discovery, and had put in practice
all sorts of methods for searching out this matter, he would not confess
it; but being persuaded that when he had at first denied it, if the men
were found, he should not escape unpunished, he was forced to keep them
secret, not only out of his good-will to them, but out of a necessary
regard to his own preservation also. But when the king knew the thing,
by his sister's information, he sent men to the places where he had the
intimation they were concealed, and ordered both them, and those that
were accused as guilty with them, to be slain, insomuch that there were
now none at all left of the kindred of Hyrcanus, and the kingdom was
entirely in Herod's own power, and there was nobody remaining of such
dignity as could put a stop to what he did against the Jewish laws.
CHAPTER 8. How Ten Men Of The Citizens [Of Jerusalem] Made A Conspiracy
Against Herod, For The Foreign Practices He Had Introduced, Which Was A
Transgression Of The Laws Of Their Country. Concerning The Building Of
Sebaste And Cæsarea, And Other Edifices Of Herod.
1. On this account it was that Herod revolted from the laws of his
country, and corrupted their ancient constitution, by the introduction
of foreign practices, which constitution yet ought to have been
preserved inviolable; by which means we became guilty of great
wickedness afterward, while those religious observances which used to
lead the multitude to piety were now neglected; for, in the first place,
he appointed solemn games to be celebrated every fifth year, in honor of
Cæsar, and built a theater at Jerusalem, as also a very great
amphitheater in the plain. Both of them were indeed costly works, but
opposite to the Jewish customs; for we have had no such shows delivered
down to us as fit to be used or exhibited by us; yet did he celebrate
these games every five years, in the most solemn and splendid manner. He
also made proclamation to the neighboring countries, and called men
together out of every nation. The wrestlers also, and the rest of those
that strove for the prizes in such games, were invited out of every
land, both by the hopes of the rewards there to be bestowed, and by the
glory of victory to be there gained. So the principal persons that were
the most eminent in these sorts of exercises were gotten together, for
there were very great rewards for victory proposed, not only to those
that performed their exercises naked, but to those that played the
musicians also, and were called Thymelici; and he spared no pains to
induce all persons, the most famous for such exercises, to come to this
contest for victory. He also proposed no small rewards to those who ran
for the prizes in chariot races, when they were drawn by two, or three,
or four pair of horses. He also imitated every thing, though never so
costly or magnificent, in other nations, out of an ambition that he
might give most public demonstration of his grandeur. Inscriptions also
of the great actions of Cæsar, and trophies of those nations which he
had conquered in his wars, and all made of the purest gold and silver,
encompassed the theater itself; nor was there any thing that could be
subservient to his design, whether it were precious garments, or
precious stones set in order, which was not also exposed to sight in
these games. He had also made a great preparation of wild beasts, and of
lions themselves in great abundance, and of such other beasts as were
either of uncommon strength, or of such a sort as were rarely seen.
These were prepared either to fight with one another, or that men who
were condemned to death were to fight with them. And truly foreigners
were greatly surprised and delighted at the vastness of the expenses
here exhibited, and at the great dangers that were here seen; but to
natural Jews, this was no better than a dissolution of those customs for
which they had so great a veneration. 13 It appeared also no better than
an instance of barefaced impiety, to throw men to wild beasts, for the
affording delight to the spectators; and it appeared an instance of no
less impiety, to change their own laws for such foreign exercises: but,
above all the rest, the trophies gave most distaste to the Jews; for as
they imagined them to be images, included within the armor that hung
round about them, they were sorely displeased at them, because it was
not the custom of their country to pay honors to such images.
2. Nor was Herod unacquainted with the disturbance they were under; and
as he thought it unseasonable to use violence with them, so he spake to
some of them by way of consolation, and in order to free them from that
superstitious fear they were under; yet could not he satisfy them, but
they cried out with one accord, out of their great uneasiness at the
offenses they thought he had been guilty of, that although they should
think of bearing all the rest yet would they never bear images of men in
their city, meaning the trophies, because this was disagreeable to the
laws of their country. Now when Herod saw them in such a disorder, and
that they would not easily change their resolution unless they received
satisfaction in this point, he called to him the most eminent men among
them, and brought them upon the theater, and showed them the trophies,
and asked them what sort of things they took these trophies to be; and
when they cried out that they were the images of men, he gave order that
they should be stripped of these outward ornaments which were about
them, and showed them the naked pieces of wood; which pieces of wood,
now without any ornament, became matter of great sport and laughter to
them, because they had before always had the ornaments of images
themselves in derision.
3. When therefore Herod had thus got clear of the multitude, and had
dissipated the vehemency of passion under which they had been, the
greatest part of the people were disposed to change their conduct, and
not to be displeased at him any longer; but still some of them continued
in their displeasure against him, for his introduction of new customs,
and esteemed the violation of the laws of their country as likely to be
the origin of very great mischiefs to them, so that they deemed it an
instance of piety rather to hazard themselves [to be put to death], than
to seem as if they took no notice of Herod, who, upon the change he had
made in their government, introduced such customs, and that in a violent
manner, which they had never been used to before, as indeed in pretense
a king, but in reality one that showed himself an enemy to their whole
nation; on which account ten men that were citizens [of Jerusalem]
conspired together against him, and sware to one another to undergo any
dangers in the attempt, and took daggers with them under their garments
[for the purpose of killing Herod]. Now there was a certain blind man
among those conspirators who had thus sworn to one another, on account
of the indignation he had against what he heard to have been done; he
was not indeed able to afford the rest any assistance in the
undertaking, but was ready to undergo any suffering with them, if so be
they should come to any harm, insomuch that he became a very great
encourager of the rest of the undertakers.
4. When they had taken this resolution, and that by common consent, they
went into the theater, hoping that, in the first place, Herod himself
could not escape them, as they should fall upon him so unexpectedly; and
supposing, however, that if they missed him, they should kill a great
many of those that were about him; and this resolution they took, though
they should die for it, in order to suggest to the king what injuries he
had done to the multitude. These conspirators, therefore, standing thus
prepared beforehand, went about their design with great alacrity; but
there was one of those spies of Herod, that were appointed for such
purposes, to fish out and inform him of any conspiracies that should be
made against him, who found out the whole affair, and told the king of
it, as he was about to go into the theater. So when he reflected on the
hatred which he knew the greatest part of the people bore him, and on
the disturbances that arose upon every occasion, he thought this plot
against him not to be improbable. Accordingly, he retired into his
palace, and called those that were accused of this conspiracy before him
by their several names; and as, upon the guards falling upon them, they
were caught in the very fact, and knew they could not escape, they
prepared themselves for their ends with all the decency they could, and
so as not at all to recede from their resolute behavior, for they showed
no shame for what they were about, nor denied it; but when they were
seized, they showed their daggers, and professed that the conspiracy
they had sworn to was a holy and pious action; that what they intended
to do was not for gain, or out of any indulgence to their passions, but
principally for those common customs of their country, which all the
Jews were obliged to observe, or to die for them. This was what these
men said, out of their undaunted courage in this conspiracy. So they
were led away to execution by the king's guards that stood about them,
and patiently underwent all the torments inflicted on them till they
died. Nor was it long before that spy who had discovered them was seized
on by some of the people, out of the hatred they bore to him; and was
not only slain by them, but pulled to pieces, limb from limb, and given
to the dogs. This execution was seen by many of the citizens, yet would
not one of them discover the doers of it, till upon Herod's making a
strict scrutiny after them, by bitter and severe tortures, certain women
that were tortured confessed what they had seen done; the authors of
which fact were so terribly punished by the king, that their entire
families were destroyed for this their rash attempt; yet did not the
obstinacy of the people, and that undaunted constancy they showed in the
defense of their laws, make Herod any easier to them, but he still
strengthened himself after a more secure manner, and resolved to
encompass the multitude every way, lest such innovations should end in
an open rebellion.
5. Since, therefore, he had now the city fortified by the palace in
which he lived, and by the temple which had a strong fortress by it,
called Antonia, and was rebuilt by himself, he contrived to make Samaria
a fortress for himself also against all the people, and called it
Sebaste, supposing that this place would be a strong hold against the
country, not inferior to the former. So he fortified that place, which
was a day's journey distant from Jerusalem, and which would be useful to
him in common, to keep both the country and the city in awe. He also
built another fortress for the whole nation; it was of old called
Strato's Tower, but was by him named Cæsarea. Moreover, he chose out
some select horsemen, and placed them in the great plain; and built [for
them] a place in Galilee, called Gaba with Hesebonitis, in Perea. And
these were the places which he particularly built, while he always was
inventing somewhat further for his own security, and encompassing the
whole nation with guards, that they might by no means get from under his
power, nor fall into tumults, which they did continually upon any small
commotion; and that if they did make any commotions, he might know of
it, while some of his spies might be upon them from the neighborhood,
and might both be able to know what they were attempting, and to prevent
it. And when he went about building the wall of Samaria, he contrived to
bring thither many of those that had been assisting to him in his wars,
and many of the people in that neighborhood also, whom he made fellow
citizens with the rest. This he did out of an ambitious desire of
building a temple, and out of a desire to make the city more eminent
than it had been before; but principally because he contrived that it
might at once be for his own security, and a monument of his
magnificence. He also changed its name, and called it Sebaste. Moreover,
he parted the adjoining country, which was excellent in its kind, among
the inhabitants of Samaria, that they might be in a happy condition,
upon their first coming to inhabit. Besides all which, he encompassed
the city with a wall of great strength, and made use of the acclivity of
the place for making its fortifications stronger; nor was the compass of
the place made now so small as it had been before, but was such as
rendered it not inferior to the most famous cities; for it was twenty
furlongs in circumference. Now within, and about the middle of it, he
built a sacred place, of a furlong and a half [in circuit], and adorned
it with all sorts of decorations, and therein erected a temple, which
was illustrious on account of both its largeness and beauty. And as to
the several parts of the city, he adorned them with decorations of all
sorts also; and as to what was necessary to provide for his own
security, he made the walls very strong for that purpose, and made it
for the greatest part a citadel; and as to the elegance of the building,
it was taken care of also, that he might leave monuments of the fineness
of his taste, and of his beneficence, to future ages.
CHAPTER 9. Concerning The Famine That Happened In Judea And Syria; And
How Herod, After He Had Married Another Wife, Rebuilt Cæsarea, And Other
Grecian Cities.
1. Now on this very year, which was the thirteenth year of the reign of
Herod, very great calamities came upon the country; whether they were
derived from the anger of God, or whether this misery returns again
naturally in certain periods of time 14 for, in the first place, there
were perpetual droughts, and for that reason the ground was barren, and
did not bring forth the same quantity of fruits that it used to produce;
and after this barrenness of the soil, that change of food which the
want of corn occasioned produced distempers in the bodies of men, and a
pestilential disease prevailed, one misery following upon the back of
another; and these circumstances, that they were destitute both of
methods of cure and of food, made the pestilential distemper, which
began after a violent manner, the more lasting. The destruction of men
also after such a manner deprived those that survived of all their
courage, because they had no way to provide remedies sufficient for the
distresses they were in. When therefore the fruits of that year were
spoiled, and whatsoever they had laid up beforehand was spent, there was
no foundation of hope for relief remaining, but the misery, contrary to
what they expected still increased upon them; and this not only on that
year, while they had nothing for themselves left [at the end of it], but
what seed they had sown perished also, by reason of the ground not
yielding its fruits on the second year. 15 This distress they were in
made them also, out of necessity, to eat many things that did not use to
be eaten; nor was the king himself free from this distress any more than
other men, as being deprived of that tribute he used to have from the
fruits of the ground, and having already expended what money he had, in
his liberality to those whose cities he had built; nor had he any people
that were worthy of his assistance, since this miserable state of things
had procured him the hatred of his subjects: for it is a constant rule,
that misfortunes are still laid to the account of those that govern.