given to Judas Maccabeus, nor was derived from any initial letters of
the Hebrew words on his banner, "Mi Kamoka Be Elire, Jehovah?" ["Who is
like unto thee among the gods, O Jehovah?"] Exodus 15:11 as the modern
Rabbins vainly pretend, see Authent. Rec. Part I. p. 205, 206. Only we
may note, by the way, that the original name of these Maccabees, and
their posterity, was Asamoneans; which was derived from Asamoneus, the
great-grandfather of Mattathias, as Josephus here informs us.]
20 (return) [ The reason why Bethshah was called Scythopolis is well
known from Herodotus, B. I. p. 105, and Syncellus, p. 214, that the
Scythians, when they overran Asia, in the days of Josiah, seized on this
city, and kept it as long as they continued in Asia, from which time it
retained the name of Scythopolis, or the City of the Scythians.]
21 (return) [ This most providential preservation of all the religious
Jews in this expedition, which was according to the will of God, is
observable often among God's people, the Jews; and somewhat very like it
in the changes of the four monarchies, which were also providential. See
Prideaux at the years 331, 333, and 334.]
22 (return) [ Here is another great instance of Providence, that when,
even at the very time that Simon, and Judas, and Jonathan were so
miraculously preserved and blessed, in the just defense of their laws
and religion, these other generals of the Jews, who went to fight for
honor in a vain-glorious way, and without any commission from God, or
the family he had raised up to deliver them, were miserably disappointed
and defeated. See 1 Macc. 5:61, 62.]
23 (return) [ Since St. Paul, a Pharisee, confesses that he had not
known concupiscence, or desires, to be sinful, had not the tenth
commandment said, "Thou shalt not covet," Romans 7:7, the case seems to
have been much the same with our Josephus, who was of the same sect,
that he had not a deep sense of the greatness of any sins that proceeded
no further than the intention. However, since Josephus speaks here
properly of the punishment of death, which is not intended by any law,
either of God or man, for the bare intention, his words need not to be
strained to mean, that sins intended, but not executed, were no sins at
all.]
24 (return) [ No wonder that Josephus here describes Antiochus Eupator
as young, and wanting tuition, when he came to the crown, since Appian
informs us [Footnote Syriac. p. 177: that he was then but nine years
old.]
25 (return) [ It is no way probable that Josephus would call Bacchidoa,
that bitter and bloody enemy of the Jews, as our present copies have it,
a man good, or kind, and gentle, What the author of the First Book of
Maccabees, whom Josephus here follows, instead of that character, says
of him, is, that he was a great man in the kingdom, and faithful to his
king; which was very probably Josephus's meaning also.]
26 (return) [ Josephus's copies must have been corrupted when they here
give victory to Nicanor, contrary to the words following, which imply
that he who was beaten fled into the citadel, which for certain belonged
to the city of David, or to Mount Zion, and was in the possession of
Nicanor's garrison, and not of Judas's. As also it is contrary to the
express words of Josephus's original author, 1 Macc. 7:32, who says that
Nicanor lost about five thousand men, and fled to the city of David.]
27 (return) [ This account of the miserable death of Alcimus, or Jac-
mus, the wicked high priest, [the first that was not of the family of
the high priests, and made by a vile heathen, Lysias,] before the death
of Judas, and of Judas's succession to him as high priest, both here,
and at the conclusion of this book, directly contradicts 1 Macc. 9:54-
57, which places his death after the death of Judas, and says not a
syllable of the high priesthood of Judas. How well the Roman histories
agree to this account of the conquests and powerful condition of the
Romans at this time, see the notes in Havercamp's edition; only that the
number of the senators of Rome was then just three hundred and twenty,
is, I think, only known from 1 Macc. 8:15.]
28 (return) [ This subscription is wanting 1 Macc. 8:17, 29, and must be
the words of Josephus, who by mistake thought, as we have just now seen,
that Judas was at this time high priest, and accordingly then reckoned
his brother Jonathan to be the general of the army, which yet he seems
not to have been till after the death of Judas.]
29 (return) [ That this copy of Josephus, as he wrote it, had here not
one thousand, but three thousand, with 1 Macc 9:5, is very plain,
because though the main part ran away at first, even in Josephus, as
well as in 1 Macc. 9:6, yet, as there, so here, eight hundred are said
to have remained with Judas, which would be absurd, if the whole number
had been no more than one thousand.]
BOOK XIII. Containing The Interval Of Eighty-Two Years.—From The Death
Of Judas Maccabeus To The Death Of Queen Alexandra.
CHAPTER 1. How Jonathan Took The Government After His Brother Judas; And
How He, Together With His Brother Simon, Waged War Against Bacchides.
1. By what means the nation of the Jews recovered their freedom when
they had been brought into slavery by the Macedonians, and what
struggles, and how great battles, Judas, the general of their army, ran
through, till he was slain as he was fighting for them, hath been
related in the foregoing book; but after he was dead, all the wicked,
and those that transgressed the laws of their forefathers, sprang up
again in Judea, and grew upon them, and distressed them on every side. A
famine also assisted their wickedness, and afflicted the country, till
not a few, who by reason of their want of necessaries, and because they
were not able to bear up against the miseries that both the famine and
their enemies brought upon them, deserted their country, and went to the
Macedonians. And now Bacchides gathered those Jews together who had
apostatized from the accustomed way of living of their forefathers, and
chose to live like their neighbors, and committed the care of the
country to them, who also caught the friends of Judas, and those of his
party, and delivered them up to Bacchides, who when he had, in the first
place, tortured and tormented them at his pleasure, he, by that means,
at length killed them. And when this calamity of the Jews was become so
great, as they had never had experience of the like since their return
out of Babylon, those that remained of the companions of Judas, seeing
that the nation was ready to be destroyed after a miserable manner, came
to his brother Jonathan, and desired him that he would imitate his
brother, and that care which he took of his countrymen, for whose
liberty in general he died also; and that he would not permit the nation
to be without a governor, especially in those destructive circumstances
wherein it now was. And where Jonathan said that he was ready to die for
them, and esteemed no inferior to his brother, he was appointed to be
the general of the Jewish army.
2. When Bacchides heard this, and was afraid that Jonathan might be very
troublesome to the king and the Macedonians, as Judas had been before
him, he sought how he might slay him by treachery. But this intention of
his was not unknown to Jonathan, nor to his brother Simon; but when
these two were apprized of it, they took all their companions, and
presently fled into that wilderness which was nearest to the city; and
when they were come to a lake called Asphar, they abode there. But when
Bacchides was sensible that they were in a low state, and were in that
place, he hasted to fall upon them with all his forces, and pitching his
camp beyond Jordan, he recruited his army. But when Jonathan knew that
Bacchides Was coming upon him, he sent his brother John, who was also
called Gaddis, to the Nabatean Arabs, that he might lodge his baggage
with them until the battle with Bacchides should be over, for they were
the Jews' friends. And the sons of Ambri laid an ambush for John from
the city Medaba, and seized upon him, and upon those that were with him,
and plundered all that they had with them. They also slew John, and all
his companions. However, they were sufficiently punished for what they
now did by John's brethren, as we shall relate presently.
3. But when Bacchides knew that Jonathan had pitched his camp among the
lakes of Jordan, he observed when their sabbath day came, and then
assaulted him, [as supposing that he would not fight because of the law
for resting on that day]: but he exhorted his companions [to fight]; and
told them that their lives were at stake, since they were encompassed by
the river, and by their enemies, and had no way to escape, for that
their enemies pressed upon them from before, and the river was behind
them. So after he had prayed to God to give them the victory, he joined
battle with the enemy, of whom he overthrew many; and as he saw
Bacchides coming up boldly to him, he stretched out his right hand to
smite him; but the other foreseeing and avoiding the stroke, Jonathan
with his companions leaped into the river, and swam over it, and by that
means escaped beyond Jordan while the enemies did not pass over that
river; but Bacchides returned presently to the citadel at Jerusalem,
having lost about two thousand of his army. He also fortified many
cities of Judea, whose walls had been demolished; Jericho, and Emmaus,
and Betboron, and Bethel, and Tinma, and Pharatho, and Tecoa, and
Gazara, and built towers in every one of these cities, and encompassed
them with strong walls, that were very large also, and put garrisons
into them, that they might issue out of them, and do mischief to the
Jews. He also fortified the citadel at Jerusalem more than all the rest.
Moreover, he took the sons of the principal Jews as pledges, and shut
them up in the citadel, and in that manner guarded it.
4. About the same time one came to Jonathan, and to his brother Simon,
and told them that the sons of Ambri were celebrating a marriage, and
bringing the bride from the city Gabatha, who was the daughter of one of
the illustrious men among the Arabians, and that the damsel was to be
conducted with pomp, and splendor, and much riches: so Jonathan and
Simon thinking this appeared to be the fittest time for them to avenge
the death of their brother, and that they had forces sufficient for
receiving satisfaction from them for his death, they made haste to
Medaba, and lay in wait among the mountains for the coming of their
enemies; and as soon as they saw them conducting the virgin, and her
bridegroom, and such a great company of their friends with them as was
to be expected at this wedding, they sallied out of their ambush, and
slew them all, and took their ornaments, and all the prey that then
followed them, and so returned, and received this satisfaction for their
brother John from the sons of Ambri; for as well those sons themselves,
as their friends, and wives, and children that followed them, perished,
being in number about four hundred.
5. However, Simon and Jonathan returned to the lakes of the river, and
abode there. But Bacchides, when he had secured all Judea with his
garrisons, returned to the king; and then it was that the affairs of
Judea were quiet for two years. But when the deserters and the wicked
saw that Jonathan and those that were with him lived in the country very
quietly, by reason of the peace, they sent to king Demetrius, and
excited him to send Bacchides to seize upon Jonathan, which they said
was to be done without any trouble, and in one night's time; and that if
they fell upon them before they were aware, they might slay them all. So
the king sent Bacchides, who, when he was come into Judea, wrote to all
his friends, both Jews and auxiliaries, that they should seize upon
Jonathan, and bring him to him; and when, upon all their endeavors, they
were not able to seize upon Jonathan, for he was sensible of the snares
they laid for him, and very carefully guarded against them, Bacchides
was angry at these deserters, as having imposed upon him, and upon the
king, and slew fifty of their leaders: whereupon Jonathan, with his
brother, and those that were with him, retired to Bethagla, a village
that lay in the wilderness, out of his fear of Bacchides. He also built
towers in it, and encompassed it with walls, and took care that it
should be safely guarded. Upon the hearing of which Bacchides led his
own army along with him, and besides took his Jewish auxiliaries, and
came against Jonathan, and made an assault upon his fortifications, and
besieged him many days; but Jonathan did not abate of his courage at the
zeal Bacchides used in the siege, but courageously opposed him. And
while he left his brother Simon in the city to fight with Bacchides, he
went privately out himself into the country, and got a great body of men
together of his own party, and fell upon Bacchides's camp in the night
time, and destroyed a great many of them. His brother Simon knew also of
this his falling upon them, because he perceived that the enemies were
slain by him; so he sallied out upon them, and burnt the engines which
the Macedonians used, and made a great slaughter of them. And when
Bacchides saw himself encompassed with enemies, and some of them before
and some behind him, he fell into despair and trouble of mind, as
confounded at the unexpected ill success of this siege. However, he
vented his displeasure at these misfortunes upon those deserters who
sent for him from the king, as having deluded him. So he had a mind to
finish this siege after a decent manner, if it were possible for him so
to do, and then to return home.
6. When Jonathan understood these his intentions, he sent ambassadors to
him about a league of friendship and mutual assistance, and that they
might restore those they had taken captive on both sides. So Bacchides
thought this a pretty decent way of retiring home, and made a league of
friendship with Jonathan, when they sware that they would not any more
make war one against another. Accordingly, he restored the captives, and
took his own men with him, and returned to the king at Antioch; and
after this his departure, he never came into Judea again. Then did
Jonathan take the opportunity of this quiet state of things, and went
and lived in the city Michmash; and there governed the multitude, and
punished the wicked and ungodly, and by that means purged the nation of
them.
CHAPTER 2. How Alexander [Bala] In His War With Demetrius, Granted
Jonathan Many Advantages And Appointed Him To Be High Priest And
Persuaded Him To Assist Him Although Demetrius Promised Him Greater
Advantages On The Other Side. Concerning The Death
Of Demetrius.
1. Now in the hundred and sixtieth year, it fell out that Alexander, the
son of Antiochus Epiphanes, 1 came up into Syria, and took Ptolemais the
soldiers within having betrayed it to him; for they were at enmity with
Demetrius, on account of his insolence and difficulty of access; for he
shut himself up in a palace of his that had four towers which he had
built himself, not far from Antioch and admitted nobody. He was withal
slothful and negligent about the public affairs, whereby the hatred of
his subjects was the more kindled against him, as we have elsewhere
already related. When therefore Demetrius heard that Alexander was in
Ptolemais, he took his whole army, and led it against him; he also sent
ambassadors to Jonathan about a league of mutual assistance and
friendship, for he resolved to be beforehand with Alexander, lest the
other should treat with him first, and gain assistance from him; and
this he did out of the fear he had lest Jonathan should remember how ill
Demetrius had formerly treated him, and should join with him in this war
against him. He therefore gave orders that Jonathan should be allowed to
raise an army, and should get armor made, and should receive back those
hostages of the Jewish nation whom Baechides had shut up in the citadel
of Jerusalem. When this good fortune had befallen Jonathan, by the
concession of Demetrius, he came to Jerusalem, and read the king's
letter in the audience of the people, and of those that kept the
citadel. When these were read, these wicked men and deserters, who were
in the citadel, were greatly afraid, upon the king's permission to
Jonathan to raise an army, and to receive back the hostages. So he
delivered every one of them to his own parents. And thus did Jonathan
make his abode at Jerusalem, renewing the city to a better state, and
reforming the buildings as he pleased; for he gave orders that the walls
of the city should be rebuilt with square stones, that it might be more
secure from their enemies. And when those that kept the garrisons that
were in Judea saw this, they all left them, and fled to Antioch,
excepting those that were in the city Bethsura, and those that were in
the citadel of Jerusalem, for the greater part of these was of the
wicked Jews and deserters, and on that account these did not deliver up
their garrisons.
2. When Alexander knew what promises Demetrius had made Jonathan, and
withal knew his courage, and what great things he had done when he
fought the Macedonians, and besides what hardships he had undergone by
the means of Demetrius, and of Bacchides, the general of Demetrius's
army, he told his friends that he could not at present find any one else
that might afford him better assistance than Jonathan, who was both
courageous against his enemies, and had a particular hatred against
Demetrius, as having both suffered many hard things from him, and acted
many hard things against him. If therefore they were of opinion that
they should make him their friend against Demetrius, it was more for
their advantage to invite him to assist them now than at another time.
It being therefore determined by him and his friends to send to
Jonathan, he wrote to him this epistle: "King Alexander to his brother
Jonathan, sendeth greeting. We have long ago heard of thy courage and
thy fidelity, and for that reason have sent to thee, to make with thee a
league of friendship and mutual assistance. We therefore do ordain thee
this day the high priest of the Jews, and that thou beest called my
friend. I have also sent thee, as presents, a purple robe and a golden
crown, and desire that, now thou art by us honored, thou wilt in like
manner respect us also."
3. When Jonathan had received this letter, he put on the pontifical robe
at the time of the feast of tabernacles, 2 four years after the death of
his brother Judas, for at that time no high priest had been made. So he
raised great forces, and had abundance of armor got ready. This greatly
grieved Demetrius when he heard of it, and made him blame himself for
his slowness, that he had not prevented Alexander, and got the good-will
of Jonathan, but had given him time so to do. However, he also himself
wrote a letter to Jonathan, and to the people, the contents whereof are
these: "King Demetrius to Jonathan, and to the nation of the Jews,
sendeth greeting. Since you have preserved your friendship for us, and
when you have been tempted by our enemies, you have not joined
yourselves to them, I both commend you for this your fidelity, and
exhort you to continue in the same disposition, for which you shall be
repaid, and receive rewards from us; for I will free you from the
greatest part of the tributes and taxes which you formerly paid to the
kings my predecessors, and to myself; and I do now set you free from
those tributes which you have ever paid; and besides, I forgive you the
tax upon salt, and the value of the crowns which you used to offer to me
3 and instead of the third part of the fruits [of the field], and the
half of the fruits of the trees, I relinquish my part of them from this
day: and as to the poll-money, which ought to be given me for every head
of the inhabitants of Judea, and of the three toparchies that adjoin to
Judea, Samaria, and Galilee, and Peres, that I relinquish to you for
this time, and for all time to come. I will also that the city of
Jerusalem be holy and inviolable, and free from the tithe, and from the
taxes, unto its utmost bounds. And I so far recede from my title to the
citadel, as to permit Jonathan your high priest to possess it, that he
may place such a garrison in it as he approves of for fidelity and good-
will to himself, that they may keep it for us. I also make free all
those Jews who have been made captives and slaves in my kingdom. I also
give order that the beasts of the Jews be not pressed for our service;
and let their sabbaths, and all their festivals, and three days before
each of them, be free from any imposition. In the same manner, I set
free the Jews that are inhabitants of my kingdom, and order that no
injury be done them. I also give leave to such of them as are willing to
list themselves in my army, that they may do it, and those as far as
thirty thousand; which Jewish soldiers, wheresoever they go, shall have
the same pay that my own army hath; and some of them I will place in my
garrisons, and some as guards about mine own body, and as rulers over
those that are in my court. I give them leave also to use the laws of
their forefathers, and to observe them; and I will that they have power
over the three toparchies that are added to Judea; and it shall be in
the power of the high priest to take care that no one Jew shall have any
other temple for worship but only that at Jerusalem. I bequeath also,
out of my own revenues, yearly, for the expenses about the sacrifices,
one hundred and fifty thousand [drachmae]; and what money is to spare, I
will that it shall be your own. I also release to you those ten thousand
drachmae which the kings received from the temple, because they
appertain to the priests that minister in that temple. And whosoever
shall fly to the temple at Jerusalem, or to the places thereto
belonging, or who owe the king money, or are there on any other account,
let them be set free, and let their goods be in safety. I also give you
leave to repair and rebuild your temple, and that all be done at my
expenses. I also allow you to build the walls of your city, and to erect
high towers, and that they be erected at my charge. And if there be any
fortified town that would be convenient for the Jewish country to have
very strong, let it be so built at my expenses."
4. This was what Demetrius promised and granted to the Jews by this
letter. But king Alexander raised a great army of mercenary soldiers,
and of those that deserted to him out of Syria, and made an expedition
against Demetrius. And when it was come to a battle, the left wing of
Demetrius put those who opposed them to flight, and pursued them a great
way, and slew many of them, and spoiled their camp; but the right wing,
where Demetrius happened to be, was beaten; and as for all the rest,
they ran away. But Demetrius fought courageously, and slew a great many
of the enemy; but as he was in the pursuit of the rest, his horse
carried him into a deep bog, where it was hard to get out, and there it
happened, that upon his horse's falling down, he could not escape being
killed; for when his enemies saw what had befallen him, they returned
back, and encompassed Demetrius round, and they all threw their darts at
him; but he, being now on foot, fought bravely. But at length he
received so many wounds, that he was not able to bear up any longer, but
fell. And this is the end that Demetrius came to, when he had reigned
eleven years, 4 as we have elsewhere related.
CHAPTER 3. The Friendship That Was Between Onias And Ptolemy Philometor;
And How Onias Built A Temple In Egypt Like To That At Jerusalem.
1. But then the son of Onias the high priest, who was of the same name
with his father, and who fled to king Ptolemy, who was called
Philometor, lived now at Alexandria, as we have said already. When this
Onias saw that Judea was oppressed by the Macedonians and their kings,
out of a desire to purchase to himself a memorial and eternal fame he
resolved to send to king Ptolemy and queen Cleopatra, to ask leave of
them that he might build a temple in Egypt like to that at Jerusalem,
and might ordain Levites and priests out of their own stock. The chief
reason why he was desirous so to do, was, that he relied upon the
prophet Isaiah, who lived above six hundred years before, and foretold
that there certainly was to be a temple built to Almighty God in Egypt
by a man that was a Jew. Onias was elevated with this prediction, and
wrote the following epistle to Ptolemy and Cleopatra: "Having done many
and great things for you in the affairs of the war, by the assistance of
God, and that in Celesyria and Phoenicia, I came at length with the Jews
to Leontopolis, and to other places of your nation, where I found that
the greatest part of your people had temples in an improper manner, and
that on this account they bare ill-will one against another, which
happens to the Egyptians by reason of the multitude of their temples,
and the difference of opinions about Divine worship. Now I found a very
fit place in a castle that hath its name from the country Diana; this
place is full of materials of several sorts, and replenished with sacred
animals; I desire therefore that you will grant me leave to purge this
holy place, which belongs to no master, and is fallen down, and to build
there a temple to Almighty God, after the pattern of that in Jerusalem,
and of the same dimensions, that may be for the benefit of thyself, and
thy wife and children, that those Jews which dwell in Egypt may have a
place whither they may come and meet together in mutual harmony one with
another, and he subservient to thy advantages; for the prophet Isaiah
foretold that, 'there should be an altar in Egypt to the Lord God;'" 5
and many other such things did he prophesy relating to that place.
2. And this was what Onias wrote to king Ptolemy. Now any one may
observe his piety, and that of his sister and wife Cleopatra, by that
epistle which they wrote in answer to it; for they laid the blame and
the transgression of the law upon the head of Onias. And this was their
reply: "King Ptolemy and queen Cleopatra to Onias, send greeting. We
have read thy petition, wherein thou desirest leave to be given thee to
purge that temple which is fallen down at Leontopolis, in the Nomus of
Heliopolis, and which is named from the country Bubastis; on which
account we cannot but wonder that it should be pleasing to God to have a
temple erected in a place so unclean, and so full of sacred animals. But
since thou sayest that Isaiah the prophet foretold this long ago, we
give thee leave to do it, if it may be done according to your law, and
so that we may not appear to have at all offended God herein."
3. So Onias took the place, and built a temple, and an altar to God,
like indeed to that in Jerusalem, but smaller and poorer. I do not think
it proper for me now to describe its dimensions or its vessels, which
have been already described in my seventh book of the Wars of the Jews.
However, Onias found other Jews like to himself, together with priests
and Levites, that there performed Divine service. But we have said
enough about this temple.
4. Now it came to pass that the Alexandrian Jews, and those Samaritans
who paid their worship to the temple that was built in the days of
Alexander at Mount Gerizzim, did now make a sedition one against
another, and disputed about their temples before Ptolemy himself; the
Jews saying that, according to the laws of Moses, the temple was to be
built at Jerusalem; and the Samaritans saying that it was to be built at
Gerizzim. They desired therefore the king to sit with his friends, and
hear the debates about these matters, and punish those with death who
were baffled. Now Sabbeus and Theodosius managed the argument for the
Samaritans, and Andronicus, the son of Messalamus, for the people of
Jerusalem; and they took an oath by God and the king to make their
demonstrations according to the law; and they desired of Ptolemy, that
whomsoever he should find that transgressed what they had sworn to, he
would put him to death. Accordingly, the king took several of his
friends into the council, and sat down, in order to hear what the
pleaders said. Now the Jews that were at Alexandria were in great
concern for those men, whose lot it was to contend for the temple at
Jerusalem; for they took it very ill that any should take away the
reputation of that temple, which was so ancient and so celebrated all
over the habitable earth. Now when Sabbeus and Theodosius had given
leave to Andronicus to speak first, he began to demonstrate out of the
law, and out of the successions of the high priests, how they every one
in succession from his father had received that dignity, and ruled over
the temple; and how all the kings of Asia had honored that temple with
their donations, and with the most splendid gifts dedicated thereto. But
as for that at Gerizzm, he made no account of it, and regarded it as if
it had never had a being. By this speech, and other arguments,
Andronicus persuaded the king to determine that the temple at Jerusalem
was built according to the laws of Moses, 6 and to put Sabbeus and
Theodosius to death. And these were the events that befell the Jews at
Alexandria in the days of Ptolemy Philometor.
CHAPTER 4. How Alexander Honored Jonathan After An Extraordinary Manner;
And How Demetrius, The Son Of Demetrius, Overcame Alexander And Made A
League Of Friendship With Jonathan.
1. Demetrius being thus slain in battle, as we have above related,
Alexander took the kingdom of Syria; and wrote to Ptolemy Philometor,
and desired his daughter in marriage; and said it was but just that he
should be joined an affinity to one that had now received the
principality of his forefathers, and had been promoted to it by God's
providence, and had conquered Demetrius, and that was on other accounts
not unworthy of being related to him. Ptolemy received this proposal of
marriage gladly; and wrote him an answer, saluting him on account of his
having received the principality of his forefathers; and promising him
that he would give him his daughter in marriage; and assured him that he
was coming to meet him at Ptolemais, and desired that he would there
meet him, for that he would accompany her from Egypt so far, and would
there marry his child to him. When Ptolemy had written thus, he came
suddenly to Ptolemais, and brought his daughter Cleopatra along with
him; and as he found Alexander there before him, as he desired him to
come, he gave him his child in marriage, and for her portion gave her as
much silver and gold as became such a king to give.
2. When the wedding was over, Alexander wrote to Jonathan the high
priest, and desired him to come to Ptolemais. So when he came to these
kings, and had made them magnificent presents, he was honored by them
both. Alexander compelled him also to put off his own garment, and to
take a purple garment, and made him sit with him in his throne; and
commanded his captains that they should go with him into the middle of
the city, and proclaim, that it was not permitted to any one to speak
against him, or to give him any disturbance. And when the captains had
thus done, those that were prepared to accuse Jonathan, and who bore him
ill-will, when they saw the honor that was done him by proclamation, and
that by the king's order, ran away, and were afraid lest some mischief
should befall them. Nay, king Alexander was so very kind to Jonathan,
that he set him down as the principal of his friends.
3. But then, upon the hundred and sixty-fifth year, Demetrius, the son
of Demetrius, came from Crete with a great number of mercenary soldiers,
which Lasthenes, the Cretian, brought him, and sailed to Cilicia. This
thing cast Alexander into great concern and disorder when he heard it;
so he made haste immediately out of Phoenicia, and came to Antioch, that
he might put matters in a safe posture there before Demetrius should
come. He also left Apollonius Daus 7 governor of Celesyria, who coming
to Jamnia with a great army, sent to Jonathan the high priest, and told
him that it was not right that he alone should live at rest, and with
authority, and not be subject to the king; that this thing had made him
a reproach among all men, that he had not yet made him subject to the
king. "Do not thou therefore deceive thyself, and sit still among the
mountains, and pretend to have forces with thee; but if thou hast any
dependence on thy strength, come down into the plain, and let our armies
be compared together, and the event of the battle will demonstrate which
of us is the most courageous. However, take notice, that the most
valiant men of every city are in my army, and that these are the very
men who have always beaten thy progenitors; but let us have the battle
in such a place of the country where we may fight with weapons, and not
with stones, and where there may be no place whither those that are
beaten may fly."
4. With this Jonathan was irritated; and choosing himself out ten
thousand of his soldiers, he went out of Jerusalem in haste, with his
brother Simon, and came to Joppa, and pitched his camp on the outside of
the city, because the people of Joppa had shut their gates against him,
for they had a garrison in the city put there by Apollonius. But when
Jonathan was preparing to besiege them, they were afraid he would take
them by force, and so they opened the gates to him. But Apollonius, when
he heard that Joppa was taken by Jonathan, took three thousand horsemen,
and eight thousand footmen and came to Ashdod; and removing thence, he
made his journey silently and slowly, and going up to Joppa, he made as
if he was retiring from the place, and so drew Jonathan into the plain,
as valuing himself highly upon his horsemen, and having his hopes of
victory principally in them. However, Jonathan sallied out, and pursued
Apollonius to Ashdod; but as soon as Apollonius perceived that his enemy
was in the plain, he came back and gave him battle. But Apollonius had
laid a thousand horsemen in ambush in a valley, that they might be seen
by their enemies as behind them; which when Jonathan perceived, he was
under no consternation, but ordering his army to stand in a square
battle-array, he gave them a charge to fall on the enemy on both sides,
and set them to face those that attacked them both before and behind;
and while the fight lasted till the evening, he gave part of his forces
to his brother Simon, and ordered him to attack the enemies; but for
himself, he charged those that were with him to cover themselves with
their armor, and receive the darts of the horsemen, who did as they were
commanded; so that the enemy's horsemen, while they threw their darts
till they had no more left, did them no harm, for the darts that were
thrown did not enter into their bodies, being thrown upon the shields
that were united and conjoined together, the closeness of which easily
overcame the force of the darts, and they flew about without any effect.
But when the enemy grew remiss in throwing their darts from morning till
late at night, Simon perceived their weariness, and fell upon the body
of men before him; and because his soldiers showed great alacrity, he
put the enemy to flight. And when the horsemen saw that the footmen ran
away, neither did they stay themselves, but they being very weary, by
the duration of the fight till the evening, and their hope from the
footmen being quite gone, they basely ran away, and in great confusion
also, till they were separated one from another, and scattered over all
the plain. Upon which Jonathan pursued them as far as Ashdod, and slew a
great many of them, and compelled the rest, in despair of escaping, to
fly to the temple of Dagon, which was at Ashdod; but Jonathan took the
city on the first onset, and burnt it, and the villages about it; nor
did he abstain from the temple of Dagon itself, but burnt it also, and
destroyed those that had fled to it. Now the entire multitude of the
enemies that fell in the battle, and were consumed in the temple, were
eight thousand. When Jonathan therefore had overcome so great an army,
he removed from Ashdod, and came to Askelon; and when he had pitched his
camp without the city, the people of Askelon came out and met him,
bringing him hospitable presents, and honoring him; so he accepted of
their kind intentions, and returned thence to Jerusalem with a great
deal of prey, which he brought thence when he conquered his enemies. But
when Alexander heard that Apollonius, the general of his army, was
beaten, he pretended to be glad of it, because he had fought with
Jonathan his friend and ally against his directions. Accordingly, he
sent to Jonathan, and gave testimony to his worth; and gave him honorary
rewards, as a golden button, 8 which it is the custom to give the king's
kinsmen, and allowed him Ekron and its toparchy for his own inheritance.
5. About this time it was that king Ptolemy, who was called Philometor,
led an army, part by the sea, and part by land, and came to Syria, to
the assistance of Alexander, who was his son-in-law; and accordingly all
the cities received him willingly, as Alexander had commanded them to
do, and conducted him as far as Ashdod; where they all made loud
complaints about the temple of Dagon, which was burnt, and accused
Jonathan of having laid it waste, and destroyed the country adjoining
with fire, and slain a great number of them. Ptolemy heard these
accusations, but said nothing. Jonathan also went to meet Ptolemy as far
as Joppa, and obtained from him hospitable presents, and those glorious
in their kinds, with all the marks of honor; and when he had conducted
him as far as the river called Eleutherus, he returned again to
Jerusalem.
6. But as Ptolemy was at Ptolemais, he was very near to a most
unexpected destruction; for a treacherous design was laid for his life
by Alexander, by the means of Ammonius, who was his friend; and as the
treachery was very plain, Ptolemy wrote to Alexander, and required of
him that he should bring Ammonius to condign punishment, informing him
what snares had been laid for him by Ammonius, and desiring that he
might be accordingly punished for it. But when Alexander did not comply
with his demands, he perceived that it was he himself who laid the
design, and was very angry at him. Alexander had also formerly been on
very ill terms with the people of Antioch, for they had suffered very
much by his means; yet did Ammonius at length undergo the punishment his
insolent crimes had deserved, for he was killed in an opprobrious
manner, like a woman, while he endeavored to conceal himself in a
feminine habit, as we have elsewhere related.
7. Hereupon Ptolemy blamed himself for having given his daughter in
marriage to Alexander, and for the league he had made with him to assist
him against Demetrius; so he dissolved his relation to him, and took his
daughter away from him, and immediately sent to Demetrius, and offered
to make a league of mutual assistance and friendship with him, and
agreed with him to give him his daughter in marriage, and to restore him
to the principality of his fathers. Demetrius was well pleased with this
embassage, and accepted of his assistance, and of the marriage of his
daughter. But Ptolemy had still one more hard task to do, and that was
to persuade the people of Antioch to receive Demetrius, because they
were greatly displeased at him, on account of the injuries his father
Demetrius had done them; yet did he bring this about; for as the people
of Antioch hated Alexander on Ammonius's account, as we have shown
already, they were easily prevailed with to cast him out of Antioch;
who, thus expelled out of Antioch, came into Cilicia. Ptolemy came then
to Antioch, and was made king by its inhabitants, and by the army; so
that he was forced to put on two diadems, the one of Asia, the other of
Egypt: but being naturally a good and a righteous man, and not desirous
of what belonged to others, and besides these dispositions, being also a
wise man in reasoning about futurities, he determined to avoid the envy
of the Romans; so he called the people of Antioch together to an
assembly, and persuaded them to receive Demetrius; and assured them that
he would not be mindful of what they did to his father in case he should
be now obliged by them; and he undertook that he would himself be a good
monitor and governor to him, and promised that he would not permit him
to attempt any bad actions; but that, for his own part, he was contented
with the kingdom of Egypt. By which discourse he persuaded the people of
Antioch to receive Demetrius.
8. But now Alexander made haste with a numerous and great army, and came
out of Cilicia into Syria, and burnt the country belonging to Antioch,
and pillaged it; whereupon Ptolemy, and his son-in-law Demetrius,
brought their army against him, [for he had already given him his
daughter in marriage,] and beat Alexander, and put him to flight; and
accordingly he fled into Arabia. Now it happened in the time of the
battle that Ptolemy' horse, upon hearing the noise of an elephant, cast
him off his back, and threw him on the ground; upon the sight of which
accident, his enemies fell upon him, and gave him many wounds upon his
head, and brought him into danger of death; for when his guards caught
him up, he was so very ill, that for four days' time he was not able
either to understand or to speak. However, Zabdiel, a prince among the
Arabians, cut off Alexander's head, and sent it to Ptolemy, who
recovering of his wounds, and returning to his understanding, on the
fifth day, heard at once a most agreeable hearing, and saw a most
agreeable sight, which were the death and the head of Alexander; yet a
little after this his joy for the death of Alexander, with which he was
so greatly satisfied, he also departed this life. Now Alexander, who was
called Balas, reigned over Asia five years, as we have elsewhere
related.
9. But when Demetrius, who was styled Nicator, 9 had taken the kingdom,
he was so wicked as to treat Ptolemy's soldiers very hardly, neither
remembering the league of mutual assistance that was between them, nor
that he was his son-in-law and kinsman, by Cleopatra's marriage to him;
so the soldiers fled from his wicked treatment to Alexandria; but
Demetrius kept his elephants. But Jonathan the high priest levied an
army out of all Judea, and attacked the citadel at Jerusalem, and
besieged it. It was held by a garrison of Macedonians, and by some of
those wicked men who had deserted the customs of their forefathers.
These men at first despised the attempts of Jonathan for taking the
place, as depending on its strength; but some of those wicked men went
out by night, and came to Demetrius, and informed him that the citadel
was besieged; who was irritated with what he heard, and took his army,
and came from Antioch, against Jonathan. And when he was at Antioch, he
wrote to him, and commanded him to come to him quickly to Ptolemais:
upon which Jonathan did not intermit the siege of the citadel, but took
with him the elders of the people, and the priests, and carried with him
gold, and silver, and garments, and a great number of presents of
friendship, and came to Demetrius, and presented him with them, and
thereby pacified the king's anger. So he was honored by him, and
received from him the confirmation of his high priesthood, as he had
possessed it by the grants of the kings his predecessors. And when the
Jewish deserters accused him, Demetrius was so far from giving credit to
them, that when he petitioned him that he would demand no more than
three hundred talents for the tribute of all Judea, and the three
toparchies of Samaria, and Perea, and Galilee, he complied with the
proposal, and gave him a letter confirming all those grants; whose
contents were as follows: "King Demetrius to Jonathan his brother, and
to the nation of the Jews, sendeth greeting. We have sent you a copy of
that epistle which we have written to Lasthones our kinsman, that you
may know its contents. 'King Demetrus to Lasthenes our father, sendeth
greeting. I have determined to return thanks, and to show favor to the
nation of the Jews, which hath observed the rules of justice in our
concerns. Accordingly, I remit to them the three prefectures, Apherims,
and Lydda, and Ramatha, which have been added to Judea out of Samaria,
with their appurtenances; as also what the kings my predecessors
received from those that offered sacrifices in Jerusalem, and what are
due from the fruits of the earth, and of the trees, and what else
belongs to us; with the salt-pits, and the crowns that used to be
presented to us. Nor shall they be compelled to pay any of those taxes
from this time to all futurity. Take care therefore that a copy of this
epistle be taken, and given to Jonathan, and be set up in an eminent
place of their holy temple.'" And these were the contents of this
writing. And now when Demetrius saw that there was peace every where,
and that there was no danger, nor fear of war, he disbanded the greatest
part of his army, and diminished their pay, and even retained in pay no
others than such foreigners as came up with him from Crete, and from the
other islands. However, this procured him ill-will and hatred from the
soldiers; on whom he bestowed nothing from this time, while the kings
before him used to pay them in time of peace as they did before, that
they might have their good-will, and that they might be very ready to
undergo the difficulties of war, if any occasion should require it.
CHAPTER 5. How Trypho After He Had Beaten Demetrius Delivered The
Kingdom To Antiochus The Son Of Alexander, And Gained Jonathan For His
Assistant; And Concerning The Actions And Embassies Of Jonathan.
1. Now there was a certain commander of Alexander's forces, an Apanemian
by birth, whose name was Diodotus, and was also called Trypho, took
notice the ill-will of the soldiers bare to Demetrius, and went to
Malchus the Arabian, who brought up Antiochus, the son of Alexander, and
told him what ill-will the army bare Demetrius, and persuaded him to
give him Antiochus, because he would make him king, and recover to him
the kingdom of his father. Malchus at the first opposed him in this
attempt, because he could not believe him; but when Trypho lay hard at
him for a long time, he over-persuaded him to comply with Trypho's
intentions and entreaties. And this was the state Trypho was now in.
2. But Jonathan the high priest, being desirous to get clear of those
that were in the citadel of Jerusalem, and of the Jewish deserters, and
wicked men, as well as of those in all the garrisons in the country,
sent presents and ambassadors to Demetrius, and entreated him to take
away his soldiers out of the strong holds of Judea. Demetrius made
answer, that after the war, which he was now deeply engaged in, was
over, he would not only grant him that, but greater things than that
also; and he desired he would send him some assistance, and informed him
that his army had deserted him. So Jonathan chose out three thousand of
his soldiers, and sent them to Demetrius.
3. Now the people of Antioch hated Demetrius, both on account of what
mischief he had himself done them, and because they were his enemies
also on account of his father Demetrius, who had greatly abused them; so
they watched some opportunity which they might lay hold on to fall upon
him. And when they were informed of the assistance that was coming to
Demetrius from Jonathan, and considered at the same time that he would
raise a numerous army, unless they prevented him, and seized upon him,
they took their weapons immediately, and encompassed his palace in the
way of a siege, and seizing upon all the ways of getting out, they
sought to subdue their king. And when he saw that the people of Antioch
were become his bitter enemies and that they were thus in arms, he took
the mercenary soldiers which he had with them, and those Jews who were
sent by Jonathan, and assaulted the Antiochians; but he was overpowered
by them, for they were many ten thousands, and was beaten. But when the
Jews saw that the Antiochians were superior, they went up to the top of
the palace, and shot at them from thence; and because they were so
remote from them by their height, that they suffered nothing on their
side, but did great execution on the others, as fighting from such an
elevation, they drove them out of the adjoining houses, and immediately
set them on fire, whereupon the flame spread itself over the whole city,
and burnt it all down. This happened by reason of the closeness of the
houses, and because they were generally built of wood. So the
Antiochians, when they were not able to help themselves, nor to stop the
fire, were put to flight. And as the Jews leaped from the top of one
house to the top of another, and pursued them after that manner, it
thence happened that the pursuit was so very surprising. But when the
king saw that the Antiochians were were busy in saving their children
and their wives, and so did not fight any longer, he fell upon them in
the narrow passages, and fought them, and slew a great many of them,
till at last they were forced to throw down their arms, and to deliver
themselves up to Demetrius. So he forgave them this their insolent
behavior, and put an end to the sedition; and when he had given rewards
to the Jews out of the rich spoils he had gotten, and had returned them
thanks, as the cause of his victory, he sent them away to Jerusalem to
Jonathan, with an ample testimony of the assistance they had afforded
him. Yet did he prove an ill man to Jonathan afterward, and broke the
promises he had made; and he threatened that he would make war upon him,
unless he would pay all that tribute which the Jewish nation owed to the
first kings [of Syria]. And this he had done, if Trypho had not hindered
him, and diverted his preparations against Jonathan to a concern for his
own preservation; for he now returned out of Arabia into Syria, with the
child Antiochus, for he was yet in age but a youth, and put the diadem
on his head; and as the whole forces that had left Demetrius, because
they had no pay, came to his assistance, he made war upon Demetrius, and
joining battle with him, overcame him in the fight, and took from him
both his elephants and the city Antioch.
4. Demetrius, upon this defeat, retired into Cilicia; but the child
Antiochus sent ambassadors and an epistle to Jonathan, and made him his
friend and confederate, and confirmed to him the high priesthood, and
yielded up to him the four prefectures which had been added to Judea.
Moreover, he sent him vessels and cups of gold, and a purple garment,
and gave him leave to use them. He also presented him with a golden
button, and styled him one of his principal friends, and appointed his
brother Simon to be the general over the forces, from the Ladder of Tyre
unto Egypt. So Jonathan was so pleased with these grants made him by
Antiochus, that he sent ambassadors to him and to Trypho, and professed
himself to be their friend and confederate, and said he would join with
him in a war against Demetrius, informing him that he had made no proper
returns for the kindness he had done him; for that when he had received
many marks of kindness from him, when he stood in great need of them,
he, for such good turns, had requited him with further injuries.
5. So Antiochus gave Jonathan leave to raise himself a numerous army out
of Syria and Phoenicia and to make war against Demetrius's generals;
whereupon he went in haste to the several cities which received him
splendidly indeed, but put no forces into his hands. And when he was
come from thence to Askelon, the inhabitants of Askelon came and brought
him presents, and met him in a splendid manner. He exhorted them, and
every one of the cities of Celesyria, to forsake Demetrius, and to join
with Antiochus; and, in assisting him, to endeavor to punish Demetrius
for what offenses he had been guilty of against themselves; and told
them there were many reasons for that their procedure, if they had a
mind so to do. And when he had persuaded those cities to promise their
assistance to Antiochus, he came to Gaza, in order to induce them also
to be friends to Antiochus; but he found the inhabitants of Gaza much
more alienated from him than he expected, for they had shut their gates
against him; and although they had deserted Demetrius, they had not
resolved to join themselves to Antiochus. This provoked Jonathan to
besiege them, and to harass their country; for as he set a part of his
army round about Gaza itself, so with the rest he overran their land,
and spoiled it, and burnt what was in it. When the people of Gaza saw
themselves in this state of affliction, and that no assistance came to
them from Demetrius, that what distressed them was at hand, but what
should profit them was still at a great distance, and it was uncertain
whether it would come at all or not, they thought it would be prudent
conduct to leave off any longer continuance with them, and to cultivate
friendship with the other; so they sent to Jonathan, and professed they
would be his friends, and afford him assistance: for such is the temper
of men, that before they have had the trial of great afflictions, they
do not understand what is for their advantage; but when they find
themselves under such afflictions, they then change their minds, and
what it had been better for them to have done before they had been at
all damaged, they choose to do, but not till after they have suffered
such damages. However, he made a league of friendship with them, and
took from them hostages for their performance of it, and sent these
hostages to Jerusalem, while he went himself over all the country, as
far as Damascus.
6. But when he heard that the generals of Demetrius's forces were come
to the city Cadesh with a numerous army, [the place lies between the
land of the Tyrians and Galilee,]for they supposed they should hereby
draw him out of Syria, in order to preserve Galilee, and that he would
not overlook the Galileans, who were his own people, when war was made
upon them, he went to meet them, having left Simon in Judea, who raised
as great an army as he was able out of the country, and then sat down
before Bethsura, and besieged it, that being the strongest place in all
Judea; and a garrison of Demetrius's kept it, as we have already
related. But as Simon was raising banks, and bringing his engines of war
against Bethsura, and was very earnest about the siege of it, the
garrison was afraid lest the place should be taken of Simon by force,
and they put to the sword; so they sent to Simon, and desired the
security of his oath, that they should come to no harm from him, and
that they would leave the place, and go away to Demetrius. Accordingly
he gave them his oath, and ejected them out of the city, and he put
therein a garrison of his own.
7. But Jonathan removed out of Galilee, and from the waters which are
called Gennesar, for there he was before encamped, and came into the
plain that is called Asor, without knowing that the enemy was there.
When therefore Demetrius's men knew a day beforehand that Jonathan was
coming against them, they laid an ambush in the mountain, who were to
assault him on the sudden, while they themselves met him with an army in
the plain; which army, when Jonathan saw ready to engage him, he also
got ready his own soldiers for the battle as well as he was able; but
those that were laid in ambush by Demetrius's generals being behind
them, the Jews were afraid lest they should be caught in the midst
between two bodies, and perish; so they ran away in haste, and indeed
all the rest left Jonathan; but a few there were, in number about fifty,
who staid with him, and with them Mattathias, the son of Absalom, and
Judas, the son of Chapseus, who were commanders of the whole army. These
marched boldly, and like men desperate, against the enemy, and so pushed
them, that by their courage they daunted them, and with their weapons in
their hands they put them to flight. And when those soldiers of Jonathan
that had retired saw the enemy giving way, they got together after their
flight, and pursued them with great violence; and this did they as far
as Cadesh, where the camp of the enemy lay.
8. Jonathan having thus gotten a glorious victory, and slain two
thousand of the enemy, returned to Jerusalem. So when he saw that all
his affairs prospered according to his mind, by the providence of God,
he sent ambassadors to the Romans, being desirous of renewing that
friendship which their nation had with them formerly. He enjoined the
same ambassadors, that, as they came back, they should go to the
Spartans, and put them in mind of their friendship and kindred. So when
the ambassadors came to Rome, they went into their senate, and said what
they were commanded by Jonathan the high priest to say, how he had sent
them to confirm their friendship. The senate then confirmed what had
been formerly decreed concerning their friendship with the Jews, and
gave them letters to carry to all the kings of Asia and Europe, and to
the governors of the cities, that they might safely conduct them to
their own country. Accordingly, as they returned, they came to Sparta,
and delivered the epistle which they had received of Jonathan to them; a
copy of which here follows: "Jonathan the high priest of the Jewish
nation, and the senate, and body of the people of the Jews, to the
ephori, and senate, and people of the Lacedemonians, send greeting. If
you be well, and both your public and private affairs be agreeable to
your mind, it is according to our wishes. We are well also. When in
former times an epistle was brought to Onias, who was then our high
priest, from Areus, who at that time was your king, by Demoteles,
concerning the kindred that was between us and you, a copy of which is
here subjoined, we both joyfully received the epistle, and were well
pleased with Demoteles and Areus, although we did not need such a
demonstration, because we were satisfied about it from the sacred
writings 10 yet did not we think fit first to begin the claim of this
relation to you, lest we should seem too early in taking to ourselves
the glory which is now given us by you. It is a long time since this
relation of ours to you hath been renewed; and when we, upon holy and
festival days, offer sacrifices to God, we pray to him for your
preservation and victory. As to ourselves, although we have had many
wars that have compassed us around, by reason of the covetousness of our
neighbors, yet did not we determine to be troublesome either to you, or
to others that were related to us; but since we have now overcome our
enemies, and have occasion to send Numenius the son of Antiochus, and
Antipater the son of Jason, who are both honorable men belonging to our
senate, to the Romans, we gave them this epistle to you also, that they
might renew that friendship which is between us. You will therefore do
well yourselves to write to us, and send us an account of what you stand
in need of from us, since we are in all things disposed to act according
to your desires." So the Lacedemonians received the ambassadors kindly,
and made a decree for friendship and mutual assistance, and sent it to
them.
9. At this time there were three sects among the Jews, who had different
opinions concerning human actions; the one was called the sect of the
Pharisees, another the sect of the Sadducees, and the other the sect of
the Essens. Now for the Pharisees, 11 they say that some actions, but
not all, are the work of fate, and some of them are in our own power,
and that they are liable to fate, but are not caused by fate. But the
sect of the Essens affirm, that fate governs all things, and that
nothing befalls men but what is according to its determination. And for
the Sadducees, they take away fate, and say there is no such thing, and
that the events of human affairs are not at its disposal; but they
suppose that all our actions are in our own power, so that we are
ourselves the causes of what is good, and receive what is evil from our
own folly. However, I have given a more exact account of these opinions
in the second book of the Jewish War.
10. But now the generals of Demetrius being willing to recover the
defeat they had had, gathered a greater army together than they had
before, and came against Jonathan; but as soon as he was informed of
their coming, he went suddenly to meet them, to the country of Hamoth,
for he resolved to give them no opportunity of coming into Judea; so he
pitched his camp at fifty furlongs' distance from the enemy, and sent
out spies to take a view of their camp, and after what manner they were
encamped. When his spies had given him full information, and had seized
upon some of them by night, who told him the enemy would soon attack
him, he, thus apprized beforehand, provided for his security, and placed
watchmen beyond his camp, and kept all his forces armed all night; and
he gave them a charge to be of good courage, and to have their minds
prepared to fight in the night time, if they should be obliged so to do,
lest their enemy's designs should seem concealed from them. But when
Demetrius's commanders were informed that Jonathan knew what they
intended, their counsels were disordered, and it alarmed them to find
that the enemy had discovered those their intentions; nor did they
expect to overcome them any other way, now they had failed in the snares
they had laid for them; for should they hazard an open battle, they did
not think they should be a match for Jonathan's army, so they resolved
to fly; and having lighted many fires, that when the enemy saw them they
might suppose they were there still, they retired. When Jonathan came to
give them battle in the morning in their camp, and found it deserted,
and understood they were fled, he pursued them; yet he could not
overtake them, for they had already passed over the river Eleutherus,
and were out of danger. So when Jonathan was returned thence, he went
into Arabia, and fought against the Nabateans, and drove away a great
deal of their prey, and took [many] captives, and came to Damascus, and
there sold off what he had taken. About the same time it was that Simon
his brother went over all Judea and Palestine, as far as Askelon, and
fortified the strong holds; and when he had made them very strong, both
in the edifices erected, and in the garrisons placed in them, he came to
Joppa; and when he had taken it, he brought a great garrison into it,
for he heard that the people of Joppa were disposed to deliver up the
city to Demetrius's generals.
11. When Simon and Jonathan had finished these affairs, they returned to
Jerusalem, where Jonathan gathered all the people together, and took
counsel to restore the walls of Jerusalem, and to rebuild the wall that
encompassed the temple, which had been thrown down, and to make the
places adjoining stronger by very high towers; and besides that, to
build another wall in the midst of the city, in order to exclude the
market-place from the garrison, which was in the citadel, and by that
means to hinder them from any plenty of provisions; and moreover, to
make the fortresses that were in the country much stronger and more
defensible than they were before. And when these things were approved of
by the multitude, as rightly proposed, Jonathan himself took care of the
building that belonged to the city, and sent Simon away to make the
fortresses in the country more secure than formerly. But Demetrius
passed over [Euphrates], and came into Mesopotamia, as desirous to
retain that country still, as well as Babylon; and when he should have
obtained the dominion of the upper provinces, to lay a foundation for
recovering his entire kingdom; for those Greeks and Macedonians who
dwelt there frequently sent ambassadors to him, and promised, that if he
would come to them, they would deliver themselves up to him, and assist
him in fighting against Arsaces, 12 the king of the Parthians. So he was
elevated with these hopes, and came hastily to them, as having resolved,
that if he had once overthrown the Parthians, and gotten an army of his
own, he would make war against Trypho, and eject him out of Syria; and
the people of that country received him with great alacrity. So he
raised forces, with which he fought against Arsaces, and lost all his
army, and was himself taken alive, as we have elsewhere related.
CHAPTER 6. How Jonathan Was Slain By Treachery; And How Thereupon The
Jews Made Simon Their General And High Priest: What Courageous Actions
He Also Performed Especially Against Trypho.
1. Now when Trypho knew what had befallen Demetrius, he was no longer
firm to Antiochus, but contrived by subtlety to kill him, and then take
possession of his kingdom; but the fear that he was in of Jonathan was
an obstacle to this his design, for Jonathan was a friend to Antiochus,
for which cause he resolved first to take Jonathan out of the way, and
then to set about his design relating to Antiochus; but he judging it
best to take him off by deceit and treachery, came from Antioch to
Bethshan, which by the Greeks is called Scythopolis, at which place
Jonathan met him with forty thousand chosen men, for he thought that he
came to fight him; but when he perceived that Jonathan was ready to
fight, he attempted to gain him by presents and kind treatment, and gave
order to his captains to obey him, and by these means was desirous to
give assurance of his good-will, and to take away all suspicions out of
his mind, that so he might make him careless and inconsiderate, and
might take him when he was unguarded. He also advised him to dismiss his
army, because there was no occasion for bringing it with him when there
was no war, but all was in peace. However, he desired him to retain a
few about him, and go with him to Ptolemais, for that he would deliver
the city up to him, and would bring all the fortresses that were in the
country under his dominion; and he told him that he came with those very
designs.
2. Yet did not Jonathan suspect any thing at all by this his management,
but believed that Trypho gave him this advice out of kindness, and with
a sincere design. Accordingly, he dismissed his army, and retained no
more than three thousand of them with him, and left two thousand in
Galilee; and he himself, with one thousand, came with Trypho to
Ptolemais. But when the people of Ptolemais had shut their gates, as it
had been commanded by Trypho to do, he took Jonathan alive, and slew all
that were with him. He also sent soldiers against those two thousand
that were left in Galilee, in order to destroy them; but those men
having heard the report of what had happened to Jonathan, they prevented
the execution; and before those that were sent by Trypho came, they
covered themselves with their armor, and went away out of the country.
Now when those that were sent against them saw that they were ready to
fight for their lives, they gave them no disturbance, but returned back
to Trypho.
3. But when the people of Jerusalem heard that Jonathan was taken, and
that the soldiers who were with him were destroyed, they deplored his
sad fate; and there was earnest inquiry made about him by every body,
and a great and just fear fell upon them, and made them sad, lest, now
they were deprived of the courage and conduct of Jonathan, the nations
about them should bear them ill-will; and as they were before quiet on
account of Jonathan they should now rise up against them, and by making
war with them, should force them into the utmost dangers. And indeed
what they suspected really befell them; for when those nations heard of
the death of Jonathan, they began to make war with the Jews as now
destitute of a governor and Trypho himself got an army together, and had
intention to go up to Judea, and make war against its inhabitants. But
when Simon saw that the people of Jerusalem were terrified at the
circumstances they were in, he desired to make a speech to them, and
thereby to render them more resolute in opposing Trypho when he should
come against them. He then called the people together into the temple,
and thence began thus to encourage them: "O my countrymen, you are not
ignorant that our father, myself, and my brethren, have ventured to
hazard our lives, and that willingly, for the recovery of your liberty;
since I have therefore such plenty of examples before me, and we of our
family have determined with ourselves to die for our laws, and our
Divine worship, there shall no terror be so great as to banish this
resolution from our souls, nor to introduce in its place a love of life,
and a contempt of glory. Do you therefore follow me with alacrity
whithersoever I shall lead you, as not destitute of such a captain as is
willing to suffer, and to do the greatest things for you; for neither am
I better than my brethren that I should be sparing of my own life, nor
so far worse than they as to avoid and refuse what they thought the most
honorable of all things,—I mean, to undergo death for your laws, and for
that worship of God which is peculiar to you; I will therefore give such
proper demonstrations as will show that I am their own brother; and I am
so bold as to expect that I shall avenge their blood upon our enemies,
and deliver you all with your wives and children from the injuries they
intend against you, and, with God's assistance, to preserve your temple
from destruction by them; for I see that these nations have you in
contempt, as being without a governor, and that they thence are
encouraged to make war against you."
4. By this speech of Simon he inspired the multitude with courage; and
as they had been before dispirited through fear, they were now raised to
a good hope of better things, insomuch that the whole multitude of the
people cried out all at once that Simon should be their leader; and that
instead of Judas and Jonathan his brethren, he should have the
government over them; and they promised that they would readily obey him
in whatsoever he should command them. So he got together immediately all
his own soldiers that were fit for war, and made haste in rebuilding the
walls of the city, and strengthening them by very high and strong
towers, and sent a friend of his, one Jonathan, the son of Absalom, to
Joppa, and gave him order to eject the inhabitants out of the city, for
he was afraid lest they should deliver up the city to Trypho; but he
himself staid to secure Jerusalem.
5. But Trypho removed from Ptolemais with a great army, and came into
Judea, and brought Jonathan with him in bonds. Simon also met him with
his army at the city Adida, which is upon a hill, and beneath it lie the
plains of Judea. And when Trypho knew that Simon was by the Jews made
their governor, he sent to him, and would have imposed upon him by
deceit and trenchery, and desired, if he would have his brother Jonathan
released, that he would send him a hundred talents of silver, and two of
Jonathan's sons as hostages, that when he shall be released, he may not
make Judea revolt from the king; for that at present he was kept in
bonds on account of the money he had borrowed of the king, and now owed
it to him. But Simon was aware of the craft of Trypho; and although he
knew that if he gave him the money he should lose it, and that Trypho
would not set his brother free and withal should deliver the sons of
Jonathan to the enemy, yet because he was afraid that he should have a
calumny raised against him among the multitude as the cause of his
brother's death, if he neither gave the money, nor sent Jonathan's sons,
he gathered his army together, and told them what offers Trypho had
made; and added this, that the offers were ensnaring and treacherous,
and yet that it was more eligible to send the money and Jonathan's sons,
than to be liable to the imputation of not complying with Trypho's
offers, and thereby refusing to save his brother. Accordingly, Simon
sent the sons of Jonathan and the money; but when Trypho had received
them, he did not keep his promise, nor set Jonathan free, but took his
army, and went about all the country, and resolved to go afterward to
Jerusalem by the way of Idumea, while Simon went over against him with
his army, and all along pitched his own camp over against his.
6. But when those that were in the citadel had sent to Trypho, and
besought him to make haste and come to them, and to send them
provisions, he prepared his cavalry as though he would be at Jerusalem
that very night; but so great a quantity of snow fell in the night, that
it covered the roads, and made them so deep, that there was no passing,
especially for the cavalry. This hindered him from coming to Jerusalem;
whereupon Trypho removed thence, and came into Celesyria, and falling
vehemently upon the land of Gilead, he slew Jonathan there; and when he
had given order for his burial, he returned himself to Antioch. However,
Simon sent some to the city Basca to bring away his brother's bones, and
buried them in their own city Modin; and all the people made great
lamentation over him. Simon also erected a very large monument for his
father and his brethren, of white and polished stone, and raised it a
great height, and so as to be seen a long way off, and made cloisters
about it, and set up pillars, which were of one stone apiece; a work it
was wonderful to see. Moreover, he built seven pyramids also for his
parents and his brethren, one for each of them, which were made very
surprising, both for their largeness and beauty, and which have been
preserved to this day; and we know that it was Simon who bestowed so
much zeal about the burial of Jonathan, and the building of these
monuments for his relations. Now Jonathan died when he had been high
priest four years 13 and had been also the governor of his nation. And
these were the circumstances that concerned his death.
7. But Simon, who was made high priest by the multitude, on the very
first year of his high priesthood set his people free from their slavery
under the Macedonians, and permitted them to pay tribute to them no
longer; which liberty and freedom from tribute they obtained after a
hundred and seventy years 14 of the kingdom of the Assyrians, which was
after Seleucus, who was called Nicator, got the dominion over Syria. Now
the affection of the multitude towards Simon was so great, that in their
contracts one with another, and in their public records, they wrote, "in
the first year of Simon the benefactor and ethnarch of the Jews;" for
under him they were very happy, and overcame the enemies that were round
about them; for Simon overthrew the city Gazara, and Joppa, and Jamhis.
He also took the citadel of Jerusalem by siege, and cast it down to the
ground, that it might not be any more a place of refuge to their enemies
when they took it, to do them a mischief, as it had been till now. And
when he had done this, he thought it their best way, and most for their
advantage, to level the very mountain itself upon which the citadel
happened to stand, that so the temple might be higher than it. And
indeed, when he had called the multitude to an assembly, he persuaded
them to have it so demolished, and this by putting them in mind what
miseries they had suffered by its garrison and the Jewish deserters, and
what miseries they might hereafter suffer in case any foreigner should
obtain the kingdom, and put a garrison into that citadel. This speech
induced the multitude to a compliance, because he exhorted them to do
nothing but what was for their own good: so they all set themselves to
the work, and leveled the mountain, and in that work spent both day and
night without any intermission, which cost them three whole years before
it was removed, and brought to an entire level with the plain of the
rest of the city. After which the temple was the highest of all the
buildings, now the citadel, as well as the mountain whereon it stood,
were demolished. And these actions were thus performed under Simon.
CHAPTER 7. How Simon Confederated Himself With Antiochus Pius, And Made
War Against Trypho, And A Little Afterward, Against Cendebeus, The
General Of Antiochus's Army; As Also How Simon Was Murdered By His Son-
In-Law Ptolemy, And That By Treachery.
1. 15 Now a little while after Demetrius had been carried into
captivity, Trypho his governor destroyed Antiochus, 16 the son of
Alexander, who was also called The God, 17 and this when he had reigned
four years, though he gave it out that he died under the hands of the
surgeons. He then sent his friends, and those that were most intimate
with him, to the soldiers, and promised that he would give them a great
deal of money if they would make him king. He intimated to them that
Demetrius was made a captive by the Parthians; and that Demetrius's
brother Atitiochus, if he came to be king, would do them a great deal of
mischief, in way of revenge for their revolting from his brother. So the
soldiers, in expectation of the wealth they should get by bestowing the
kingdom on Trypho, made him their ruler. However, when Trypho had gained
the management of affairs, he demonstrated his disposition to be wicked;
for while he was a private person, he cultivated familiarity with the
multitude, and pretended to great moderation, and so drew them on
artfully to whatsoever he pleased; but when he had once taken the
kingdom, he laid aside any further dissimulation, and was the true
Trypho; which behavior made his enemies superior to him; for the
soldiery hated him, and revolted from him to Cleopatra, the wife of
Demetrius, who was then shut up in Seleucia with her children. But as
Antiochus, the brother of Demetrius who was called Soter, was not
admitted by any of the cities on account of Trypho, Cleopatra sent to
him, and invited him to marry her, and to take the kingdom. The reasons
why she made this invitation were these: That her friends persuaded her
to it, and that she was afraid for herself, in case some of the people
of Seleucia should deliver up the city to Trypho.
2. As Antiochus was now come to Seleucia, and his forces increased every
day, he marched to fight Trypho; and having beaten him in the battle, he
ejected him out of the Upper Syria into Phoenicia, and pursued him
thither, and besieged him in Dora which was a fortress hard to be taken,
whither he had fled. He also sent ambassadors to Simon the Jewish high
priest, about a league of friendship and mutual assistance; who readily
accepted of the invitation, and sent to Antiochus great sums of money
and provisions for those that besieged Dora, and thereby supplied them
very plentifully, so that for a little while he was looked upon as one
of his most intimate friends; but still Trypho fled from Dora to Apamia,
where he was taken during the siege, and put to death, when he had
reigned three years.
3. However, Antiochus forgot the kind assistance that Simon had afforded
him in his necessity, by reason of his covetous and wicked disposition,
and committed an army of soldiers to his friend Cendebeus, and sent him
at once to ravage Judea, and to seize Simon. When Simon heard of
Antiochus's breaking his league with him, although he were now in years,
yet, provoked with the unjust treatment he had met with from Antiochus,
and taking a resolution brisker than his age could well bear, he went
like a young man to act as general of his army. He also sent his sons
before among the most hardy of his soldiers, and he himself marched on
with his army another way, and laid many of his men in ambushes in the
narrow valleys between the mountains; nor did he fail of success in any
one of his attempts, but was too hard for his enemies in every one of
them. So he led the rest of his life in peace, and did also himself make
a league with the Romans.
4. Now he was the ruler of the Jews in all eight years; but at a feast
came to his end. It was caused by the treachery of his son-in-law
Ptolemy, who caught also his wife, and two of his sons, and kept them in
bonds. He also sent some to kill John the third son, whose name was
Hyrcanus; but the young man perceiving them coming, he avoided the
danger he was in from them, 18 and made haste into the city [Jerusalem],
as relying on the good-will of the multitude, because of the benefits
they had received from his father, and because of the hatred the same
multitude bare to Ptolemy; so that when Ptolemy was endeavoring to enter
the city by another gate, they drove him away, as having already
admitted Hyrcanus.
CHAPTER 8. Hyrcanus Receives The High Priesthood, And Ejects Ptolemy Out
Of The Country. Antiochus Makes War Against Hyrcanus And Afterwards
Makes A League With Him.
1. So Ptolemy retired to one of the fortresses that was above Jericho,
which was called Dagon. But Hyrcanus having taken the high priesthood
that had been his father's before, and in the first place propitiated
God by sacrifices, he then made an expedition against Ptolemy; and when
he made his attacks upon the place, in other points he was too hard for
him, but was rendered weaker than he, by the commiseration he had for
his mother and brethren, and by that only; for Ptolemy brought them upon
the wall, and tormented them in the sight of all, and threatened that he
would throw them down headlong, unless Hyrcanus would leave off the
siege. And as he thought that so far as he relaxed as to the siege and
taking of the place, so much favor did he show to those that were
dearest to him by preventing their misery, his zeal about it was cooled.
However, his mother spread out her hands, and begged of him that he
would not grow remiss on her account, but indulge his indignation so
much the more, and that he would do his utmost to take the place
quickly, in order to get their enemy under his power, and then to avenge
upon him what he had done to those that were dearest to himself; for
that death would be to her sweet, though with torment, if that enemy of
theirs might but be brought to punishment for his wicked dealings to
them. Now when his mother said so, he resolved to take the fortress
immediately; but when he saw her beaten, and torn to pieces, his courage
failed him, and he could not but sympathize with what his mother
suffered, and was thereby overcome. And as the siege was drawn out into
length by this means, that year on which the Jews used to rest came on;
for the Jews observe this rest every seventh year, as they do every
seventh day; so that Ptolemy being for this cause released from the war,
19 he slew the brethren of Hyrcanus, and his mother; and when he had so
done, he fled to Zeno, who was called Cotylas, who was then the tyrant
of the city Philadelphia.
2. But Antiochus, being very uneasy at the miseries that Simon had
brought upon him, he invaded Judea in the fourth years' of his reign,
and the first year of the principality of Hyrcanus, in the hundred and
sixty-second olympiad. 20 And when he had burnt the country, he shut up
Hyrcanus in the city, which he encompassed round with seven encampments;
but did just nothing at the first, because of the strength of the walls,
and because of the valor of the besieged, although they were once in
want of water, which yet they were delivered from by a large shower of
rain, which fell at the setting of the Pleiades 21 However, about the
north part of the wall, where it happened the city was upon a level with
the outward ground, the king raised a hundred towers of three stories
high, and placed bodies of soldiers upon them; and as he made his
attacks every day, he cut a double ditch, deep and broad, and confined
the inhabitants within it as within a wall; but the besieged contrived
to make frequent sallies out; and if the enemy were not any where upon
their guard, they fell upon them, and did them a great deal of mischief;
and if they perceived them, they then retired into the city with ease.
But because Hyrcanus discerned the inconvenience of so great a number of
men in the city, while the provisions were the sooner spent by them, and
yet, as is natural to suppose, those great numbers did nothing, he
separated the useless part, and excluded them out of the city, and
retained that part only which were in the flower of their age, and fit
for war. However, Antiochus would not let those that were excluded go
away, who therefore wandering about between the wails, and consuming
away by famine, died miserably; but when the feast of tabernacles was at
hand, those that were within commiserated their condition, and received
them in again. And when Hyrcanus sent to Antiochus, and desired there
might be a truce for seven days, because of the festival, he gave way to
this piety towards God, and made that truce accordingly. And besides
that, he sent in a magnificent sacrifice, bulls with their horns gilded,
with all sorts of sweet spices, and with cups of gold and silver. 22 So
those that were at the gates received the sacrifices from those that
brought them, and led them to the temple, Antiochus the mean while
feasting his army, which was a quite different conduct from Antiochus
Epiphanes, who, when he had taken the city, offered swine upon the
altar, and sprinkled the temple with the broth of their flesh, in order
to violate the laws of the Jews, and the religion they derived from
their forefathers; for which reason our nation made war with him, and
would never be reconciled to him; but for this Antiochus, all men called
him Antiochus the Pious, for the great zeal he had about religion.
3. Accordingly, Hyrcanus took this moderation of his kindly; and when he
understood how religious he was towards the Deity, he sent an embassage
to him, and desired that he would restore the settlements they received
from their forefathers. So he rejected the counsel of those that would
have him utterly destroy the nation, 23 by reason of their way of
living, which was to others unsociable, and did not regard what they
said. But being persuaded that all they did was out of a religious mind,
he answered the ambassadors, that if the besieged would deliver up their
arms, and pay tribute for Joppa, and the other cities which bordered
upon Judea, and admit a garrison of his, on these terms he would make
war against them no longer. But the Jews, although they were content
with the other conditions, did not agree to admit the garrison, because
they could not associate with other people, nor converse with them; yet
were they willing, instead of the admission of the garrison, to give him
hostages, and five hundred talents of silver; of which they paid down
three hundred, and sent the hostages immediately, which king Antiochus
accepted. One of those hostages was Hyrcanus's brother. But still he
broke down the fortifications that encompassed the city. And upon these
conditions Antiochus broke up the siege, and departed.
4. But Hyrcanus opened the sepulcher of David, who excelled all other
kings in riches, and took out of it three thousand talents. He was also
the first of the Jews that, relying on this wealth, maintained foreign
troops. There was also a league of friendship and mutual assistance made
between them; upon which Hyrcanus admitted him into the city, and
furnished him with whatsoever his army wanted in great plenty, and with
great generosity, and marched along with him when he made an expedition
against the Parthians; of which Nicolaus of Damascus is a witness for
us; who in his history writes thus: "When Antiochus had erected a trophy
at the river Lycus, upon his conquest of Indates, the general of the
Parthians, he staid there two days. It was at the desire of Lyrcanus the
Jew, because it was such a festival derived to them from their
forefathers, whereon the law of the Jews did not allow them to travel."
And truly he did not speak falsely in saying so; for that festival,
which we call Pentecost, did then fall out to be the next day to the
Sabbath. Nor is it lawful for us to journey, either on the Sabbath day,
or on a festival day 24 But when Antiochus joined battle with Arsaces,
the king of Parthia, he lost a great part of his army, and was himself
slain; and his brother Demetrius succeeded in the kingdom of Syria, by
the permission of Arsaces, who freed him from his captivity at the same
time that Antiochus attacked Parthia, as we have formerly related
elsewhere.
CHAPTER 9. How, After The Death Of Antiochus, Hyrcanus Made An
Expedition Against Syria, And Made A League With The Romans. Concerning
The Death Of King Demetrius And Alexander.
1. But when Hyrcanus heard of the death of Antiochus, he presently made
an expedition against the cities of Syria, hoping to find them destitute
of fighting men, and of such as were able to defend them. However, it
was not till the sixth month that he took Medaba, and that not without
the greatest distress of his army. After this he took Samega, and the
neighboring places; and besides these, Shechem and Gerizzim, and the
nation of the Cutheans, who dwelt at the temple which resembled that
temple which was at Jerusalem, and which Alexander permitted Sanballat,
the general of his army, to build for the sake of Manasseh, who was son-
in-law to Jaddua the high priest, as we have formerly related; which
temple was now deserted two hundred years after it was built. Hyrcanus
took also Dora and Marissa, cities of Idumea, and subdued all the
Idumeans; and permitted them to stay in that country, if they would
circumcise their genitals, and make use of the laws of the Jews; and
they were so desirous of living in the country of their forefathers,
that they submitted to the use of circumcision, 25 and of the rest of
the Jewish ways of living; at which time therefore this befell them,
that they were hereafter no other than Jews.
2. But Hyrcanus the high priest was desirous to renew that league of
friendship they had with the Romans. Accordingly, he sent an embassage
to them; and when the senate had received their epistle, they made a
league of friendship with them, after the manner following: "Fanius, the
son of Marcus, the praetor, gathered the senate together on the eighth
day before the Ides of February, in the senate-house, when Lucius
Manlius, the son of Lucius, of the Mentine tribe, and Caius Sempronius,
the son of Caius, of the Falernian tribe, were present. The occasion
was, that the ambassadors sent by the people of the Jews 26 Simon, the
son of Dositheus, and Apollonius, the son of Alexander, and Diodorus,
the son of Jason, who were good and virtuous men, had somewhat to
propose about that league of friendship and mutual assistance which
subsisted between them and the Romans, and about other public affairs,
who desired that Joppa, and the havens, and Gazara, and the springs [of
Jordan], and the several other cities and countries of theirs, which
Antiochus had taken from them in the war, contrary to the decree of the
senate, might be restored to them; and that it might not be lawful for
the king's troops to pass through their country, and the countries of
those that are subject to them; and that what attempts Antiochus had
made during that war, without the decree of the senate, might be made
void; and that they would send ambassadors, who should take care that
restitution be made them of what Antiochus had taken from them, and that
they should make an estimate of the country that had been laid waste in
the war; and that they would grant them letters of protection to the
kings and free people, in order to their quiet return home. It was
therefore decreed, as to these points, to renew their league of
friendship and mutual assistance with these good men, and who were sent
by a good and a friendly people." But as to the letters desired, their
answer was, that the senate would consult about that matter when their
own affairs would give them leave; and that they would endeavor, for the
time to come, that no like injury should be done to them; and that their
praetor Fanius should give them money out of the public treasury to bear
their expenses home. And thus did Fanius dismiss the Jewish ambassadors,
and gave them money out of the public treasury; and gave the decree of
the senate to those that were to conduct them, and to take care that
they should return home in safety.
3. And thus stood the affairs of Hyrcanus the high priest. But as for
king Demetrius, who had a mind to make war against Hyrcanus, there was
no opportunity nor room for it, while both the Syrians and the soldiers
bare ill-will to him, because he was an ill man. But when they had sent
ambassadors to Ptolemy, who was called Physcon, that he would send them
one of the family at Seleueus, in order to take the kingdom, and he had
sent them Alexander, who was called Zebina, with an army, and there had
been a battle between them, Demetrius was beaten in the fight, and fled
to Cleopatra his wife, to Ptolemais; but his wife would not receive him.
He went thence to Tyre, and was there caught; and when he had suffered
much from his enemies before his death, he was slain by them. So
Alexander took the kingdom, and made a league with Hyrcanus, who yet,
when he afterward fought with Antiochus the son of Demetrius, who was
called Grypus, was also beaten in the fight, and slain.
CHAPTER 10. How Upon The Quarrel Between Antiochus Grypus And Antiochus
Cyzicenus About The Kingdom Hyrcanus Tooksamaria, And Utterly Demolished
It; And How Hyrcanus Joined Himself To The Sect Of The Sadducees, And
Left That Of The Pharisees.
1. When Antiochus had taken the kingdom, he was afraid to make war
against Judea, because he heard that his brother by the same mother, who
was also called Antiochus, was raising an army against him out of
Cyzicum; so he staid in his own land, and resolved to prepare himself
for the attack he expected from his brother, who was called Cyzicenus,
because he had been brought up in that city. He was the son of Antiochus
that was called Soter, who died in Parthia. He was the brother of
Demetrius, the father of Grypus; for it had so happened, that one and
the same Cleopatra was married to two who were brethren, as we have
related elsewhere. But Antiochus Cyzicenus coming into Syria, continued
many years at war with his brother. Now Hyrcanus lived all this while in
peace; for after the death of Antiochus, he revolted from the
Macedonians, 27 nor did he any longer pay them the least regard, either
as their subject or their friend; but his affairs were in a very
improving and flourishing condition in the times of Alexander Zebina,
and especially under these brethren, for the war which they had with one
another gave Hyrcanus the opportunity of enjoying himself in Judea
quietly, insomuch that he got an immense quantity of money. How ever,
when Antiochus Cyzicenus distressed his land, he then openly showed what
he meant. And when he saw that Antiochus was destitute of Egyptian
auxiliaries, and that both he and his brother were in an ill condition
in the struggles they had one with another, he despised them both.
2. So he made an expedition against Samaria which was a very strong
city; of whose present name Sebaste, and its rebuilding by Herod, we
shall speak at a proper time; but he made his attack against it, and
besieged it with a great deal of pains; for he was greatly displeased
with the Samaritans for the injuries they had done to the people of
Merissa, a colony of the Jews, and confederate with them, and this in
compliance to the kings of Syria. When he had therefore drawn a ditch,
and built a double wall round the city, which was fourscore furlongs
long, he set his sons Antigonus and Arisrobulna over the siege; which
brought the Samaritans to that great distress by famine, that they were
forced to eat what used not to be eaten, and to call for Antiochus
Cyzicenus to help them, who came readily to their assistance, but was
beaten by Aristobulus; and when he was pursued as far as Scythopolis by
the two brethren, he got away. So they returned to Samaria, and shut
them again within the wall, till they were forced to send for the same
Antiochus a second time to help them, who procured about six thousand
men from Ptolemy Lathyrus, which were sent them without his mother's
consent, who had then in a manner turned him out of his government. With
these Egyptians Antiochus did at first overrun and ravage the country of
Hyrcanus after the manner of a robber, for he durst not meet him in the
face to fight with him, as not having an army sufficient for that
purpose, but only from this supposal, that by thus harassing his land he
should force Hyrcanus to raise the siege of Samaria; but because he fell
into snares, and lost many of his soldiers therein, he went away to
Tripoli, and committed the prosecution of the war against the Jews to
Callimander and Epicrates.
3. But as to Callimander, he attacked the enemy too rashly, and was put
to flight, and destroyed immediately; and as to Epicrates, he was such a
lover of money, that he openly betrayed Scythopolis, and other places
near it, to the Jews, but was not able to make them raise the siege of
Samaria. And when Hyrcanus had taken that city, which was not done till
after a year's siege, he was not contented with doing that only, but he
demolished it entirely, and brought rivulets to it to drown it, for he
dug such hollows as might let the water run under it; nay, he took away
the very marks that there had ever been such a city there. Now a very
surprising thing is related of this high priest Hyrcanus, how God came
to discourse with him; for they say that on the very same day on which
his sons fought with Antiochus Cyzicenus, he was alone in the temple, as
high priest, offering incense, and heard a voice, that his sons had just
then overcome Antiochus. And this he openly declared before all the
multitude upon his coming out of the temple; and it accordingly proved
true; and in this posture were the affairs of Hyrcanus.
4. Now it happened at this time, that not only those Jews who were at
Jerusalem and in Judea were in prosperity, but also those of them that
were at Alexandria, and in Egypt and Cyprus; for Cleopatra the queen was
at variance with her son Ptolemy, who was called Lathyrus, and appointed
for her generals Chelcias and Ananias, the sons of that Onias who built
the temple in the prefecture of Heliopolis, like to that at Jerusalem,
as we have elsewhere related. Cleopatra intrusted these men with her
army, and did nothing without their advice, as Strabo of Cappadocia
attests, when he saith thus, "Now the greater part, both those that came
to Cyprus with us, and those that were sent afterward thither, revolted
to Ptolemy immediately; only those that were called Onias's party, being
Jews, continued faithful, because their countrymen Chelcias and Ananias
were in chief favor with the queen." These are the words of Strabo.
5. However, this prosperous state of affairs moved the Jews to envy
Hyrcanus; but they that were the worst disposed to him were the
Pharisees, 28 who were one of the sects of the Jews, as we have informed
you already. These have so great a power over the multitude, that when
they say any thing against the king, or against the high priest, they
are presently believed. Now Hyrcanus was a disciple of theirs, and
greatly beloved by them. And when he once invited them to a feast, and
entertained them very kindly, when he saw them in a good humor, he began
to say to them, that they knew he was desirous to be a righteous man,
and to do all things whereby he might please God, which was the
profession of the Pharisees also. However, he desired, that if they
observed him offending in any point, and going out of the right way,
they would call him back and correct him. On which occasion they
attested to his being entirely virtuous; with which commendation he was
well pleased. But still there was one of his guests there, whose name
was Eleazar, a man of an ill temper, and delighting in seditious
practices. This man said, "Since thou desirest to know the truth, if
thou wilt be righteous in earnest, lay down the high priesthood, and
content thyself with the civil government of the people," And when he
desired to know for what cause he ought to lay down the high priesthood,
the other replied, "We have heard it from old men, that thy mother had
been a captive under the reign of Antiochus Epiphanes. 29" This story
was false, and Hyrcanus was provoked against him; and all the Pharisees
had a very great indignation against him.
6. Now there was one Jonathan, a very great friend of Hyrcanus's, but of
the sect of the Sadducees, whose notions are quite contrary to those of
the Pharisees. He told Hyrcanus that Eleazar had cast such a reproach
upon him, according to the common sentiments of all the Pharisees, and
that this would be made manifest if he would but ask them the question,
What punishment they thought this man deserved? for that he might depend
upon it, that the reproach was not laid on him with their approbation,
if they were for punishing him as his crime deserved. So the Pharisees
made answer, that he deserved stripes and bonds, but that it did not
seem right to punish reproaches with death. And indeed the Pharisees,
even upon other occasions, are not apt to be severe in punishments. At
this gentle sentence, Hyrcanus was very angry, and thought that this man
reproached him by their approbation. It was this Jonathan who chiefly
irritated him, and influenced him so far, that he made him leave the
party of the Pharisees, and abolish the decrees they had imposed on the
people, and to punish those that observed them. From this source arose
that hatred which he and his sons met with from the multitude: but of
these matters we shall speak hereafter. What I would now explain is
this, that the Pharisees have delivered to the people a great many
observances by succession from their fathers, which are not written in
the laws of Moses; and for that reason it is that the Sadducees reject
them, and say that we are to esteem those observances to be obligatory
which are in the written word, but are not to observe what are derived
from the tradition of our forefathers. And concerning these things it is
that great disputes and differences have arisen among them, while the
Sadducees are able to persuade none but the rich, and have not the
populace obsequious to them, but the Pharisees have the multitude on
their side. But about these two sects, and that of the Essens, I have
treated accurately in the second book of Jewish affairs.
7. But when Hyrcanus had put an end to this sedition, he after that
lived happily, and administered the government in the best manner for
thirty-one years, and then died, 30 leaving behind him five sons. He was
esteemed by God worthy of three of the greatest privileges,—the
government of his nation, the dignity of the high priesthood, and
prophecy; for God was with him, and enabled him to know futurities; and
to foretell this in particular, that, as to his two eldest sons, he
foretold that they would not long continue in the government of public
affairs; whose unhappy catastrophe will be worth our description, that
we may thence learn how very much they were inferior to their father's
happiness.
CHAPTER 11. How Aristobulus, When He Had Taken The Government First Of
All Put A Diadem On His Head, And Was Most Barbarously Cruel To His
Mother And His Brethren; And How, After He Had Slain Antigonus, He
Himself Died.
1. Now when their father Hyrcanus was dead, the eldest son Aristobulus,
intending to change the government into a kingdom, for so he resolved to
do, first of all put a diadem on his head, four hundred eighty and one
years and three months after the people had been delivered from the
Babylonish slavery, and were returned to their own country again. This
Aristobulus loved his next brother Antigonus, and treated him as his
equal; but the others he held in bonds. He also cast his mother into
prison, because she disputed the government with him; for Hyrcanus had
left her to be mistress of all. He also proceeded to that degree of
barbarity, as to kill her in prison with hunger; nay, he was alienated
from his brother Antigonus by calumnies, and added him to the rest whom
he slew; yet he seemed to have an affection for him, and made him above
the rest a partner with him in the kingdom. Those calumnies he at first
did not give credit to, partly because he loved him, and so did not give
heed to what was said against him, and partly because he thought the
reproaches were derived from the envy of the relaters. But when
Antigonus was once returned from the army, and that feast was then at
hand when they make tabernacles to [the honor of God,] it happened that
Arlstobulus was fallen sick, and that Antigonus went up most splendidly
adorned, and with his soldiers about him in their armor, to the temple
to celebrate the feast, and to put up many prayers for the recovery of
his brother, when some wicked persons, who had a great mind to raise a
difference between the brethren, made use of this opportunity of the
pompous appearance of Antigonus, and of the great actions which he had
done, and went to the king, and spitefully aggravated the pompous show
of his at the feast, and pretended that all these circumstances were not
like those of a private person; that these actions were indications of
an affectation of royal authority; and that his coming with a strong
body of men must be with an intention to kill him; and that his way of
reasoning was this: That it was a silly thing in him, while it was in
his power to reign himself, to look upon it as a great favor that he was
honored with a lower dignity by his brother.
2. Aristobulus yielded to these imputations, but took care both that his
brother should not suspect him, and that he himself might not run the
hazard of his own safety; so he ordered his guards to lie in a certain
place that was under ground, and dark; [he himself then lying sick in
the tower which was called Antonia;] and he commanded them, that in case
Antigonus came in to him unarmed, they should not touch any body, but if
armed, they should kill him; yet did he send to Antigonus, and desired
that he would come unarmed; but the queen, and those that joined with
her in the plot against Antigonus, persuaded the messenger to tell him
the direct contrary: how his brother had heard that he had made himself
a fine suit of armor for war, and desired him to come to him in that
armor, that he might see how fine it was. So Antigonus suspecting no
treachery, but depending on the good-will of his brother, came to
Aristobulus armed, as he used to be, with his entire armor, in order to
show it to him; but when he was come to a place which was called
Strato's Tower, where the passage happened to be exceeding dark, the
guards slew him; which death of his demonstrates that nothing is
stronger than envy and calumny, and that nothing does more certainly
divide the good-will and natural affections of men than those passions.
But here one may take occasion to wonder at one Judas, who was of the
sect of the Essens, 31 and who never missed the truth in his
predictions; for this man, when he saw Antigonus passing by the temple,
cried out to his companions and friends, who abode with him as his
scholars, in order to learn the art of foretelling things to come? "That
it was good for him to die now, since he had spoken falsely about
Antigonus, who is still alive, and I see him passing by, although he had
foretold he should die at the place called Strato's Tower that very day,
while yet the place is six hundred furlongs off, where he had foretold
he should be slain; and still this day is a great part of it already
past, so that he was in danger of proving a false prophet." As he was
saying this, and that in a melancholy mood, the news came that Antigonus
was slain in a place under ground, which itself was called also Strato's
Tower, or of the same name with that Cæsarea which is seated at the sea.
This event put the prophet into a great disorder.
3. But Aristobulus repented immediately of this slaughter of his
brother; on which account his disease increased upon him, and he was
disturbed in his mind, upon the guilt of such wickedness, insomuch that
his entrails were corrupted by his intolerable pain, and he vomited
blood: at which time one of the servants that attended upon him, and was
carrying his blood away, did, by Divine Providence, as I cannot but
suppose, slip down, and shed part of his blood at the very place where
there were spots of Antigonus's blood, there slain, still remaining; and
when there was a cry made by the spectators, as if the servant had on
purpose shed the blood on that place, Aristobulus heard it, and inquired
what the matter was; and as they did not answer him, he was the more
earnest to know what it was, it being natural to men to suspect that
what is thus concealed is very bad: so upon his threatening, and forcing
them by terrors to speak, they at length told him the truth; whereupon
he shed many tears, in that disorder of mind which arose from his
consciousness of what he had done, and gave a deep groan, and said, "I
am not therefore, I perceive, to be concealed from God, in the impious
and horrid crimes I have been guilty of; but a sudden punishment is
coming upon me for the shedding the blood of my relations. And now, O
thou most impudent body of mine, how long wilt thou retain a soul that
ought to die, in order to appease the ghosts of my brother and my
mother? Why dost thou not give it all up at once? And why do I deliver
up my blood drop by drop to those whom I have so wickedly murdered?" In
saying which last words he died, having reigned a year. He was called a
lover of the Grecians; and had conferred many benefits on his own
country, and made war against Iturea, and added a great part of it to
Judea, and compelled the inhabitants, if they would continue in that
country, to be circumcised, and to live according to the Jewish laws. He
was naturally a man of candor, and of great modesty, as Strabo bears
witness, in the name of Timagenes; who says thus: "This man was a person
of candor, and very serviceable to the Jews; for he added a country to
them, and obtained a part of the nation of the Itureans for them, and
bound them to them by the bond of the circumcision of their genitals."
CHAPTER 12. How Alexander When He Had Taken The Government Made An
Expedition Against Ptolemais, And Then Raised The Siege Out Of Fear Of
Ptolemy Lathyrus; And How Ptolemy Made War Against Him, Because He Had
Sent To Cleopatra To Persuade Her To Make War Against Ptolemy, And Yet
Pretended To Be In Friendship With Him, When He Beat The Jews In The
Battle.
1. When Aristobulus was dead, his wife Salome, who, by the Greeks, was
called Alexandra, let his brethren out of prison, [for Aristobulus had
kept them in bonds, as we have said already,] and made Alexander Janneus
king, who was the superior in age and in moderation. This child happened
to be hated by his father as soon as he was born, and could never be
permitted to come into his father's sight till he died. 32 The occasion
of which hatred is thus reported: when Hyrcanus chiefly loved the two
eldest of his sons, Antigonus and Aristobulus, God appeared to him in
his sleep, of whom he inquired which of his sons should be his
successor. Upon God's representing to him the countenance of Alexander,
he was grieved that he was to be the heir of all his goods, and suffered
him to be brought up in Galilee, However, God did not deceive Hyrcanus;
for after the death of Aristobulus, he certainly took the kingdom; and
one of his brethren, who affected the kingdom, he slew; and the other,
who chose to live a private and quiet life, he had in esteem.
2. When Alexander Janneus had settled the government in the manner that
he judged best, he made an expedition against Ptolemais; and having
overcome the men in battle, he shut them up in the city, and sat round
about it, and besieged it; for of the maritime cities there remained
only Ptolemais and Gaza to be conquered, besides Strato's Tower and
Dora, which were held by the tyrant Zoilus. Now while Antiochus
Philometor, and Antiochus who was called Cyzicenus, were making war one
against another, and destroying one another's armies, the people of
Ptolemais could have no assistance from them; but when they were
distressed with this siege, Zoilus, who possessed Strato's Tower and
Dora, and maintained a legion of soldiers, and, on occasion of the
contest between the kings, affected tyranny himself, came and brought
some small assistance to the people of Ptolemais; nor indeed had the
kings such a friendship for them, as that they should hope for any
advantage from them. Both those kings were in the case of wrestlers, who
finding themselves deficient in strength, and yet being ashamed to
yield, put off the fight by laziness, and by lying still as long as they
can. The only hope they had remaining was from the kings of Egypt, and
from Ptolemy Lathyrus, who now held Cyprus, and who came to Cyprus when
he was driven from the government of Egypt by Cleopatra his mother. So
the people of Ptolemais sent to this Ptolemy Lathyrus, and desired him
to come as a confederate, to deliver them, now they were in such danger,
out of the hands of Alexander. And as the ambassadors gave him hopes,
that if he would pass over into Syria, he would have the people of Gaza
on the side of those of Ptolemais; as also they said, that Zoilus, and
besides these the Sidonians, and many others, would assist them; so he
was elevated at this, and got his fleet ready as soon as possible.
3. But in this interval Demenetus, one that was of abilities to persuade
men to do as he would have them, and a leader of the populace, made
those of Ptolemais change their opinions; and said to them, that it was
better to run the hazard of being subject to the Jews, than to admit of
evident slavery by delivering themselves up to a master; and besides
that, to have not only a war at present, but to expect a much greater
war from Egypt; for that Cleopatra would not overlook an army raised by
Ptolemy for himself out of the neighborhood, but would come against them
with a great army of her own, and this because she was laboring to eject
her son out of Cyprus also; that as for Ptolemy, if he fail of his
hopes, he can still retire to Cyprus, but that they will be left in the
greatest danger possible. Now Ptolemy, although he had heard of the
change that was made in the people of Ptolemais, yet did he still go on
with his voyage, and came to the country called Sycamine, and there set
his army on shore. This army of his, in the whole horse and foot
together, were about thirty thousand, with which he marched near to
Ptolemais, and there pitched his camp. But when the people of Ptolemais
neither received his ambassadors, nor would hear what they had to say,
he was under a very great concern.
4. But when Zoilus and the people of Gaza came to him, and desired his
assistance, because their country was laid waste by the Jews, and by
Alexander, Alexander raised the siege, for fear of Ptolemy: and when he
had drawn off his army into his own country, he used a stratagem
afterwards, by privately inviting Cleopatra to come against Ptolemy, but
publicly pretending to desire a league of friendship and mutual
assistance with him; and promising to give him four hundred talents of
silver, he desired that, by way of requital, he would take off Zoilus
the tyrant, and give his country to the Jews. And then indeed Ptolemy,
with pleasure, made such a league of friendship with Alexander, and
subdued Zoilus; but when he afterwards heard that he had privily sent to
Cleopatra his mother, he broke the league with him, which yet he had
confirmed with an oath, and fell upon him, and besieged Ptolemais,
because it would not receive him. However, leaving his generals, with
some part of his forces, to go on with the siege, he went himself
immediately with the rest to lay Judea waste; and when Alexander
understood this to be Ptolemy's intention, he also got together about
fifty thousand soldiers out of his own country; nay, as some writers
have said, eighty thousand 33 He then took his army, and went to meet
Ptolemy; but Ptolemy fell upon Asochis, a city of Galilee, and took it
by force on the sabbath day, and there he took about ten thousand
slaves, and a great deal of other prey.
5. He then tried to take Sepphoris, which was a city not far from that
which was destroyed, but lost many of his men; yet did he then go to
fight with Alexander; which Alexander met him at the river Jordan, near
a certain place called Saphoth, [not far from the river Jordan,] and
pitched his camp near to the enemy. He had however eight thousand in the
first rank, which he styled Hecatontomachi, having shields of brass.
Those in the first rank of Ptolemy's soldiers also had shields covered
with brass. But Ptolemy's soldiers in other respects were inferior to
those of Alexander, and therefore were more fearful of running hazards;
but Philostephanus, the camp-master, put great courage into them, and
ordered them to pass the river, which was between their camps. Nor did
Alexander think fit to hinder their passage over it; for he thought,
that if the enemy had once gotten the river on their back, that he
should the easier take them prisoners, when they could not flee out of
the battle: in the beginning of which, the acts on both sides, with
their hands, and with their alacrity, were alike, and a great slaughter
was made by both the armies; but Alexander was superior, till
Philostephanus opportunely brought up the auxiliaries, to help those
that were giving way; but as there were no auxiliaries to afford help to
that part of the Jews that gave way, it fell out that they fled, and
those near them did not assist them, but fled along with them. However,
Ptolemy's soldiers acted quite otherwise; for they followed the Jews,
and killed them, till at length those that slew them pursued after them
when they had made them all run away, and slew them so long, that their
weapons of iron were blunted, and their hands quite tired with the
slaughter; for the report was, that thirty thousand men were then slain.
Timagenes says they were fifty thousand. As for the rest, they were part
of them taken captives, and the other part ran away to their own
country.