within the grants above named, as well as grants containing claims of a
similar character, are in our opinion possessed and seized of the lands
which were and have been and now are in their possession; and they can
hold the same against persons claiming the same by virtue of a United
States patent, issued upon a confirmed Mexican grant. This leaves to be
answered the following question: Can the Indians hold lands for which a
United States patent has issued conditioned as set out in the first
question, provided no conditions or limitations are contained or
expressed in the grant? This is a question beset and surrounded by many
difficulties; nor do we deem it necessary to do more than refer to
restrictions and limitations contained in the laws of Mexico concerning
private grants of lands upon which Indians were residing,—lands which
were occupied by them. It is certain that if such lands were granted by
a Mexican official, and the authorities omitted to recite the conditions
and limitations required by law, and reserve from the operation of such
grant such lands as the law conditioned could not be conveyed by such
grant, such a grant would and could not take it out of the operation of
the law. It could not defeat the rights of those whose rights attached
by reason of law. If the officers of the Mexican Government to whom was
confided the trust exceeded their authority as regulated by the
solemnities and formalities of the law, the courts are bound to take
notice of it, and cannot shield those claiming under such title from the
necessary consequence of ignorance, carelessness, or arbitrary
assumption of power. (Lesse & Vallejo _vs._ Clark, 3 Cal. 17.)
It is now necessary to inquire how far and to what extent will the
issuance to the grantee of the United States patent change or modify
this rule. We shall not discuss, as we do not deem it necessary, the
decision of the United States Supreme Court, that "a United States
patent cannot be attached collaterally, but may be by a direct
proceeding," as we did not regard these decisions as in any way
affecting the question submitted and now before us.
In 1851, March 3d, Congress passed an act entitled "An act to ascertain
and settle the private land-claims in the State of California." By said
statute it was enacted "that it shall be the duty of the commission
herein provided for to ascertain and report to the Secretary of the
Interior the tenure by which the Mission lands are held, and those held
by civilized Indians, and those who are engaged in agriculture or labor
of any _kind_, and also those which are _occupied_ and cultivated by
Pueblos or Rancheros Indians." (U. S. Statutes at Large, vol. ix. p.
634, sec. 16, Little & Brown's ed.) We have no means of ascertaining
whether such a report was made, or, if made, its contents. We have no
doubt the commission did their duty and complied with the law, and that
their report will be found on file in the Department of the Interior.
This report, if in our hands, would greatly aid us in reaching a correct
conclusion. By the same act it is further provided that the patent of
the United States issued to parties holding Mexican grants are
conclusive between the United States and the said claimants only, and
shall not affect the interest of that person. (_Ib._ p. 634.) If the
report of the commission established the fact that the Indians were
residing upon and occupying lands within the boundaries of claimed
grants, which grants have no conditions or limitation inserted therein,
that they claimed such lands by virtue of the laws of Mexico, this
evidence, with such other evidence as we understand can be furnished, is
in our opinion enough to establish under the law, as we regard it, a
right in the Indians to hold and occupy such lands against the confirmee
or patentee. If, however, no such report has been made, we are of the
opinion, if conclusive evidence can be furnished proving that these
Indians were in possession of these lands at the time these grants were
made by the Mexican authorities, that they continued in possession, and
were in possession at the date of the treaty, and have since continued
in possession, the law will entitle them to hold such land against all
persons claiming under the patent.
We answer the second question propounded as follows:—
By the fifth amendment to the Constitution of the United States it is
provided: *** "Nor shall private property be taken for public use
without just compensation." Would the taking of lands belonging to
citizens for the purpose of giving the same to Indians be such a public
use as is contemplated by the Constitution? We are of the opinion it
would not. (Walther _vs._ Warner, 25 Mo. 277; Board of Education _vs._
Hockman, 48 Mo. 243; Buffalo & New York Railroad Company _vs._ Brannan,
9 N.Y. 100; Bradley _vs._ New York, &c. Railroad Company, 21 Conn. 294;
Fisher _vs._ Horicon Iron Work, &c. Company, 10 Wis. 354; New Orleans &
Railroad Company _vs._ Railroad Company, 53 Ala. 211; Conn _vs._
Horrigan, 2 Allen, 159; Chambers _vs._ Sattuler, 40 Cal. 497; Railroad
Company _vs._ City of Stockton, 41 Cal. 149; Channel Company _vs._
Railroad Company, 51 Cal. 269; Gilmer _vs._ Lime Point, 18 Cal. 229;
Conn _vs._ Tewksbury, 11 Metcalf, 55; Manufacturing Company _vs._ Head,
56 N.H. 386; Olmstead _vs._ Camp, 33 Conn. 532; Buckman _vs._ Saratoga
Railroad Company, 3 Paige Ch. 45; Memphis Freight Company _vs._ Memphis,
4 Cold. 419; Enfield Toll Bridge Company _vs._ Hartford Railroad
Company, 17 Conn. 42.)
We are, very respectfully,
BRUNSON & WELLS, Attorneys-at-Law.
ABBOT KINNEY, Esq., Los Angeles, Cal.
EXHIBIT B.
SABOBA.
Saboba is the name of a village of Indians of the Serrano tribe, one
hundred and fifty-seven in number, living in the San Jacinto Valley, at
the base of the San Jacinto Mountains, in San Diego County. The village
is within the boundaries of a Mexican grant, patented to the heirs of J.
Estudillo, January 17th, 1880. The greater part of the grant has been
sold to a company which, in dividing up its lands, allotted the tract
where the Saboba village lies to one M. R. Byrnes, of San Bernardino,
who proposes to eject the Indians unless the United States Government
will buy his whole tract of seven hundred acres at an exorbitant price.
The Saboba village occupies about two hundred acres, the best part of
Mr. Byrnes's tract. The Indians have lived in the place for over a
hundred years. They have adobe houses, fenced fields and orchards, and
irrigating ditches. There is in the village a never-failing spring, with
a flow of about twenty-five miner's inches. It is claimed by the Indians
that the first surveys did not take in their village. This is probably
true; the resurveying of grants and "floating" their lines so as to take
in lands newly discovered to be of value, and leave out others
discovered to be worthless, being a common practice in California. In a
country where water is gold, such a spring as these Saboba Indians owned
could not long escape notice or be left long in the undisturbed
possession of Indians. These Indians support themselves now, and have
always done so, by farming, and by going out in organized bands as
sheep-shearers and vintagers. They are industrious and peaceable, and
make in good seasons a fairly comfortable living. They formerly kept
stock, but since the new occupancy, allotting and fencing of the valley,
have been obliged to give it up. There is a Government school in this
village, numbering from thirty to forty pupils, who have made remarkable
progress in their studies. The school is taught by a Pennsylvania lady,
formerly a teacher of the freedmen. Her gentleness and refinement have
exerted an influence all through the village, and her self-denying
labors among the people in times of sickness and suffering have been the
work of a missionary rather than of a teacher. The following letters
were written by two of the children in this school, both under fourteen
years of age. They were written without the teacher's knowledge or aid,
and brought to her with the request that she would send them. The
handwritings are clear and good:—
_To the President of the United States_:
MR. PRESIDENT: DEAR SIR,—I wish to write a letter for you, and I will
try to tell you some things. The white people call San Jacinto rancho
their land, and I don't want them to do it. We think it is ours, for God
gave it to us first. Now I think you will tell me what is right, for you
have been so good to us, giving us a school and helping us. Will you not
come to San Jacinto some time to see us, the school, and the people of
Saboba village? Many of the people are sick, and some have died. We are
so poor that we have not enough good food for the sick, and sometimes I
am afraid that we are all going to die. Will you please tell what is
good about our ranches, and come soon to see us?
Your friend,
RAMON CAVAVI.
_Mrs. Jackson_:
MY DEAR FRIEND,—I wish to write you a letter about the American people
that want to drive us away from our own village of Saboba. I don't know
what they can be about. I don't know why they do so. My teacher told me
she was very sorry about the town, and then my teacher said, I think
they will find a good place for you if you have to go; but I do hope
they will not drive you away. Then it will be very good for all the
people of Saboba. It is a very good town for the people. They have all
the work done on their gardens, and they are very sorry about the work
that is done. My work is very nicely done also. The people are making
one big fence to keep the cows and the horses off their garden.
Your true friend,
ANTONIO LEON.
These Saboba Indians are greatly dispirited and disheartened at the
prospect of being driven out of their homes, and feel that the
Government ought to protect them. The captain of the village, a very
sensible and clear-headed man, said, "If the Government says we must go,
we must; but we would rather die right here than move." The right of
these Indians to the tract they have so long occupied and cultivated is
beyond question. That this right could be successfully maintained in the
courts is the opinion of the law firm of Brunson & Wells, whose
admirable paper covering all cases of this kind is given herewith. (See
exhibit.)
We found three miles from this village on Government land a narrow cañon
called Indian Cañon, in which half a dozen Indian families were living.
The cañon is but five or six miles long and very narrow; but it has a
small, never-failing brook in it, and some good bottom land, on which
the Indians had excellent wheat crops growing. The sides of it are
moderately well wooded. It was surprising that so desirable a nook had
been overlooked or omitted by the surveyors of the San Jacinto Ranch. We
wrote to the Department immediately, recommending its being set aside
for Indians' use. In another beautiful cañon, also with a never-failing
stream running through it, we found living the old chief, Victoriano,
nearly one hundred years old. The spot was an oasis of green, oak and
willow trees, a wheat field, and apricot orchard and vineyard, the
latter planted by Victoriano's father. This place has been given by
Victoriano to his grandson, who we were told is taking steps to secure
it to himself under the Indian Homestead Act.
EXHIBIT C.
THE CAHUILLA RESERVATION.
The Cahuilla Valley is about forty miles from Saboba, high up among the
peaks and spurs of the San Jacinto Mountains; a wild, barren,
inaccessible spot. The Cahuilla village, situated here, was one of the
most interesting that we visited, and the Indians seemed a clear-headed,
more individual and independent people than any other we saw. This is
partly due to their native qualities, the tribe having been originally
one of the most warlike and powerful in the country, as is indicated by
their name, which signifies "master." The isolation of this village has
also tended to keep these Indians self-respecting and independent. There
is no white settlement within ten miles, there being comparatively
little to tempt white men into these mountain-fastnesses. The population
of the village numbers from one hundred and fifty to two hundred. The
houses are of adobe, thatched with reeds; three of the houses have
shingled roofs, and one has the luxury of a floor. These Indians make
the greater part of their living by stock-raising. They also send out a
sheep-shearing band each year. They have sixteen fields, large and
small, under cultivation, and said they would have had many more except
for the lack of ploughs, there being but one plough for the whole
village. They raise wheat, barley, corn, squashes, and watermelons.
Sometimes the frost kills the corn, and occasionally the grasshoppers
descend on the valley, but aside from these accidents their crops do
well. All through the village were to be seen their curious outdoor
granaries—huge baskets made of twisted and woven twigs and set up on
poles. The women were neatly dressed, the children especially so, and
the faces of all, men, women, and children, had an animation and look of
intellectual keenness very uncommon among the Southern California
Indians. On the outskirts of the village is a never-failing hot spring.
In this water the Indians, old and young, are said to be continually
bathing. It was the Indians' impression that the lines of their
reservation ran directly through the centre of this hot spring. They had
been told so by some white men, but they know nothing certainly. The
lines had never been shown to them. On subsequent examination at the
surveyor-general's office in San Francisco we discovered that this
spring and the village itself are entirely outside the reservation
lines; also that another Indian settlement called Duasno, a few miles
distant, and intended to have been included in the reservation, is
outside the lines. The Cahuilla Reservation stands recorded as
containing twenty-six sections of land; so far as we could judge of the
region, it seemed to us a generous estimate to say that there might be
possibly five hundred acres of cultivatable land in it. In good years
there would be considerable pasturage on the sides of the mountains; but
far the greater part of the tract is absolutely worthless, being bare
and stony mountains. The Cahuillas, however, are satisfied with it. They
love the country, and would not exchange it for fertile valleys below.
They said that they would be perfectly contented if the Government would
only mark their land off for them, and set up boundaries so that they
could know where they might keep their own stock and keep the white
men's stock out. All they asked for in addition to this was some
harnesses, wagons, and agricultural implements, especially ploughs. Of
these last the captain reiterated, and was not satisfied till he saw the
figures written down, that ten was the smallest number that would be
sufficient for the village.
A few rods from the hot spring there stood a good adobe house, shut up,
unoccupied. The history of this house is worth telling, as an
illustration of the sort of troubles to which Indians in these remote
regions, unprotected by the Government, and unable to protect
themselves, are exposed. Some eight years ago the Cahuillas rented a
tract of their land as pasture to two Mexicans named Machado. These
Machados, by permission of the Indians, built this adobe house, and
lived in it when looking after their stock. At the expiration of the
lease the house was to be the property of the Indians. When the Machados
left they said to the Cahuilla captain, "Here is your house." The next
year another man named Thomas rented a pasture tract from the Indians
and also rented this house, paying for the use of it for two years six
bulls, and putting into it a man named Cushman, who was his overseer. At
the end of the two years Thomas said to the Cahuillas, "Here is your
house; I now take my cattle away." But the man Cushman refused to move
out of the house; said it was on railroad land which he had bought of
the railroad company. In spite of the Indians' remonstrances he lived on
there for three or four years. Finally he died. After his death his old
employer, Thomas, who had once rented this very house from the Indians,
came forward, claimed it as his own, and has now sold it to a man named
Parks. Through all this time the Indians committed no violence on the
trespassers. They journeyed to Los Angeles to find out from the railroad
company whether Cushman owned the land as he said, and were told that he
did not. They laid the matter before their agent, but he was unable to
do anything about it. It would seem of the greatest importance in the
case of this reservation, and of all others similarly placed, that the
odd section claimed or owned by the railroad companies should be secured
and added to the permanent reservation. Much further trouble will in
this way be saved.
An incident which had occurred on the boundaries of the Cahuilla
Reservation a few weeks before our arrival there is of importance as an
illustration of the need of some legal protection for the Indians in
Southern California. A Cahuilla Indian named Juan Diego had built for
himself a house and cultivated a small patch of ground on a high
mountain ledge a few miles north of the village. Here he lived alone
with his wife and baby. He had been for some years what the Indians call
a "locoed" Indian, being at times crazy; never dangerous, but yet
certainly insane for longer or shorter periods. His condition was known
to the agent, who told us that he had feared he would be obliged to shut
Juan up if he did not get better. It was also well known throughout the
neighboring country, as we found on repeated inquiry. Everybody knew
that Juan Diego was "locoed." (This expression comes from the effect a
weed of that name has upon horses, making them wild and unmanageable.)
Juan Diego had been off to find work at sheep-shearing. He came home at
night riding a strange horse. His wife exclaimed, "Why, whose horse is
that?" Juan looked at the horse, and replied confusedly, "Where is my
horse, then?" The woman, much frightened, said, "You must take that
horse right back; they will say you stole it." Juan replied that he
would as soon as he had rested; threw himself down and fell asleep. From
this sleep he was awakened by the barking of the dogs, and ran out of
the house to see what it meant. The woman followed, and was the only
witness of what then occurred. A white man, named Temple, the owner of
the horse which Juan had ridden home, rode up, and on seeing Juan poured
out a volley of oaths, levelled his gun and shot him dead. After Juan
had fallen on the ground Temple rode closer and fired three more shots
in the body, one in the forehead, one in the cheek, and one in the
wrist, the woman looking on. He then took his horse, which was standing
tied in front of the house, and rode away. The woman, with her baby on
her back, ran to the Cahuilla village and told what had happened. This
was in the night. At dawn the Indians went over to the place, brought
the murdered man's body to the village, and buried it. The excitement
was intense. The teacher, in giving us an account of the affair, said
that for a few days she feared she would be obliged to close her school
and leave the village. The murderer went to the nearest justice of the
peace and gave himself up, saying that he had in self-defence shot an
Indian. He swore that the Indian ran towards him with a knife. A jury of
twelve men was summoned, who visited the spot, listened to Temple's
story, pronounced him guiltless, and the judge so decided. The woman's
testimony was not taken. It would have been worthless if it had been, so
far as influencing that jury's minds was concerned. Her statement was
positive that Juan had no knife, nor weapon of any kind; sprang up from
his sleep and ran out hastily to see what had happened, and was shot
almost as soon as he had crossed the threshold of the door. The district
attorney in San Diego, on being informed by us of the facts in the case,
reluctantly admitted that there would be no use whatever in bringing a
white man to trial for murder of an Indian under such circumstances,
with only Indian testimony to convict him. This was corroborated, and
the general animus of public feeling vividly illustrated to us by a
conversation we had later with one of the jurors in the case, a fine,
open-hearted, manly young fellow, far superior in education and social
standing to the average Southern California ranchman. He not only
justified Temple's killing the Indian, but said he would have done the
same thing himself. "I don't care whether the Indian had a knife or
not," he said; "that didn't cut any figure at all the way I looked at
it. Any man that'd take a horse of mine and ride him up that mountain
trail, I'd shoot him whenever I found him. Stockmen have just got to
protect themselves in this country." The fact that Juan had left his own
horse, a well-known one, in the corral from which he had taken Temple's;
that he had ridden the straight trail to his own door, and left the
horse tied in front of it, thus making it certain that he would be
tracked and caught, weighed nothing in this young man's mind. The utmost
concession that he would make was finally to say, "Well, I'll agree that
Temple was to blame for firin' into him after he was dead. That was
mean, I'll allow."
The account of our visit to the Cahuilla Reservation would be incomplete
without a brief description of the school there. It numbers from forty
to fifty scholars, and is taught by a widow who, with her little
daughter ten years of age, lives in one small room built on at the end
of the school-house. Part of the room is curtained off into a recess
holding bed, washstand, and bureau. The rest of the room is a
sitting-room, kitchen, store-room, and barely holds the cooking-stove,
table, and chairs. Here alone, with her little daughter, in a village of
near two hundred Indians, ten miles from any white man's home, this
brave woman has lived more than a year, doing a work of which the hours
spent in the school-room are the smallest part. The Indians come to her
with every perplexity and trouble; call on her for nursing when they are
ill, for food when they are destitute. If she would allow it her little
room could always be crowded with women, and men also, eager to watch
and learn. The Cahuillas have good brains, are keen, quick, and
persevering. The progress that these children have made in the
comparatively short time since their school was opened was far beyond
that ordinarily made by white children in the same length of time.
Children who two years ago did not know a letter, read intelligently in
the second and third readers, spelled promptly and with remarkable
accuracy, and wrote clear and legible hands, their copy-books being
absolutely free from blots or erasures; some of the older pupils went
creditably through a mental arithmetic examination, in which the
questions were by no means easy to follow. They sang songs in fair tune
and time, and with great spirit, evidently enjoying this part of the
exercises more than all the rest. We had carried to them a parcel of
illustrated story-books, very kindly contributed by some of the leading
publishers in New York and Boston, and the expression of the rows of
bright dark eyes as the teacher held up book after book was long to be
remembered. The strain on the nervous system of teachers in such
positions as this can hardly be estimated by ordinary standards. The
absolute isolation, the ceaseless demand, the lack, not only of the
comforts, but of many of the necessities of life, all mount up into a
burden which it would seem no woman could long endure. Last winter there
was a snow-storm in the Cahuilla Valley lasting two days and nights. A
fierce wind drove the dry snow in at every crevice of the poorly built
adobe house, like sand in a sand-storm. The first day of the storm the
school had to be closed early in the day, as the snow fell so fast on
books and slates nothing could be done. The last night of the storm the
teacher and her little girl spent the entire night in shovelling snow
out of the room. They would pile it in a blanket, open the door, empty
the blanket, and then resume shovelling. They worked hard all night to
keep pace with the storm. When the snowing stopped the school-room was
drifted full, and for many days after was wet and damp. It would seem as
if the school term in such places as this ought not to be over eight
months in the year. The salaries, however, should not be reduced, for
they are barely living salaries now, every necessary of life being
procured at a great disadvantage in these wild regions. One of these
teachers told us she had been obliged to give an Indian $1 to ride to
the nearest store and bring her one dollar's worth of sugar. It was the
opinion of the Cahuilla teacher (a teacher of experience at the East
before her marriage) that the Indians would accomplish more in eight
months than in the nine. The strain upon them also is too great—of the
unwonted confinement and continuous brain work. Should this change be
made the vacation should be so arranged as to be taken at the
sheep-shearing season, at which times all the schools are much broken up
by the absence of the elder boys.
EXHIBIT D.
THE WARNER'S RANCH INDIANS.
The tract known as Warner's Ranch lies in the northern part of San Diego
County, about forty miles from the Cahuilla Valley. It contains two
grants, the San José del Valle and the Valle de San José; the first
containing between 26,000 and 27,000 acres, confirmed to J. J. Warner,
patented January 16th, 1880; the second, containing between 17,000 and
18,000 acres, confirmed to one Portilla, patented January 10th, 1880.
The whole property is now in the possession of Governor Downey, of Los
Angeles. There are said to be several conflicting claims yet unsettled.
The ranch is now used as a sheep and stock ranch, and is of great value.
It is a beautiful region, well watered and wooded. There are within its
boundaries five Indian villages, of San Luisenos and Diegmons—Aqua
Caliente, Puerta de la Cruz, Puerta de San José, San José, and Mataguay.
The last four are very small, but Aqua Caliente has long been the most
flourishing and influential village in the country. It was formerly set
apart as a reservation, but the executive order was cancelled January
17th, 1880, immediately after the patenting of the San José del Valle
Ranch, within the boundaries of which it was then claimed that the
village lay, although to the best information we could get the first
three surveys of that ranch did not take the village in. The aged
captain of the Aqua Caliente Indians still preserves a paper giving a
memorandum of the setting off of this reservation of about 1,120 acres
for this people. It was by executive order, 1875. He also treasures
several other equally worthless papers—a certificate from a San Diego
judge that the Indians are entitled to their lands; a memorandum of a
promise from General Kearney, who assured them that in consideration of
their friendliness and assistance to him they should retain their homes
without molestation, "although the whole State should fill with white
men." It is not to be wondered at that these Aqua Caliente Indians find
it difficult to-day to put any faith in white men's promises.
It will be seen from the above brief statement of the situation that
they have an exceedingly strong claim on the Government for protection
in their right to their lands. Since the restoration of their village
and fields "to the public domain," the patenting of the ranches and
their sale to Governor Downey, the Indians have been in constant anxiety
and terror. Governor Downey has been considerate and humane in his
course toward them, and toward all the Indians on his estate. And his
superintendent also is friendly in his treatment of them, permitting
them all the liberty he can consistently with his duty to the ranch. He
finds their labor invaluable at sheep-shearing time, and is able
throughout the year to give them occasional employment. But the Indians
know very well that according to the usual course of things in San Diego
County they are liable any day to be ejected by process of law; and it
is astonishing that under the circumstances they have so persevered in
their industries of one sort and another. They have a good number of
fields under cultivation. They also make saddle mats and hats out of
fibrous plants; the women make baskets and lace. It is said to be the
most industrious village in the county; the old captain dealing severely
with any Indian found idle. They have also a small revenue from the hot
springs, from which the village takes its name. These bubble up in a
succession of curious stone basins in the heart of the village. They are
much resorted to in summer by rheumatic and other patients, who rent the
Indians' little adobe houses and pay them a small tax for the use of the
waters. The Indians themselves at these times move into bush huts in a
valley or cañon some two miles above the village, where their chief
cultivated fields lie. They were very earnest to know from us if we
would advise their planting more of this ground. They said they would
have planted it all except that they were afraid of being driven away.
This upper valley and these planting fields were said to be on
Government land; but on examination of the surveyor's plats in the Los
Angeles land office, we could find no field notes to indicate their
location. These Indians have in use another valley called Lost Valley,
some fifteen miles from their village high up in the mountains, and
reached only by one very steep trail. Here they keep their stock, being
no longer able to pasture it below. They were touchingly anxious to have
us write down the numbers of cattle, horses, sheep, each man had, and
report to Washington, that the President might see how they were all
trying to work. There are probably from one hundred and twenty-five to
one hundred and fifty head of cattle owned in the village, about fifty
horses, and one hundred sheep.
There is here a Government school, taught by a young German lady of
excellent education and much enthusiasm in her work. At great cost and
risk she has carried her piano up into these wilds, and finds it an
invaluable assistance in training and influencing her pupils. It was a
scene not to be forgotten, when after their exercises in reading,
arithmetic, &c., in all of which they showed a really wonderful
proficiency, the children crowded into the teacher's little room and
sang their songs to the piano accompaniment, played by her with spirit
and feeling. "My country, 'tis of thee, sweet land of liberty," was the
song they seemed to like best; all unaware how little applicable to
their own situation were its strains of exultant joy and freedom. In
this one tiny room adjoining the school-room this young lady lives,
sleeps, prepares her own food, frequently having a "cooking class" of
Indian women, whom she is teaching to make soups, bread, &c., and to do
fine washing. It is impossible to put too much appreciative sympathy on
these women teachers in Indian schools in Southern California. Their
situation and their work are unique in isolation and difficulty.
The other Indian villages on Warner's Ranch do not demand separate
description, consisting of not more than half a dozen houses each, and
numbering only from fifteen to thirty Indians. Each village, however,
has its own captain, and its cultivated fields, orchards, &c., to which
the Indians are profoundly attached, and from which it would be very
hard to induce them to move, spite of their poverty, and the difficulty
of making a living, as they are now placed.
During our stay at Warner's Ranch, the captain of the San José village
had an experience which will illustrate the helplessness of these Indian
farmers in Southern California. He had on a piece of Government land, a
short distance from his village, a fenced wheat-field of some fifty
acres; it was his chief dependence for his year's support. Going away
one day, he left his aged father in charge at home; the old man wandered
away, and during his absence one of the roving sheep-herders, of whom
the country is full, broke down the fence, turned in his flock, and when
Domingo came home at night the whole field was eaten close to the
ground. Hearing of our being at the superintendent's house, Domingo came
over to ask if we could help him in the matter. The quiet,
matter-of-course way in which he told the story was more impressive than
any loudness of complaint would have been. He said very simply, "What
can I do for food this winter?" Mr. Kinney rode over to the village, saw
the field, and after some trouble found the herder, who, much
frightened, said he did it by his master's orders. This master, an
Italian, lived some twenty miles away; the nearest justice of the peace,
sixteen miles. On seeing the justice we found that nothing could be done
in the way of securing damages from the sheep-owner until two white men,
residents of the county, should inspect the premises and estimate the
damages. Domingo rode sixteen miles in the night in a fierce storm of
sleet and rain, with letters from us to white men on the ranch, asking
them to do this. He was back again at daylight with a note from one of
them, saying that he could not induce a man to go with him. Finally, the
justice, at our request, hired two men at days' wages to go and inspect
the Indian's field. They estimated the damages at about one-tenth of the
real amount, and thus we were obliged to leave the matter. We afterwards
received a letter from the Italian stating that he had settled with
Domingo, but not mentioning the sum paid. It was plain that except for
our taking hold of the affair the Indian would never have recovered a
cent. This is by no means an exceptional instance.
EXHIBIT E.
THE SAN YSIDRO INDIANS.
In the San Ysidro Cañon, about eight miles from Warner's Ranch, has been
living from time immemorial a band of San Luiseno Indians, numbering
from fifty to seventy-five, and called by the name of their cañon. We
first saw the captain of these Indians in Los Angeles, in the office of
the United States Court Commissioner, Mr. H. T. Lee, of whose kindness
and humane sympathy in dealing with all Indian matters which come under
his notice it is not out of place here to make grateful mention. This
Captain Pablo, with two of his head men, had walked a three days'
journey to Los Angeles to see if he could get any help in the matter of
lands which had been wrested from his people. His story was a pitiful
one. Some six years ago a white man named Chatham Helm had come in at
the head of their cañon, three miles above the site of their village,
taken up a homestead claim there, cutting off the greater part of their
water supply, and taking some of their cultivated fields, and leaving
them restricted room for their stock. Since that time they had been
growing poorer and poorer, but had managed to live by cultivating lands
below the village near the mouth of the cañon, where there was another
small stream. But now a new squatter had appeared below them, and filed
on all the remaining lands, including the site of the village itself.
The man Helm, above them, had patented his lands, built a good house,
and was keeping considerable stock. The Indians could have no water
except what he permitted to come down the cañon. Three years ago one of
their number had been shot dead by Helm, who was set free on the usual
plea of self-defence. Since then the Indians had been in continual
terror. The new squatter had threatened them with the same fate if they
came near his enclosures. Between these two squatters the Indian village
was completely hemmed in and cut off, and starvation stared them in the
face. In fact, in the course of the last winter one little girl had
actually died for want of food. Their countenances corroborated the
tale. They were gaunt with hunger and full of despair. It would exceed
the limits of this paper to give a full report of the interview with
these Indians. It will not soon be forgotten by any one taking part in
it,—the solemn tones in which the Indians replied to the interpreter's
questions, the intent and imploring gaze with which they studied all our
faces and listened to all the words unintelligible to them in which we
spoke with one another.
It was finally decided to forward to the Interior Department the
affidavits of these Indians, setting forth the manner in which they had
been robbed of their lands, and requesting that Cloos's entry be held
for cancellation, and that Helm's patent be reopened. It was found, on
looking the matter up in Washington, that several years ago this cañon
had been withdrawn from market with a view to having it set off as a
reservation for the Indians living in it, but the matter had slipped
everybody's mind. On visiting the San Ysidro Cañon ourselves a few weeks
later, we found that Cloos, taking time by the forelock, had sold out
his homestead claim, his house, and what he was pleased to call his
"improvements," for $600 to a poor old widow, Mrs. Pamela Hagar by name.
We found Mrs. Hagar, with her son, on the ground, preparing to go into
the bee business. She appeared very little surprised at hearing that the
claim she had bought was a questionable one, remarking: "Well, I
mistrusted something was wrong; Cloos seemed in such a hurry to get his
money." This woman appeared nearly as helpless as the Indians
themselves. The deed she had taken from Cloos was not acknowledged; she
had not got it recorded; her name was misspelled in it; and the
enumeration of the sections, &c., in it did not agree with the list in
the land office certificate. She begged us to ask the Government to
refund to her the sum she had paid to Cloos, and signed by her mark a
paper saying she would accept it. It is a small sum, and as the poor old
woman made the transaction in good faith, knowing nothing about the
Indians' presence on the place, it would seem not unreasonable that she
should be paid. The next morning Cloos himself appeared on the scene,
very angry and resentful. He said he had "a perfect right to file on
that land;" that "Indians were not citizens" and "had no right to public
lands," and that "the stockmen of San Diego County were not going to
stand the Indians' killing their stock much longer;" that "the
Government ought to put the Indians all together somewhere and take care
of them," and that "there'd be a big fight with Indians in San Diego
County before long, we might rest assured of that;" and much more of the
same sort, which would not be worth repeating, except that it is a good
illustration of the animus of the greater portion of Southern California
ranchmen towards Indians. A few days after this we were gladdened by the
news from Washington that Cloos's filing was held for cancellation, and
that the Attorney-General had ordered proceedings to be begun in San
Francisco for the vacating of Chatham Helm's patent. A few instances of
such promptitude as this would change the whole status of the South
California Indians, giving courage to them, and, what is still more
important, making it clear to the perception of white men that the
Indians' rights are no longer to be disregarded as they have been.
EXHIBIT F.
THE LOS COYOTES.
Five miles up from the head of the San Ysidro Cañon, to be reached only
by a steep and narrow trail, lies a small valley on the desert side of
the mountains. It is little more than a pocket on a ledge. From its rim
one looks down directly into the desert. Few white men have ever
penetrated to it, and the Indians occupying it have been hitherto safe,
by reason of the poverty and inaccessibility of their home. No agent has
ever visited them; they have supported themselves by keeping stock and
cultivating their few acres of land. There are not more than eighty
acres all told in the valley. About three weeks before our arrival at
Warner's Ranch a man named Jim Fane, a comrade of Helm, who had usurped
the San Ysidro Cañon, having, no doubt, learned through Helm of the
existence of the Los Coyotes Valley, appeared in the village and offered
the Indians $200 for their place. They refused to sell, upon which he
told them that he had filed on the land, should stay in any event, and
proceeded to cut down trees and build a corral. It seems a marvellous
forbearance on the part of a community numbering twenty-six able-bodied
men and twenty-one women not to take any forcible measures to repel such
an intruder as this. But the South California Indians have learned by
long experience that in any contest with white men they are sure to be
found in the wrong. Not an Indian laid violent hands on Fane. He seems
to have gone about as safely in the heart of this Indian village, which
he was avowedly making ready to steal, as if he had been in an empty
wilderness. Mr. Kinney found him there, hard at work, his belt full of
cartridges and pistols. He was a rough fellow, at first disposed to be
defiant and blustering, but on being informed of the Department's action
in the case of Cloos's filing, he took a milder tone, and signed a paper
saying that he would take $75 for his "improvements." Later in the day,
after consulting with his friend Helm, he withdrew the paper and
announced his determination to stay in the valley. On inquiry at the
land office at Los Angeles we found that his filing had been returned to
him for correction of errors. We were therefore in time to secure the
stopping of all further proceedings on his part through the land office.
Nothing, however, but authorized and authoritative action on the part of
the agent representing the Interior Department will stop his proceedings
on the ground. Just before leaving California we received an urgent
letter from the Los Coyotes' captain, saying that Fane was still
there—still cutting down their trees and building corrals.
The Indians of this band are robust, active, and finely made, more
nearly in the native health and strength of the race than any other band
in the country. The large proportion of children also bore testimony to
their healthful condition, there being thirty-five children to
twenty-one women and twenty-six men. The captain had the lists of his
people kept by three lines of notches on a stick, a new notch being made
for each birth and crossed out for each death. They could count only up
to five. Everything beyond that was "many." Their houses were good,
built of hewn pine timber with thatched roofs made from some tough
fibrous plant, probably the yucca. Each house had a thatched bower in
front of it and stood in a fenced enclosure. These Indians raise beans,
pumpkins, wheat, barley, and corn. They have twenty-five head of cattle
and more horses. They say they have lived in this valley always, and
never desire to leave it. The only things they asked for were a harness,
chain, coulter, and five ploughs. They have now one plough.
This village is one of the best illustrations of our remarks on the need
of itinerary labor among the Mission Indians. Here is a village of
eighty-four souls living in a mountain fastness which they so love they
would rather die than leave it, but where the ordinary agencies and
influences of civilization will never reach, no matter how thickly
settled the regions below may come. A fervent religious and practical
teacher spending a few weeks each year among these Indians might sow
seed that would never cease growing during the intervals of his absence.
EXHIBIT G.
THE SANTA YSABEL RANCH.
The Santa Ysabel Ranch is adjoining to Warner's Ranch. It is a
well-wooded, well-watered, beautiful country, much broken by steep and
stony mountains. The original grant of this ranch was confirmed March
17th, 1858, to one José Ortego and the heirs of Edward Stokes. The
patent was issued May 14th, 1872. It is now owned by a Captain Wilcox,
who has thus far not only left undisturbed the Indian village within the
boundaries of his estate, but has endeavored to protect the Indians by
allowing to the ranch lessee a rebate of $200 yearly on the rent on
account of the Indians' occupancy. There is in the original grant of
this ranch the following clause: "The grantees will leave free and
undisturbed the agricultural lands which the Indians of San Diego are
actually occupying."
We found on arriving at the Santa Ysabel village that an intelligent
young Indian living there had recently been elected as general over the
Dieguino Indians in the neighborhood. He showed to us his papers and
begged us to wait till he could have all his captains gathered to meet
us. Eight villages he reported as being under his control,—Santa Ysabel,
Mesa Grande, Mesa Chilquita, San José, Mataguay, La Puerta, Laguna, and
Anaha. He was full of interest and inquiry and enthusiasm about his
people. "I want know American way," he said in his broken English. "I
want make all my people like American people. How I find out American
laws? When white men lose cow, lose pig, they come here with pistol and
say we must find or give up man that stole. How we know? Is that
American law? We all alone out here. We got nobody show us. Heap things
I want ask about. I make all my people work. We can't work like American
people; we ain't got work with; we ain't got wagon, harness; three old
broked ploughs for all these people. What we want, some man right here
to go to. While you here white man very good; when you go away trouble
same as before."
There are one hundred and seventy-one Indians in this village. They are
very poor. Many of their houses are of tule or brush, their clothes were
scanty and ragged, some of the older men wearing but a single garment.
That they had not been idle their big wheat-field proved; between three
and four hundred acres fenced and the wheat well up. "How do you divide
the crops?" we asked. "Every man knows his own piece," was the reply.
They sell all of this wheat that they can spare to a storekeeper some
three miles away. Having no wagon they draw the wheat there on a sort of
sledge or wood triangle, about four feet long, with slats across it. A
rope is tied to the apex of this, then fastened to the horn of a saddle
on a horse ridden by a man, who steers the sledge as best he may. The
Indians brought this sledge to show us, to prove how sorely they needed
wagons. They also made the women bring out all the children and arrange
them in rows, to show that they had enough for a school, repeating over
and over that they had many more, but they were all out digging wild
roots and vegetables. "If there was not great many them, my people die
hungry," said the general; "them most what we got eat." It is a sore
grievance to these Santa Ysabel Indians that the Aqua Caliente Indians,
only twenty miles away, have received from the Government a school,
ploughs, wagons, &c., while nothing whatever has been done for them.
"Them Aqua Caliente Indians got everything," said the general; "got hot
springs too; make money on them hot springs; my people got no chance
make money."
On the second day of our stay in this region we saw four of the young
general's captains, those of Puerta San Felipe, San José, Anaha, and
Laguna. In Puerta San Felipe are sixty-four people. This village is on a
confirmed grant, the "Valle de San Felipe," confirmed to Felipe
Castillo. The ranch is now leased to a Frenchman, who is taking away the
water from the Indian village, and tells the captain that the whole
village belongs to him, and that if anybody so much as hunts a rabbit on
the place he will put him in prison. These people are in great
destitution and trouble, being deprived of most of their previous means
of support. The Anaha captain reported fifty-three people in his
village. White men had come in and fenced up land on both sides of him.
"When he plants his wheat and grain the white men run their hogs into
the fields;" and "when the white men find anything dead they come to him
to make him tell everything about it, and he has not got anything to
tell." The San José captain had a similar story. The Laguna captain was
a tall, swarthy, well-to-do-looking Indian, so unlike all the rest that
we wondered what there could have been in his life to produce such a
difference. He said nobody troubled him. He had good land, plenty of
water, raised grain and vegetables, everything he wanted except
watermelons. His village contained eleven persons; was to be reached
only by a steep trail, the last four miles. We expressed our pleasure at
finding one Indian captain and village that were in no trouble and
wanted for nothing. He smiled mysteriously, as we afterward recalled,
and reiterated that nobody troubled him. The mystery was explained
later, when we discovered accidentally in San Diego that this Laguna
village had not escaped, as we supposed, the inroads of white men, and
that the only reason that the Laguna Indians were not in trouble was
that they had peaceably surrendered half their lands to a white man, who
was living amicably among them under a sort of contract or lease.
EXHIBIT H.
MESA GRANDE.
Mesa Grande lies high up above the Santa Ysabel village and fifteen
miles west of it. The tract adjoins the Santa Ysabel Ranch, and is, as
its name indicates, a large table-land. There was set off here in 1876 a
large reservation, intended to include the Mesa Grande Indian village,
and also a smaller one of Mesa Chilquita; but, as usual, the villages
were outside of the lines, and the lands reserved were chiefly
worthless. One of the settlers in the neighborhood told us he would not
take the whole reservation as a gift and pay the taxes on it. The
situation of the Indians here is exceedingly unfortunate and growing
more and more so daily. The good Mesa Grande lands, which they once
owned and occupied, and which should have been secured to them, have
been fast taken up by whites, the Indians driven off, and, as the young
general said, "all bunched up till they haven't got any room." Both the
Mesa Chilquita and Mesa Grande plateaus are now well under cultivation
by whites, who have good houses and large tracts fenced in.
They have built a good school-house, which we chanced to pass at the
hour of recess, and noting Indian faces among the children, stopped to
inquire about them. There were, out of twenty-seven scholars, fifteen
Indians or half-breeds, some of them the children of Indians who had
taken up homesteads. We asked the teacher what was the relative
brightness of the Indian and white children. Supposing that we shared
the usual prejudice against Indians, the teacher answered in a
judiciously deprecating tone, "Well, really there isn't so much
difference between them as you would suppose." "In favor of which race?"
we asked. Thus suddenly enlightened as to our animus in the matter, the
teacher changed his tone, and said he found the Indian children full as
bright as the whites; in fact, the brightest scholar he had was a
half-breed girl.
On the census list taken of Indians in 1880 Mesa Grande and Mesa
Chilquita are reported as having, the first one hundred and three
Indians, the second twenty-three. There are probably not so many now,
the Mesa Chilquita tract being almost wholly in possession of the
whites. The Mesa Grande village has a beautiful site on a small stream,
in a sort of hill basin, surrounded by higher hills. The houses are
chiefly adobe, and there is on one of the slopes a neat little adobe
chapel, with a shingled roof nearly done, of which the Indians were very
proud. There were many fields of grain and a few fruit orchards. The
women gathered around our carriage in eager groups, insisting on shaking
hands, and holding up their little children to shake hands also. They
have but once seen an agent of the Government, and any evidence of real
interest in them and their welfare touches them deeply.
The condition of the Indians in this district is too full of
complications and troubles to be written out here in detail. A verbatim
copy of a few of our notes taken on the spot will give a good picture of
the situation.
Chrysanto, an Indian, put off his farm two months ago by white man named
Jim Angel, with certificate of homestead from Los Angeles land office.
Antonio Douro, another, put off in same way from his farm near
school-house. He had built good wooden house; the white man took that
and half his land. He was ploughing when the white man came and said,
"Get out! I have bought this land." They have been to the agent. They
have been ten times, till they are tired to go. Another American named
Hardy ran an Indian off his farm, built a house on it; then he sold it
to Johnson, and Johnson took a little more land; and Johnson sold it to
Stone, and he took still more. They used to be well fixed, had plenty of
stock and hundreds of horses. Now they are all penned up, and have had
to pay such fines they have got poor. Whites take their horses and
cattle and corral them and make them pay 25 cents, 50 cents to get them
out. "Is that American law?" they asked; "and if it is law for Indians'
horses, is it not same for white men's horses?" But one Indian shut up
some of the white men's horses that came on his land, and the constable
came and took them all away and made the Indian pay money. The Americans
so thick now they want all the Indians away; so, to make them go, they
keep accusing them of stealing.
This is a small tithe of what we were told. It was pitiful to see the
hope die out of the Indians' faces as they laid grievance after
grievance before us, and we were obliged to tell them we could do
nothing, except to "tell the Government." On our way back to Santa
Ysabel we were waylaid by several Indians, some of them very aged, each
with the same story of having been driven off or being in imminent
danger of being driven off his lands.
On the following day we had a long interview with one of the white
settlers of Mesa Grande, and learned some particulars as to a
combination into which the Mesa Grande whites had entered to protect
themselves against cattle and horse thieves. The young Indian general
was present at this interview. His boots were toeless; he wore an old
gingham shirt and ragged waistcoat, but his bearing was full of dignity.
According to the white man's story, this combination was not a vigilance
committee at all. It was called "The Protective League of Mesa Grande,"
and had no special reference to Indians in any way. According to the
Indian general's story it was a vigilance committee, and all the Indians
knew very well that their lives were in danger from it. The white man
protested against this, and reiterated his former statements. To our
inquiry why, if the league were for the mutual protection of all
cattle-owners in the region, the captains of the Indian villages were
not invited to join it, he replied that he himself would have been in
favor of that, but that to the average white settler in the region such
a suggestion would be like a red rag to a bull; that he himself,
however, was a warm friend to the Indians. "How long you been friend to
Indians?" asked the boy-general, with quiet sarcasm. We afterwards
learned by inquiry of one of the most influential citizens of a
neighboring town, that this protective league was in fact nothing more
or less than a vigilance committee, and that it meant short shrift to
Indians; but being betrayed by one of its members it had come to an
untimely end, to the great relief of all law-abiding people in the
vicinity. He also added that the greater part of the cattle and horse
stealing in the region was done by Mexicans and whites, not by Indians.
Whether it is possible for the Government to put these Mesa Grande
Indians into a position to protect themselves, and have anything like a
fair chance to make their living in their present situation, is a
question; but that it ought to be done, if possible, is beyond question.
It is grievous to think that this fine tract of land so long owned and
occupied by these Indians, and in good faith intended by the Government
to be set aside for their use, has thus passed into other hands. Even if
the reservation tract, some three hundred acres, has been by fraudulent
representations restored to the public domain, and now occupied by a man
named Clelland, who has taken steps to patent it, the tract by proper
investigation and action could probably be reclaimed for the Indians'
use.
EXHIBIT I.
CAPITAN GRANDE.
Capitan Grande is the name of the cañon through which the San Diego
River comes down from the Cuyamaca Mountains, where it takes its rise.
The cañon is thirty-five miles from the city of San Diego; is fifteen
miles long, and has narrow bottom lands along the river, in some places
widening out into good meadows. It is in parts beautifully wooded and
full of luxuriant growths of shrubs and vines and flowering plants. In
1853 a band of Dieguino Indians were, by the order of Lieutenant
Magruder, moved from San Diego to this cañon (see Paper No. 1, appended
hereto). These Indians have continued ever since to live there, although
latterly they have been so much pressed upon by white settlers that
their numbers have been reduced. A large reservation, showing on the
record nineteen full sections, was set off here, in 1876, for these
Indians. It is nearly all on the bare sides of the mountain walls of the
cañon. As usual, the village site was not taken in by the lines.
Therefore white settlers have come in and the Indians been driven away.
We were informed that a petition was in circulation for the restoration
to the public domain of a part of this reservation. We could not succeed
in finding a copy of this petition; but it goes without saying that any
such petition means the taking away from the Indians the few remaining
bits of good land in their possession. There are now only about sixty
Indians left in this cañon. Sixteen years ago there were from one
hundred and fifty to two hundred—a flourishing community with large
herds of cattle and horses and good cultivated fields. It is not too
late for the Government to reclaim the greater part of this cañon for
its rightful owners' use. The appended affidavits, which we forwarded to
Washington, will show the grounds on which we earnestly recommended such
a course.
PAPER NO. 1.
Copy of Colonel Magruder's order locating the Indians in Capitan Grande.
Mission San Diego, February 1st, 1853.
Permission is hereby given to Patricio and Leandro, alcalde and captain,
to cultivate and live at the place called Capitan Grande, about four
leagues to the south and east of Santa Ysabel, as it is with extreme
difficulty that these Indians can gain a subsistence on the lands near
the mission in consequence of the want of sufficient water for
irrigation. It is understood that this spot, called, as above, Capitan
Grande, is a part of the public domain. All persons are hereby warned
against disturbing or interfering with the said Indians, or their
people, in the occupation or cultivation of said lands. Any complaints
in reference to said cultivation or to the right of occupancy must be
laid before the commanding officer of this post, in the absence of the
Indian agent for this part of the country.
(Signed by Colonel Magruder.)
PAPER NO. 2.
Copy of affidavit of the captain of Capitan Grande Indians and one of
his head men.
State of California, County of San Diego:
In the application of Daniel C. Isham, James Meade, Mary A. Taylor, and
Charles Hensley.
Ignacio Curo and Marcellino, being duly sworn by me through an
interpreter, and the words being interpreted to each and every one of
them, each for himself deposes and says:
I am an Indian belonging to that portion of the Dieguino Indians under
the captainship of Ignacio Curo, and residing in the rancheria of
Capitan Grande, being also a part and portion of the Indian people known
as Mission Indians; our said rancheria was located at Capitan Grande,
where we all now reside in A. D. 1853, by an order issued by Colonel
Magruder, of the United States Army, located at the post of San Diego on
February 1st of said year, 1853. That since that time we and our
families have resided on and possessed said lands. That said lands are
included in township 14 south, range 2 east, of San Bernardino meridian
in San Diego County, State of California.
That affiants are informed and believe that Daniel C. Isham, James
Meade, Mary A. Taylor, and Charles Hensley have each of them filed in
the land office of Los Angeles their application for pre-emption or
homestead of lands included in the lands heretofore possessed by
affiants, and now occupied by the rancheria of affiants as a home for
themselves and families. That said affiants and their tribe have
constantly occupied and partly cultivated the land so claimed by said
Isham, Meade, Taylor, and Hensley since the year 1853. That they nor
their tribe have ever signed any writing yielding possession or
abandoning their rights to said lands; but that said parties heretofore
mentioned are attempting by deceit, fraud, and violence to obtain said
lands from affiants and the Government of the United States. Affiants
therefore pray that the land officers of the United States Government
will protect them in their right, and stay all proceedings on the part
of said claimants until the matter is thoroughly investigated and the
rights of the respective parties adjudicated.
IGNACIO CURO, his + mark.
MARCELLINO, his + mark.
Witness: M. A. LUCE.
PAPER NO. 3.
Copy of affidavit of Anthony D. Ubach, in regard to Capitan Grande
Indians, and in the matter of the application of Daniel Isham, James
Meade, Mary A. Taylor, and Charles Hensley.
Anthony D. Ubach, being first duly sworn, on oath deposes and says: I am
now, and have been continuously for the last seventeen years, Catholic
pastor at San Diego, and have frequently made official visitations to
the various Indian villages or rancherias in said county; that I have
frequently during said time visited the Capitan Grande Rancheria, on the
San Diego River, in said county of San Diego; that when I first visited
said rancheria, some seventeen years ago, the Indians belonging to the
rancheria cultivated the valley below the falls on the San Diego River
and herded and kept their stock as far up as said falls; that I know the
place now occupied and claimed by the above-named applicants, and each
of them, and also the place occupied and claimed by Dr. D. W. Strong;
that from the time I first visited said rancheria until the lands were
occupied by the aforesaid white men said lands were occupied,
cultivated, and used by the Indians of Capitan Grande Rancheria as a
part of their rancheria; that upon one occasion I acted as interpreter
for Capitan Ignacio Curo in a negotiation between said Capitan Ignacio
and D. W. Strong, and that said Strong at that time rented from said
Ignacio a portion of the rancheria lands for bee pasture; I also know
that Capt. A. P. Knowles and A. S. Grant also rented the lands from the
Indians of the rancheria when they first located there.
ANTHONY D. UBACH.
San Diego, State of California.
PAPER NO. 4.
Copy of the deposition of J. S. Manasse in the matter of the Capitan
Grande Indians and the application of Daniel Isham, James Meade, Mary A.
Taylor, and Charles Hensley.
State of California, San Diego County:
J. S. Manasse, being first duly sworn, on oath deposes and says: I am
now, and have been continuously since the year 1853, a resident of said
county of San Diego; that I have known these certain premises on the San
Diego River, said county, known as the Capitan Grande Rancheria, since
the year 1856; that at that time and for many years thereafter the
Indians belonging to said Capitan Grande Rancheria occupied and
cultivated their fields as far up as the falls on the San Diego River;
that the premises now occupied by the above-named applicants were so
occupied and cultivated by the Indians belonging to said rancheria
during the time aforesaid; I know that about one year ago Capt. A. P.
Knowles paid rent to Ignacio Curo for a portion of the land now claimed
by the above-named applicant, Charles Hensley; also that when I first
knew of the rancheria and for many years thereafter the Indians of that
rancheria owned and kept there a considerable number of cattle, horses,
and sheep.
J. S. MANASSE.
The lands above referred to as claimed by Dr. D. W. Strong were patented
by him September 15th, 1882. They include all the lands formerly
cultivated by the Indians and used for stock pasturage at the head of
the cañon. When, at the expiration of his first year's lease of the
tract for bee pasturage, the Indians asked if he wished to renew the
lease he informed them that he should stay and file on the land. His
lines are as follows: N. E. 1/4 of N. E. 1/4, S. 1/2 of N. E. 1/4, and
N. W. 1/4 of S. E. 1/4, Sec. 2, T. 14 S., R. 2 E., S. B. M., Home. No.
969.
Charles Hensley's homestead entry is as follows: No. 986, March 29th,
1882. S. 1/2 of N. W. 1/4 and W. 1/2 of S. W. 1/4, Sec. 22, T. 14 S., R.
2 E., S. B. M. This is on the original site of the Indian village, and
Hensley is living in Capitan Ignacio Curo's house, for which, after
being informed that he had to leave it at any rate and might as well get
a little money for it, Ignacio took a small sum of money.
James Meade's entry, which included Mary Taylor's interest, is as
follows: No. 987, March 29th, 1882. N. 1/2 of N. W. 1/4 and N. 1/2 of N.
E. 1/4, Sec. 22, T. 14 S., R. 2 E., S. B. M. Captain Knowles's lines we
did not ascertain. He claims and in one way or another occupies several
tracts in the cañon.
EXHIBIT J.
THE SEQUAN INDIANS.
The Sequan Indians are a small band of Dieguino Indians living in a rift
of the hills on one side of the Sweetwater Cañon, about twenty miles
from San Diego. There are less than fifty of them all told. They are
badly off, having for the last ten years been more and more encroached
on by white settlers, until now they can keep no cattle, and have little
cultivable land left. There is a small reservation of one section set
off for them, but the lines were never pointed out to them, and they
said to us they did not know whether it were true that they had a
reservation or not. They had heard also that there was an agent for the
Indians, but they did not know whether that were true or not. As nearly
as we could determine, this village is within the reservation lines; and
if it is, some of the fields which have been recently taken away from
the Indians by the whites must be also. They had the usual bundle of
tattered "papers" to show, some of which were so old they were hardly
legible. One of them was a certificate from a justice of the peace in
San Diego, setting forth that this justice, by virtue of power in him
vested by the California State law, did—
"permit hereby all these Indians to occupy peaceably and without
disturbance all the certain land and premises heretofore occupied and
held by these Indians aforesaid, including all their right and title to
all other necessary privileges thereto belonging, mainly the water
necessary for the irrigation of their lands."
These Indians are much dispirited and demoralized, and wretchedly poor.
Probably the best thing for them would be, in case the Capitan Grande
Cañon is cleared of whites and assured to the Indians, to remove there
and join the Capitan Grande band.
EXHIBIT K.
THE CONEJOS.
The Conejos are of the Dieguino tribe. Their village is said to be
partly on the Capitan Grande Reservation. One man familiar with the
region told us that the reservation line ran through the centre of the
Conejos village. The village is reached only by a nine-miles horseback
trail, and we did not visit it. The captain came to San Diego to see us,
and we also learned many particulars of the village from an intelligent
ranchwoman who has spent eleven summers in its vicinity. There are
thirty-two men, twenty-six women, and twenty-two children in the band.
They have good fields of wheat, and raise corn, squashes, and beans; yet
there is not a plough in the village. The captain is very strenuous in
his efforts to make all his Indians work. When strange Indians come to
the village to visit, they also are set to work. No one is allowed to
remain longer than three days without lending a hand at the village
labor. They are a strong and robust band. They say they have always
lived in their present place. The captain asked for ploughs, harnesses,
and "all things to work with," also for some clothes for his very old
men and women. He also begged to be "told all the things he ought to
know;" said no agent had ever visited them, and "no one ever told them
anything."
In many of their perplexities they are in the habit of consulting Mrs.
Gregory, and she often mounts her horse and rides nine miles to be
present at one of their councils. Not long ago one of their number, a
very young Indian, having stabbed a white man living near Julian, was
arrested, put in jail, and in imminent danger of being lynched by the
Julian mob. They were finally persuaded, however, to give him up to his
tribe to be tried and punished by them. Mrs. Gregory was sent for to be
present at the trial. The facts in the case were, that the Irishman had
attempted to take the young Indian's wife by force. The husband
interfering, the Irishman, who was drunk, fired at him, upon which the
Indian drew his knife and stabbed the Irishman. Mrs. Gregory found the
young Indian tied up in the snow, a circle of Indians sitting around
him. Recounting the facts, the captain said to Mrs. Gregory, "Now, what
do you think I ought to do?" "Would you think he deserved punishment if
it were an Indian he had stabbed under the same circumstances?" asked
Mrs. Gregory. "Certainly not," was the reply, "we should say he did just
right." "I think so too," said Mrs. Gregory; "the Irishman deserved to
be killed." But the captain said the white people would be angry with
him if no punishment were inflicted on the young man; so they whipped
him and banished him from the rancheria for one year. Mrs. Gregory said
that during the eleven years that they had kept their cattle ranch in
the neighborhood of this village, but one cow had ever been stolen by
the Indians; and in that instance the Indians themselves assisted in
tracking the thief, and punished him severely.
EXHIBIT L.
PALA AND ITS NEIGHBORHOOD.
In the days of the prosperity of the San Luis Rey Mission, Pala was one
of its chief appanages. It lies an easy day's journey from San Luis Rey,
in the valley of the San Luis Rey River. It has also a little stream of
its own, the Pala Creek. It is a beautiful spot, surrounded by high
hills, with wooded spars, and green bits of meadow here and there. The
ruins of the old mission buildings are still standing, and services are
held several times a year in the dilapidated chapel. It has always been
a favorite spot with the San Luis Rey Indians, some five or six hundred
of whom are living in the region. The chief settlements are Pala, Pauma,
Apeche, La Jolla, and Rincon. At Pala, La Jolla, and Rincon are
reservations. Of the Pala Reservation some tracts have been restored to
the public domain, to be patented to whites. The remainder of this
reservation, so far as we could learn its location, contains very little
good land, the greater part of it being in the wash of the creek. The
Rincon Reservation is better, being at the head of the valley, directly
on the river, walled in to the south by high mountains. It is, as its
name signifies, in a corner. Here is a village of nearly two hundred
Indians; their fields are fenced, well irrigated, and under good
cultivation in grains and vegetables. They have stock—cattle, horses,
and sheep. As we drove into the village, an Indian boy was on hand with
his hoe to instantly repair the break in the embankment of the ditches
across which we were obliged to drive. These Indians have been reported
to us as being antagonistic and troublesome, having refused to have a
Government school established there. Upon inquiry of them we found that
the latter fact was true. They said they wanted a title to their lands,
and till they had that they did not wish to accept anything from the
Government; that the agent had promised it to them again and again, but
that they had now lost faith in ever getting it. The captain said: "The
commissioners come one day and tell us we own the lands and fields; the
next day comes somebody and measures, and then we are out of our houses
and fields, and have to live like dogs." On the outskirts of this
village is living a half-breed, Andrew Scott, who claims some of the
Indians' fields and cuts off part of their water supply. He is reported
as selling whiskey to them, and in this and other ways doing them great
harm. It is not improbable that he would be found to be within the
reservation lines.
Between the Rincon and Pala lies the Pauma village. It is on the Pauma
Ranch, the purchase of which for Indian occupancy we have recommended to
the Government. This ranch is now rented, and the Indians are much
interfered with by the lessee, who is naturally reluctant to lose the
profit off a single acre of the land. There is in the original grant of
the Pauma Ranch the following clause: "They shall have free the arable
lands now occupied by the Indians who are established thereon, as also
the lands they may need for their small quantity of live stock."
The La Jolla region we were unable to visit. The Indian village is said
to be outside the reservation lines. There is a claim against this
tract, and the La Jolla captain told us that the parties representing it
had said to him that they were coming in with sheep next year, and would
drive all the Indians out. Upon inquiry at the surveyor-general's office
in San Francisco in regard to the La Jolla tract, we learned that there
is a record on file in the archives of that department purporting to
show that there was a grant made in favor of the Indians of San Luis
Rey, Pablo, and José Apis, for a tract of land named La Jolla, in the
immediate vicinity of the Valle de San José, dated November 7th, 1845,
signed by Pio Pico; deposited in the archives January 31st, 1878. From
Mr. Chauncey M. Hayes, a resident of San Luis Rey, the agent of the
Pauma Ranch, we received the following letter on the subject of La
Jolla:
"La Jolla was granted November 7th, 1845, by the Mexican Government to
José and Pablo Apis Indians, Expediente No. 242, and is recorded in the
surveyor-general's office, in book No. 4, p. 17. It was not presented to
the land commissioner in 1858, and remained without any action being
taken. Col. Cave J. Couts, now deceased, bought the interest of the
grantees, and a contract was afterwards made between Judge E. D. Sawyer,
of San Francisco, and himself to secure its approval by a special act of
Congress. About three years ago an act was passed approving the grant
for about 8,848 acres, reserving therefrom all lands then occupied. If
this included Indians, there would not be much of La Jolla left."
It is evident that this is a claim which should be closely investigated.
The probabilities are that it would not bear such investigation. In Pala
some of the Indians had been ejected from their homes under
circumstances of great cruelty and injustice; affidavits setting forth
the facts in their case were forwarded by us to Washington (see Paper
No. 1, appended hereto). It is to be hoped that the Indians can be
reinstated in their homes. If the Pauma Ranch be purchased for Indian
occupancy, as we recommend, it will, with the present reservation tracts
of the Rincon, Pala, and La Jolla, make a sizable block of land, where
the Indians will be comparatively free from white intrusion, and where
they will have a good chance to support themselves by agriculture and
stock-raising.
PAPER NO. 1, APPENDED TO EXHIBIT L.
Affidavit of the claims of Arthur Golsh, Gaetano Golsh, and others, to a
certain piece of land in township of Pala.
Patricio Soberano and Felipe Joqua, being duly sworn by me through an
interpreter, and the words hereof being interpreted to each and every
one of them, each for himself deposes and says: I am an Indian belonging
to that portion of the San Luisenos Indians under the captainship of
José Antonio Sal, and belonging in the rancheria of Pala. I have
occupied the land in question ever since my childhood, together with
Geromino Lugo and Luis Ardillo, our wives and families numbering in all
twenty-nine persons. I have resided on the land in question continuously
until December, 1882. About five years ago one Arthur Golsh rented of
Luis Ardillo a portion of said land for three months at a rental of $5
per month. After this, said Golsh claimed the property of Ardillo and of
the three other Indians; ordered them to leave; used threats; on one
occasion aimed a pistol at Patricio Soberano. He then proceeded to file
on the land, and obtained a patent for the land, while these Indians
were still residing upon it. The said Indians had upon the said land
four houses, one of which is adobe, various enclosed fields, and a long
ditch for bringing irrigation water to the said lands. In spite of the
threats of Arthur Golsh and others, we continued to occupy the lands
until December, 1882, when we were informed by Agent S. S. Lawson that
if we did not leave voluntarily we would be put off by the sheriff.
Said affiants therefore pray that said land be returned to the said
Indians by the United States Government.
Signed by Patricio Soberano and Felipe Joqua in presence of the justice
of the peace, in Pala.
EXHIBIT M.
THE PACHANGA INDIANS.
This little band of Indians is worthy of a special mention. They are San
Luisenos, and formerly lived in the Temecula Valley, where they had good
adobe houses and a large tract of land under cultivation. The ruins of
these houses are still standing there, also their walled graveyard full
of graves. There had been a settlement of Indians in this Temecula
Valley from time immemorial, and at the time of the secularization of
the missions many of the neophytes of San Luis Rey returned thither to
their old home. At the time of the outbreak of the Aqua Caliente
Indians, in 1851, these Temecula Indians refused to join in it and moved
their families and stock to Los Angeles for protection. Pablo, their
chief at that time, was a man of some education, could read and write,
and possessed large herds of cattle and horses. This Temecula Valley was
a part of the tract given to the San Luisenos and Dieguinos by the
treaty of January 3d, 1853, referred to in the body of this report. (See
page 460.) In 1873 a decree of ejectment against these Indians was
obtained in the San Francisco courts without the Indians' knowledge. The
San Diego Union of September 23d, 1875, says on the subject:
"For forty years these Indians have been recognized as the most thrifty
and industrious Indians in all California. For more than twenty years
past these Indians have been yearly told by the United States
commissioners and agents, both special and general, as well as by their
legal counsel, that they could remain on these lands. Now, without any
previous knowledge by them of any proceedings in court, they are ordered
to leave their lands and homes. The order of ejectment has been served
on them by the sheriff of San Diego County. He is not only commanded to
remove these Indians, but to take of their property whatever may be
required to pay the costs incurred in the suit."
Comment on the extracts would be superfluous. There is not often so much
of history condensed in the same number of newspaper paragraphs. A
portion of these Temecula Indians, wishing to remain as near their old
homes and the graves of their dead as possible, went over in the
Pachanga cañon, only three miles distant. It was a barren, dry spot; but
the Indians sunk a well, built new houses, and went to work again. In
the spring of 1882, when we first visited the place, there was a
considerable amount of land in wheat and barley, and a little fencing
had been done. In July, 1882, the tract was set off by Executive order
as a reservation for these Indians. In the following May we visited the
valley again. Our first thought on entering it was, Would that all
persons who still hold to the belief that Indians will not work could
see this valley. It would be hardly an extreme statement to say that the
valley was one continuous field of grain. At least four times the amount
of the previous year had been planted. Corrals had been built, fruit
orchards started; one man had even so far followed white men's example
as to fence in his orchard a piece of the road which passed his place.
The whole expression of the place had changed; so great a stimulus had
there been to the Indians in even the slight additional sense of
security given by the Executive order setting off their valley as a
reservation. And, strangely enough, as if Nature herself had conspired
at once to help and to avenge these Indians in the Temecula Valley from
which they had been driven out, the white men's grain crops were thin,
poor, hardly worth cutting; while the Indians' fields were waving high
and green—altogether the best wheat and barley we had seen in the
county. It is fortunate that this little nook of cultivable land was set
aside as a reservation. Had it not been it would have been "filed on"
before now by the whites in the region, who already look with envy and
chagrin on the crops the Indian exiles have wrested from land nobody
thought worth taking up.
A Government school has been opened here within the past year, and the
scholars have made good progress. We found, however, much unpleasant
feeling among the Indians in regard to the teacher of this school, owing
to his having a few years before driven off four Indian families from
their lands at Pala, and patented the lands to himself. There were also
other rumors seriously affecting his moral character which led us to
make the suggestion in regard to the employment of female teachers in
these Indian schools. (See report recommendation.) As one of the Indians
forcibly said, to set such men as this over schools was like setting the
wolf to take care of the lambs.
These Pachanga Indians had, before the setting aside of their tract as a
reservation, taken steps towards the securing of their cañon, and the
dividing it among themselves under the provisions of the Indian
Homestead Act. They were counselled to this and assisted in it by
Richard Eagan, of San Juan Capistrano, well known as a good friend of
the Indians. They have expressed themselves as deeply regretting that
they were persuaded to abandon this plan and have the tract set off as a
reservation. They were told that they could in this way get their
individual titles just as securely and without cost. Finding that they
have no individual titles, and cannot get them, they are greatly
disappointed. It would seem wise to allow them as soon as possible to
carry out their original intention. They are quite ready and fit for it.
EXHIBIT N.
THE DESERT INDIANS.
The Indians known as the Desert Indians are chiefly of the Cahuilla
tribe, and are all under the control of an aged chief named Cabezon, who
is said to have more power and influence than any Indian now living in
California. These Indians' settlements are literally in the desert; some
of them being in that depressed basin, many feet below sea-level, which
all travellers over the Southern Pacific Railroad will recollect. There
is in this desert one reservation, called Aqua Caliente, of about 60,000
acres. From the best information that we can get this is all barren
desert land, with only one spring in it. These Desert Indians are
wretchedly poor, and need help perhaps more than any others in Southern
California. We were unable to visit these Indians personally, but were
so fortunate as to induce Capt. J. G. Stanley, a former Indian agent for
the Mission Indians and a warm friend of theirs, to go out in our stead
and report to us on their condition. His report is herewith given:—
_Mrs. H. H. Jackson_:
MADAM,—In compliance with your request I proceeded to the Cabezon
Valley, and have endeavored, as far as was possible with the limited
time at my command, to ascertain the present condition and actual
necessities of these Indians that still inhabit that portion of the
Colorado Basin known as the Cabezon Valley, that being also the name of
the head chief, who, from the best information that can be obtained, is
not less than ninety and probably one hundred years old, and who still
has great influence with all the Indians in that region. I found it
impracticable to visit all the rancherias, and accordingly sent out
runners and called a council of all the Indians of all the villages, to
be held at a point on the railroad known as Walter's Station, that being
the most central point. The next day there were present in council about
one hundred Indians, including the captains of all the rancherias and
the old chief Cabezon. Having been special agent under the old
superintendent system, and well acquainted with the Indians, I was
received by them with the greatest cordiality. I read and interpreted
your letter to Cabezon, and also explained that you were not able to
visit them in person on account of ill health. The Indians, through
their spokesman or interpreter, then stated their cause of complaint.
First, that Mr. Lawson had never visited their villages nor taken any
interest in their welfare; that he had allowed his interpreter, Juan
Morengo, to take the advantage of them; that Juan Morengo had made a
contract for them with a man in San Bernardino to cut wood on land
claimed by the Indians for the railroad company, he taking the lion's
share on the profits, and agreeing to pay them every Saturday in money;
that Juan Morengo took some $200 belonging to the Indians and
appropriated it to his own use; that the contractor did not pay as
agreed, but wished the Indians to take poor flour and other articles at
a great price. There may be some exaggeration of the causes of
complaint, but it is evident that no one has looked after the rights of
these Indians. The Indians have stopped cutting the wood, and they say
the contractor tells them he will send others to cut wood if they will
not do it. If I understand rightly this is Government land, and no one
has a right to cut the timber. It is true, it is mesquite timber, and
they profess to cut only the dry trees, but the mesquite is invaluable
to the Indians. It not only makes their fires, but its fruit supplies
them with a large amount of subsistence. The mesquite bean is used green
and dry, and at the present time is their principal article of food.
Moreover, without the mesquite tree the valley would be an absolute
desert. The wood (the dead trees) could be made a source of employment
and profitable revenue to the Indians if cut with proper regulations,
but the present mode is destruction to the timber, and benefits but few
of the Indians. I have extended my remarks on this subject, as I think
it very important. If the wood is to be cut the Indians should be
supplied with wagons and harness that they may do all the work of
delivering the wood and get the profit of their labor. I would suggest
that it is very important that a tract of country be segregated and set
apart for these Indians. There is a vast amount of desert land in their
country, but there are spots in it that have been occupied by them for
hundreds of years where wheat, corn, melons, and other farm products can
be grown. There is very little running water, but water is so near the
surface that it can be easily developed. The Indians appear to know
nothing of any lands being set apart for them, but claim the whole
territory they have always occupied. I think that to avoid complications
something should be done for these Indians immediately to protect their
interests. At present there are eight villages or rancherias, each with
its own captain, but all recognizing old Cabezon as head chief. I
ascertained from each captain the number belonging to his village, and I
found the aggregate to be 560 souls. These Indians are not what are
called Christianized Indians. They never belonged to the missions and
have never been received into any church. They believe in spirits and
witchcraft. While I was among them I was told by a white man that the
Indians intended to kill one of their number because he had bewitched a
man and made him sick. I asked the interpreter about it. He acknowledged
it to be true, but said they only intended to frighten him so that he
would let the man alone. I told him it would be wrong to kill the
Indian, and he said they would not do it. They are very anxious to have
schools established amongst them, and are willing to all live in one
village if a suitable place can be selected. I shall offer as my opinion
that immediate steps should be taken to set apart lands for these
Indians, that they be permitted to cut wood for sale only on the public
lands in Cabezon Valley, that no one be permitted to cut any green
timber in the valley, that two strong wagons and harness for twelve
horses be furnished (or loaned) to the Indians for the purpose of
hauling wood only, that lumber be furnished to make sheds for said
wagons and harness. The Indians have horses of their own.
All of which is respectfully submitted.
J. G. STANLEY.
EXHIBIT O.
THE SAN GORGONIO RESERVATION.
This is the only reservation of any size or value in Southern
California. It lies in the San Gorgonio Pass, between the San Bernardino
and San Jacinto Mountains. The Southern Pacific Railroad passes
throughout it. It is a large tract, including a considerable proportion
of three townships. It is in an exposed situation, open to the desert
winds, and very hot in summer. A small white settlement, called Banning,
lies in this district. Most of the titles to these settlements are said
to have been acquired before the reservation was set off. We received
from the settlers in Banning the following letter:
_To Mrs. Jackson and Mr. Kinney, Commissioners, &c._:
At a public meeting of all the residents on the lands reserved for
Indian purposes, held at Banning, in San Gorgonio Pass, San Bernardino
County, California, it was resolved that a delegation from our
inhabitants be appointed to proceed to San Bernardino, and lay before
the commissioners a statement of the existing status of the lands
reserved for Indian purposes as affecting the citizens resident on those
townships known as 2 and 3 S., R. 1 E., and 2 S., R. 2 E., in San
Bernardino meridian. Believing that it is of the utmost importance that
you should become conversant with facts affecting the condition and
future well-being of the Indians whom it is designed to place upon these
lands, we respectfully request a hearing. Among those facts as affecting
the residents directly, and more remotely the Indians, are the
following:
There is in San Gorgonio Township, of which these lands are a part, a
population of two hundred and fifty souls. In township 3 S., R. 1 E., is
the village of Banning, which is the business centre of the surrounding
country, and has an immediately surrounding population numbering fifty
souls. It has post and express offices, railroad depot, district school,
church organization, general merchandise store, the flume of the San
Gorgonio Fluming Company, two magistrates; and during the last year
there was sold or shipped from this place alone fully 20,000 bushels of
wheat and barley, over 200 tons of baled hay, a large amount of honey,
butter, eggs, poultry, live stock, &c., besides 200 cords of wood.
Although more than half of the area of this township is in the mountains
and uninhabited, from the remaining portion which is surveyed land,
there is at this time fully 1,200 acres in grain, and the value of the
improved property is over $50,000, exclusive of railroad property.
Vested interests have been acquired to all the water available for
irrigation under the code of laws existing in this State. Wells have
repeatedly been dug without success in this township. United States
patents to lands were granted in this township long anterior to the
Executive order reserving the lands for Indian purposes, and since then
the population has not increased. No Indian has, within the memory of
man, resided in this township. There are not over two entire sections of
land in the entire area left available for cultivation; and on these,
without abundance of water, no one could possibly succeed in earning a
livelihood. One of these sections was occupied and was abandoned, the
attempt to raise a cereal crop having failed. The extreme aridity of the
climate renders the successful growth of cereals problematical, even
when summer fallowing is pursued, and the amount of human casualty
possessed by the average Indian does not usually embrace the period of
two years. To intersperse Indians between white settlers who own the
railroad land or odd sections and the remaining portions of the
Government sections, where a "no fence" law exists, as here, would not
be conducive to the well-being of the Indians, and would result in a
depreciation of our property alike needless and disastrous. In township
2 S., R. 2 E., there are not over eighty acres available,—that in Weaver
Creek cañon, where the water was acquired and utilized before the
Executive order and the legal right well established. In township 2 S.,
R. 1 E., settlements were made many years before the issue of the order
of reservation, especially on odd-numbered sections or railroad lands as
then supposed to be, and these bona-fide settlers have acquired claims
in equity to their improvements. On one ranch in this township,—that of
Messrs. Smith & Stewart, who have cultivated and improved the mesa or
bench lands,—there was produced several thousand sacks of grain; but
this involved such an outlay of capital and knowledge, beside experience
in grain-growing such as Indians do not possess. In this township,
embracing the three mentioned, there are upward of forty voters; and
these unanimously and respectfully ask you to grant us a hearing, when
we can reply to any interrogatories you may be pleased to make. If you
will kindly name the time when to you convenient, the undersigned will
at once wait upon you.
W. K. DUNLAP,
BEN. W. SMITH,
S. Z. MILLARD,
WELWOOD MURRAY,
GEO. C. EGAN,
D. A. SCOTT,
G. SCOTT.
There is upon this San Gorgonio Reservation a considerable amount of
tillable land. There are also on it several small but good water-rights.
One of these springs, with the adjacent land, is occupied by an Indian
village, called the Potrero, numbering about sixty souls,—an industrious
little community, with a good amount of land fenced and under
cultivation. These Indians are in great trouble on account of their
stock, the approaches to their stock-ranges having been by degrees all
fenced off by white settlers, leaving the Indians no place where they
can run their cattle without risk of being corralled and kept till fines
are paid for their release. All the other springs except this one are
held by white settlers, who with one exception, we were informed, have
all come on within the past five years. They claim, however, to have
bought the rights of former settlers. One of the largest blocks of this
reservation lies upon the San Bernardino Mountain, and is a fair
stock-range. It is now used for this purpose by a man named Hyler. The
next largest available block of land on the reservation is now under
tillage by the dry system by the firm of Smith & Stewart. There is also
a bee-ranch on the reservation, belonging to Herron & Wilson. One of the
springs and the land adjacent are held by a man named Jost. He is on
unsurveyed land, but claims that by private survey he has ascertained
that he is on an odd-numbered section, and has made application to the
railroad for the same. He requested us to submit to the Department his
estimate of the value of his improvements. It is appended to this
exhibit. It seems plain from the above facts, and from the letter of the
Banning gentleman, that a considerable number of Indians could be
advantageously placed on this reservation if the whites were removed. It
would be necessary to acquire whatever titles there may be to tracts
included in the reservation; also to develop the water by the
construction of reservoirs, &c., probably to purchase some small
water-rights. Estimating roughly, we would say by an expenditure of from
$30,000 to $40,000 this reservation could be rounded out and put into
readiness for Indians. It ought to be most emphatically stated and
distinctly understood that without some such preparation as this in the
matter of water-rights and channels the Indians cannot be put there. It
is hardly possible for one unfamiliar with the Southern California
country to fully understand how necessary this is. Without irrigation
the greater portion of the land is worthless, and all arrangements for
developing, economizing, and distributing water are costly. This is an
objection to the San Gorgonio Reservation. There are two others. The
Indians for the most part have an exceeding dislike to the region, and
will never go there voluntarily,—perhaps only by force. The alternative
of railroad sections with the sections of the reservations will surely
lead to troubles in the future between the white settlers and the
Indians. These are serious objections; but it is the only large block of
land the Government has left available for the purpose of Indian
occupancy.
PAPER NO. 1, APPENDED TO EXHIBIT O.
Claim of C. F. Jost and wife for improvements in San Gorgonio
Reservation, Banning, San Bernardino County.
Settled on section 25, township 2 S., R. 1 E., S. B. M., San Bernardino
County, in May, 1875. Bought out other white settlers. Hold railroad
permission to settle on land; of date, November, 1875.
IMPROVEMENTS.
House $300.00
Barn 150.00
Milk-house 50.00
Meat-house 50.00
Granary 50.00
Potato-house and cellar 50.00
Chicken-house 20.00
Two board flumes 50.00
Two water-dams 20.00
Honey-house 10.00
Wire fencing 300.00
Other fencing 200.00
One hundred and seventy fruit trees
(mostly bearing this year) 400.00
Breaking up sod land and draining land 200.00
Amount paid to first white settler for
claim (no improvements) 250.00
--------
$2,100.00
On the 1st of June I will have $50 worth of seed-potatoes in the ground,
and labor, $100. It is necessary to plough the ground three times to
properly prepare it for potatoes. This crop in December of the same year
is worth $500 to $600 in the markets. Have about seventy stands of bees,
worth, say $300, which if I am moved will be a dead loss.
EXHIBIT P.
THE PAUMA RANCH.
The Pauma Ranch lies on the San Luis Rey River, between the Rincon and
Pala Reservations. It contains three leagues of land, largely upland and
mesa, good for pasturage and dry farming. It can be irrigated by
bringing water from the San Luis Rey River. There is some timber on it;
also some bottom-lands along the river and along the Pauma Creek. The
ranch is the property of Bishop Mora, who made to us the following
proposition for its sale:
For the sum of $31,000 in gold coin of the United States of North
America, I am disposed to sell to the Government of the United States,
for the benefit of the Mission Indians, the ranch called "Pauma Ranch,
in the County of San Diego," containing three leagues of land, more or
less, reserving to myself and to my assignees, 1st, two acres of land
whereon the present Indian chapel stands; 2d, 320 acres on one
half-section on the south side of the public road leading to Pala,
whereon the frame house stands formerly belonging to Joaquin Amat.
Terms, cash on delivery of deed of sale. This offer is made with the
proviso that the transaction is to be concluded on or before the 31st
day of October of the present year.
FRANCIS MORA,
Bishop of Monterey and Los Angeles.
Santa Ynez, Santa Barbara County, May 14th, 1883.
Upon being informed by us that this condition of time of sale would make
it impossible for us to secure these lands for the Indians, the Bishop,
in the following note, waived that condition:—
San Luis Obispo, May 21st, 1883.
_Mrs. William S. Jackson_:
DEAR MRS. JACKSON,—Your favor of the 17th instant has been received. I
feel heartily thankful for the interest you take in behalf of our
Indians, and do with pleasure waive the condition as regards to the
time, and will let the offer stand until the proposed bill has been
voted on by Congress; provided, however, that the purchase can be
brought to a close during spring or summer of the year 1884, and subject
to one year's lease, which will conclude December 31st, 1884, because I
must try, _pendente transactione_, to get enough to pay taxes.
Hoping you will reach home in good health,
Yours, affectionately,
FRANCIS MORA,
Bishop of Monterey and Los Angeles.
It should be distinctly understood that Bishop Mora in making this
offer, and generously allowing it to stand open for so long a time, is
influenced by a warm desire for the welfare of the Indians.
EXHIBIT Q.
PROPOSITION FOR THE SALE OF THE SANTA YSABEL RANCH TO THE UNITED STATES
GOVERNMENT.
Los Angeles, Cal., May 19th, 1883.
_Mrs. Helen Hunt Jackson and Abbot Kinney, Esq., Special Commissioners
to the Mission Indians_:
Should the U. S. Government wish to purchase the Santa Ysabel rancho, in
San Diego County, California, containing 4 leagues of land, or about
18,000 acres, we will sell said rancho for the sum of ninety-five
thousand dollars ($95,000), gold coin.
Respectfully,
HARTSHORNE & WILCOX,
By E. F. SPENCE, Agent.
EXHIBIT R.
AN ACT for the government and protection of Indians, passed by the
California State legislature April 22d, 1850.
SECTION 1. Justices of the peace shall have jurisdiction in all cases of
complaints by, for, or against Indians in their respective townships in
this State.
SEC. 2. Persons and proprietors of lands on which Indians are residing
shall permit such Indians peaceably to reside on such lands unmolested
in the pursuit of their usual avocations for the maintenance of
themselves and their families; provided the white person or proprietor
in possession of such lands may apply to a justice of the peace in the
township where the Indians reside to set off to such Indians a certain
amount of land, and on such application the justice shall set off a
sufficient amount of land for the necessary wants of such Indians,
including the site of their village or residence if they so prefer it,
and in no case shall such selection be made to the prejudice of such
Indians; nor shall they be forced to abandon their homes or villages
where they have resided for a number of years; and either party feeling
themselves aggrieved can appeal to the county court from the decision of
the justice, and then, when divided, a record shall be made of the lands
so set off in the court so dividing them; and the Indians shall be
permitted to remain thereon until otherwise provided for.
* * * * *
This act has never been repealed, nor, so far as we could learn,
complied with in a single instance. To-day it would be held as of no
value in the California courts.
------------------------------------------------------------------------
TRANSCRIBER'S NOTE
Punctuation has been normalized.
Variations in spelling hyphenation and accentuation were maintained.
Italicized words and phrases are presented by surrounding the text with
_underscores_.
HELEN JACKSON'S WRITINGS.
A KEY TO "RAMONA."
A CENTURY OF DISHONOR.
A Sketch of the United States Government's Dealings
with some of the Indian Tribes.
A New Edition. 12mo. pp. 514. Cloth. $1.50.
Mrs. Jackson devoted a whole year of her life to writing and compiling
materials for "A Century of Dishonor," and while thus engaged she
mentally resolved to follow it with a story which should have for its
_motif_ the cause of the Indian. After completing her "Report on the
Condition and Needs of the Mission Indians of California" (see Appendix,
p. 458) she set herself down to this task, and "Ramona" is the result.
This was in New York in the winter of 1883-84, and while thus engaged
she wrote her publisher that she seemed to have the whole story at her
fingers' ends, and nothing but physical impossibility prevented her from
finishing it at a sitting. Alluding to it again on her death-bed, she
wrote: "I did not write 'Ramona;' it was written through me. My
life-blood went into it,—all I had thought, felt, and suffered for five
years on the Indian question."
The report made by Mrs. Jackson and Mr. Kinney is grave, concise, and
deeply interesting. It is added to the Appendix of this new edition of
her book. In this California journey Mrs. Jackson found the materials
for "Ramona," the Indian novel, which was the last important work of her
life, and in which nearly all the incidents are taken from life. In the
report of the Mission Indians will be found the story of the Temecula
removal, and the tragedy of Alessandro's death, as they appear in
"Ramona."—_Boston Daily Advertiser._
* * * * *
Mrs. Jackson's Letter of Gratitude to the President.
The following letter from Mrs. Jackson to the President was written by
her four days before her death, Aug. 12, 1885:—
_To_ GROVER CLEVELAND, _President of the United States_:
Dear Sir,—From my death-bed I send you a message of heartfelt thanks for
what you have already done for the Indians. I ask you to read my
"Century of Dishonor." I am dying happier for the belief I have that it
is your hand that is destined to strike the first steady blow toward
lifting this burden of infamy from our country, and righting the wrongs
of the Indian race.
With respect and gratitude,
HELEN JACKSON.
_Sold by all booksellers. Mailed, post-paid, on receipt of price, by the
publishers_,
ROBERTS BROTHERS, BOSTON.
RAMONA. A Story. 12mo. Cloth. Price, $1.50. (50th thousand.)
_The Atlantic Monthly_ says of the author that she is "a Murillo in
literature," and that the story "is one of the most artistic creations
of American literature." Says a lady: "To me it is the most distinctive
piece of work we have had in this country since 'Uncle Tom's Cabin,' and
its exquisite finish of style is beyond that classic." "The book is
truly an American novel," says the _Boston Advertiser_. "Ramona is one
of the most charming creations of modern fiction," says CHARLES D.
WARNER. "The romance of the story is irresistibly fascinating," says
_The Independent_. "The best novel written by a woman since George Eliot
died, as it seems to me, is Mrs. Jackson's 'Ramona,'" says T. W.
HIGGINSON.
ZEPH. A Posthumous Story. 12mo. Cloth. Price, $1.25.
Those who think that all the outrage and wrong are on the side of the
man, and all the suffering and endurance on the side of the woman,
cannot do better than read this sad and moving sketch. It is written by
a woman; but never, I think, have I heard of more noble and
self-sacrificing conduct than that of the much-tried husband in this
story, or conduct more vile and degrading than that of the woman who
went by the name of his wife. Such stories show how much both sexes have
to forgive and forget. The author, who died before she could complete
this little tale of Colorado life, never wrote anything more beautiful
for its insight into human nature, and certainly never anything more
instinct with true pathos. A writer of high and real gifts as a novelist
was lost to the world by the untimely death of Mrs. Jackson.—_The
Academy, London._
BETWEEN WHILES. A Collection of Stories. 12mo. Cloth. Price, $1.25.
Mrs. Helen Jackson's publishers have collected six of her best short
stories into this volume. Most of them appeared in magazines in the last
year or two of her life. "The Inn of the Golden Pear," the longest and
by far the strongest of them all, is, however, entirely new to the
public.
Outside of her one great romance ("Ramona"), the author has never
appealed to the human heart with more simple and beautiful certainty
than in these delightful pictures.—_Bulletin, San Francisco._
Mrs. Helen Jackson's "Little Bel's Supplement," the touching story of a
young schoolmistress in Prince Edward's Island, is not likely to be
forgotten by any one who has read it. The high and splendid purpose that
directed the literary work of "H. H.," and which is apparent in nearly
everything that came from her pen, was supported by a peculiar power,
unerring artistic taste, and a pathos all her own. This charming tale
and one about the Adirondacks and a child's dream form part of the
contents of this posthumous volume, to which, on her death-bed, she gave
the beautiful title "Between Whiles." It is worthy to be placed
alongside of her most finished pieces.—_Commercial Advertiser, New
York._
MERCY PHILBRICK'S CHOICE. 16mo. Cloth. Price, $1.00.
HETTY'S STRANGE HISTORY. 16mo. Cloth. Price, $1.00.
These two stories were originally published anonymously, having been
written for the "No Name Series" of novels, in which they had a large
popularity.
BITS OF TRAVEL. Square 18mo. Cloth, red edges. Price, $1.25.
The volume has few of the characteristics of an ordinary book of travel.
It is entertaining and readable, from cover to cover; and when the
untravelled reader has finished it, he will find that he knows a great
deal more about life in Europe—having seen it through intelligent and
sympathetic eyes—than he ever got before from a dozen more pretentious
volumes.—_Hartford Courant._
BITS OF TRAVEL AT HOME. Square 18mo. Cloth, red edges. Price, $1.50.
The descriptions of American scenery in this volume indicate the
imagination of a poet, the eye of an acute observer of Nature, the hand
of an artist, and the heart of a woman.
H. H.'s choice of words is of itself a study of color. Her picturesque
diction rivals the skill of the painter, and presents the woods and
waters of the Great West with a splendor of illustration that can
scarcely be surpassed by the brightest glow of the canvas. Her
intuitions of character are no less keen than her perceptions of
Nature.—_N. Y. Tribune._
GLIMPSES OF THREE COASTS: California and Oregon; Scotland and England;
Norway, Denmark, and Germany. 12mo. Cloth. Price, $1.50.
Helen Hunt Jackson has left another monumental memorial of her literary
life in the volume entitled "Glimpses of Three Coasts," which is just
published and includes some fourteen papers relating to life in
California and Oregon, in Scotland and England, and on the North Shore
of Europe in Germany, Denmark, and Norway. The sketches are marked by
that peculiar charm that characterizes Mrs. Jackson's interpretations of
Nature and life. She had the divining gift of the poet; she had the
power of philosophic reflection; and these, with her keen observation
and swift sympathies and ardent temperament, make her the ideal
interpreter of a country's life and resources.—_Traveller, Boston._
BITS OF TALK ABOUT HOME MATTERS. Square 18mo. Cloth, red edges. Price,
$1.00.
"Bits of Talk" is a book that ought to have a place of honor in every
household; for it teaches, not only the true dignity of parentage, but
of childhood. As we read it, we laugh and cry with the author, and
acknowledge that, since the child is father of the man, in being the
champion of childhood, she is the champion of the whole coming race.
Great is the rod, but H. H. is not its prophet!—MRS. HARRIET PRESCOTT
SPOFFORD, _in Newburyport Herald_.
POEMS: Complete, comprising "Verses by H. H." and "Sonnets and Lyrics."
Square 18mo. Red edges, price, $1.50; white cloth, gilt, $1.75.
Shortly after the publication of "Verses" Ralph Waldo Emerson walked
into the office of the publishers and inquired for the "Poems of H. H."
While he was looking at it the attendant ventured to remark that H. H.
was called our greatest woman poet. "The 'woman' might well be omitted,"
was the only reply of the Concord philosopher. He was then engaged in
compiling his poetical anthology (Parnassus), in the preface to which he
says: "The poems of a lady who contents herself with the initials H. H.
in her book, published in Boston (1874), have a rare merit of thought
and expression, and will reward the reader for the careful attention
which they require."
JUVENILES.
BITS OF TALK, in Verse and Prose. For Young Folks. Square 18mo. Cloth.
Price, $1.00.
It is just such a book as children will enjoy, made up as it is of a
variety of attractive reading, short stories, fairy tales, parables, and
poems, with here and there a chapter of good advice, given in such a
taking way without a bit of goody talk, that the children will find it
pleasant to take, little as they like advice after the usual
fashion.—_Worcester Spy._
NELLY'S SILVER MINE. A Story of Colorado Life. With Illustrations. 16mo.
Cloth. Price, $1.50.
"Nelly's Silver Mine" is one of those stories which, while having the
noble simplicity and freshness whereby the young are captivated, is full
of a thought and wisdom which command for it the attention of
all.—_Philadelphia Inquirer._
CAT STORIES. Containing "Letters from a Cat," "Mammy Tittleback and her
Family," and "The Hunter Cats of Connorloa," bound in one volume. Small
4to. Cloth. Price, $2.00; or, each volume separately, $1.25.
The subject is attractive, for there is nothing children take a more
real interest in than cats; and the writer has had the good sense to
write neither above nor below her subject. The type is large, so that
those for whom the book is intended may read it themselves.... For
details we must refer all interested to the story itself, which seems to
us written with admirable verisimilitude.—_London Academy._
_Sold by all booksellers. Mailed, post-paid, on receipt of the price, by
the publishers_,
ROBERTS BROTHERS, BOSTON.
End of Project Gutenberg's A Century of Dishonor, by Helen Hunt Jackson