CHAPTER VI.

THE LITTLE TOILERS

Poverty and child-labor are yoke-fellows everywhere. Their union is

perpetual, indissoluble. The one begets the other. Need sets the child to

work when it should have been at school and its labor breeds low wages,

thus increasing the need. Solomon said it three thousand years ago, and it

has not been said better since: "The destruction of the poor is their

poverty."

It is the business of the State to see to it that its interest in the

child as a future citizen is not imperilled by the compact. Here in New

York we set about this within the memory of the youngest of us. To-day we

have compulsory education and a factory law prohibiting the employment of

young children. All between eight and fourteen years old must go to school

at least fourteen weeks in each year. None may labor in factories under

the age of fourteen; not under sixteen unless able to read and write

simple sentences in English. These are the barriers thrown up against the

inroads of ignorance, poverty's threat. They are barriers of paper. We

have the laws, but we do not enforce them.

By that I do not mean to say that we make no attempt to enforce them. We

do. We catch a few hundred truants each year and send them to

reformatories to herd with thieves and vagabonds worse than they, rather

illogically, since there is no pretence that there would have been room

for them in the schools had they wanted to go there. We set half a dozen

factory inspectors to canvass more than twice as many thousand workshops

and to catechise the children they find there. Some are turned out and go

back the next day to that or some other shop. The great mass that are

under age lie and stay. And their lies go on record as evidence that we

are advancing, and that child-labor is getting to be a thing of the past.

That the horrible cruelty of a former day is; that the children have

better treatment and a better time of it in the shops--often a good enough

time to make one feel that they are better off there learning habits of

industry than running about the streets, so long as there is no way of

_making_ them attend school--I believe from what I have seen. That the law

has had the effect of greatly diminishing the number of child-workers I do

not believe. It has had another and worse effect. It has bred wholesale

perjury among them and their parents. Already they have become so used to

it that it is a matter of sport and a standing joke among them. The child

of eleven at home and at night-school is fifteen in the factory as a

matter of course. Nobody is deceived, but the perjury defeats the purpose

of the law.

More than a year ago, in an effort to get at the truth of the matter of

children's labor, I submitted to the Board of Health, after consultation

with Dr. Felix Adler, who earned the lasting gratitude of the community by

his labors on the Tenement House Commission, certain questions to be asked

concerning the children by the sanitary police, then about to begin a

general census of the tenements. The result was a surprise, and not least

to the health officers. In the entire mass of nearly a million and a

quarter of tenants[8] only two hundred and forty-nine children under

fourteen years of age were found at work in living-rooms. To anyone

acquainted with the ordinary aspect of tenement-house life the statement

seemed preposterous, and there are valid reasons for believing that the

policemen missed rather more than they found even of those that were

confessedly or too evidently under age. They were seeking that which, when

found, would furnish proof of law-breaking against the parent or employer,

a fact of which these were fully aware. Hence their coming uniformed and

in search of children into a house could scarcely fail to give those a

holiday who were not big enough to be palmed off as fourteen at least.

Nevertheless, upon reflection, it seemed probable that the policemen were

nearer the truth than their critics. Their census took no account of the

factory in the back yard, but only of the living rooms, and it was made

during the day. Most of the little slaves, as of those older in years,

were found in the sweater's district on the East Side, where the home work

often only fairly begins after the factory has shut down for the day and

the stores released their army of child-laborers. Had the policemen gone

their rounds after dark they would have found a different state of things.

Between the sweat-shops and the school, which, as I have shown, is made to

reach farther down among the poorest in this Jewish quarter than anywhere

else in this city, the children were fairly accounted for in the daytime.

The record of school attendance in the district shows that forty-seven

attended day-school for every one who went to night-school.

To settle the matter to my own satisfaction I undertook a census of a

number of the most crowded houses, in company with a policeman not in

uniform. The outcome proved that, as regards those houses at least, it was

as I suspected, and I have no doubt they were a fair sample of the rest.

In nine tenements that were filled with home-workers we found five

children at work who owned that they were under fourteen. Two were girls

nine years of age. Two boys said they were thirteen. We found thirteen who

swore that they were of age, proof which the policeman as an uninterested

census-taker would have respected as a matter of course, even though he

believed with me that the children lied. On the other hand, in seven

back-yard factories we found a total of 63 children, of whom 5 admitted

being under age, while of the rest 45 seemed surely so. To the other 13 we

gave the benefit of the doubt, but I do not think they deserved it. All

the 63 were to my mind certainly under fourteen, judging not only from

their size, but from the whole appearance of the children. My subsequent

experience confirmed me fully in this belief. Most of them were able to

write their names after a fashion. Few spoke English, but that might have

been a subterfuge. One of the home-workers, a marvellously small lad whose

arms were black to the shoulder from the dye in the cloth he was sewing,

and who said in his broken German, without evincing special interest in

the matter, that he had gone to school "e' bische'," referred us to his

"mother" for a statement as to his age. The "mother," who proved to be the

boss's wife, held a brief consultation with her husband and then came

forward with a verdict of sixteen. When we laughed rather incredulously

the man offered to prove by his marriage certificate that the boy must be

sixteen. The effect of this demonstration was rather marred, however, by

the inopportune appearance of another tailor, who, ignorant of the crisis,

claimed the boy as his. The situation was dramatic. The tailor with the

certificate simply shrugged his shoulders and returned to his work,

leaving the boy to his fate.

One girl, who could not have been twelve years old, was hard at work at a

sewing-machine in a Division Street shirt factory when we came in. She got

up and ran the moment she saw us, but we caught her in the next room

hiding behind a pile of shirts. She said at once that she was fourteen

years old but didn't work there. She "just came in." The boss of the shop

was lost in astonishment at seeing her when we brought her back. He could

not account at all for her presence. There were three boys at work in the

room who said "sixteen" without waiting to be asked. Not one of them was

fourteen. The habit of saying fourteen or sixteen--the fashion varies with

the shops and with the degree of the child's educational

acquirements--soon becomes an unconscious one with the boy. He plumps it

out without knowing it. While occupied with these investigations I once

had my boots blacked by a little shaver, hardly knee-high, on a North

River ferry-boat. While he was shining away, I suddenly asked him how old

he was. "Fourteen, sir!" he replied promptly, without looking up.

In a Hester Street house we found two little girls pulling basting-thread.

They were both Italians and said that they were nine. In the room in which

one of them worked thirteen men and two women were sewing. The child could

speak English. She said that she was earning a dollar a week and worked

every day from seven in the morning till eight in the evening. This

sweat-shop was one of the kind that comes under the ban of the new law,

passed last winter--that is, if the factory inspector ever finds it. Where

the crowds are greatest and the pay poorest, the Italian laborer's wife

and child have found their way in since the strikes among the sweater's

Jewish slaves, outbidding even these in the fierce strife for bread.

Even the crowding, the feverish haste of the half-naked men and women, and

the litter and filth in which they worked, were preferable to the silence

and desolation we encountered in one shop up under the roof of a Broome

Street tenement. The work there had given out--there had been none these

two months, said the gaunt, hard-faced woman who sat eating a crust of dry

bread and drinking water from a tin pail at the empty bench. The man sat

silent and moody in a corner; he was sick. The room was bare. The only

machine left was not worth taking to the pawnshop. Two dirty children,

naked but for a torn undershirt apiece, were fishing over the stair-rail

with a bent pin on an idle thread. An old rag was their bait.

From among a hundred and forty hands on two big lofts in a Suffolk Street

factory we picked seventeen boys and ten girls who were patently under

fourteen years of age, but who all had certificates, sworn to by their

parents, to the effect that they were sixteen. One of them whom we judged

to be between nine and ten, and whose teeth confirmed our diagnosis--the

second bicuspids in the lower jaw were just coming out--said that he had

worked there "by the year." The boss, deeming his case hopeless, explained

that he only "made sleeves and went for beer." Two of the smallest girls

represented themselves as sisters, respectively sixteen and seventeen, but

when we came to inquire which was the oldest, it turned out that she was

the sixteen-year one. Several boys scooted as we came up the stairs. When

stopped they claimed to be visitors. I was told that this sweater had been

arrested once by the Factory Inspector, but had successfully barricaded

himself behind his pile of certificates. I caught the children laughing

and making faces at us behind our backs as often as these were brought out

anywhere. In an Attorney Street "pants" factory we counted thirteen boys

and girls who could not have been of age, and on a top floor in Ludlow

Street, among others, two brothers, sewing coats, who said that they were

thirteen and fourteen, but, when told to stand up, looked so ridiculously

small as to make even their employer laugh. Neither could read, but the

oldest could sign his name and did it thus, from right to left:

[Illustration: (signature)]

It was the full extent of his learning, and all he would probably ever

receive.

He was one of many Jewish children we came across who could neither read

nor write. Most of them answered that they had never gone to school. They

were mostly those of larger growth, bordering on fourteen, whom the

charity school managers find it next to impossible to reach, the children

of the poorest and most ignorant immigrants, whose work is imperatively

needed to make both ends meet at home, the "thousand" the school census

failed to account for. To banish them from the shop serves no useful

purpose. They are back the next day, if not sooner. One of the Factory

Inspectors told me of how recently he found a little boy in a sweat-shop

and sent him home. He went up through the house after that and stayed up

there quite an hour. On his return it occurred to him to look in to see

if the boy was gone. He was back and hard at work, and with him were two

other boys of his age who, though they claimed to have come in with dinner

for some of the hands, were evidently workers there.

So much for the sweat-shops. Jewish, Italian, and Bohemian, the story is

the same always. In the children that are growing up, to "vote as would

their master's dogs if allowed the right of suffrage," the community reaps

its reward in due season for allowing such things to exist. It is a kind

of interest in the payment of which there is never default. The physician

gets another view of it. "Not long ago," says Dr. Annie S. Daniel, in the

last report of the out-practice of the Infirmary for Women and Children,

"we found in such an apartment five persons making cigars, including the

mother. Two children were ill with diphtheria. Both parents attended to

the children; they would syringe the nose of each child and, without

washing their hands, return to their cigars. We have repeatedly observed

the same thing when the work was manufacturing clothing and

under-garments, to be bought as well by the rich as the poor. Hand-sewed

shoes, made for a fashionable Broadway shoe store, were sewed at home by a

man in whose family were three children with scarlet fever. And such

instances are common. Only death or lack of work closes tenement-house

manufactories. When reported to the Board of Health, the inspector at once

prohibits further manufacture during the continuance of the disease, but

his back is scarcely turned before the people return to their work. When

we consider that stopping this work means no food and no roof over their

heads, the fact that the disease may be carried by their work cannot be

expected to impress the people."

[Illustration: SHINE, SIR?]

And she adds: "Wages have steadily decreased. Among the women who earned

the whole or part of the income the finishing of pantaloons was the most

common occupation. For this work in 1881 they received ten to fifteen

cents per pair; for the same work in 1891 three to five, at the most ten

cents per pair. When the women have paid the express charges to and from

the factory there is little margin left for profit. The women doing this

work claim that wages are reduced because of the influx of Italian women."

The rent has not fallen, however, and the need of every member of the

family contributing by his or her work to its keep is greater than ever.

The average total wages of 160 families whom the doctor personally treated

and interrogated during the year was $5.99 per week, while the average

rent was $8.62-3/4. The list included twenty-three different occupations

and trades. The maximum wages was $19, earned by three persons in one

family; the minimum $1.50, by a woman finishing pantaloons and living in

one room for which she paid $4 a month rent! In nearly every instance

observed by Dr. Daniel, the children's wages, when there were working

children, was the greater share of the family income. A specimen instance

is that of a woman with a consumptive husband, who is under her treatment.

The wife washes and goes out by the day, when she can get such work to do.

The three children, aged eleven, seven, and five years, not counting the

baby for a wonder, work at home covering wooden buttons with silk at four

cents a gross. The oldest goes to school, but works with the rest evenings

and on Saturday and Sunday, when the mother does the finishing. Their

combined earnings are from $3 to $6 a week, the children earning

two-thirds. The rent is $8 a month.

The doctor's observations throw a bright side-light upon the economic home

conditions that lie at the root of this problem of child labor in the

factories. With that I have not done. Taking the Factory Inspector's

report for 1890, the last at that time available, I found that in that

year his deputies got around to 2,147 of the 11,000 workshops (the number

given in the report) in the Second district, which is that portion of New

York south of Twenty-third Street. In other words, they visited less than

one-fifth of them all. They found 1,102 boys and 1,954 girls under sixteen

at work; 3,485 boys under eighteen, and 12,701 girls under twenty-one, as

nearly as I could make the footings. The figures alone are instructive, as

showing the preponderance of girls in the shops. The report, speaking of

the State as a whole, congratulates the community upon the alleged fact

"that the policy of employing very young children in manufactories has

been practically abolished." It states that "since the enactment of the

law the sentiment among employers has become nearly unanimous in favor of

its stringent enforcement," and that it "has had the further important

effect of preventing newly arrived non-English speaking foreigners from

forcing their children into factories before they learned the language of

the country," these being "now compelled to send their children to school,

for a time at least, until they can qualify under the law." Further, "the

system of requiring sworn certificates, giving the name, date, and place

of birth of all children under sixteen years of age ... has resulted in

causing parents to be very cautious about making untrue statements of the

ages of their children." The deputies "are aware of the various

subterfuges which have been tried in order to evade the law and put

children at labor before the legal time," and the Factory Inspector is

"happy to say that they are not often imposed upon by such tactics."

Without wading through nearly seventy pages of small print it was not

possible to glean from the report how many of the "under sixteen" workers

were really under fourteen, or so adjudged. A summary of what has been

accomplished since 1886 showed that 1,614 children under fourteen were

discharged by the Inspector in the Second District in that time, and that

415 were discharged because they could not read or write simple sentences

in the English language. The "number of working children who could not

read and write English" was in 1890 alone 252, according to the report, or

more than one-half of the whole number discharged in the four years, which

does not look as if the law had had much effect in that way, at least in

New York city. I determined to see for myself what were the facts.

I visited a number of factories, in a few instances accompanied by the

deputy factory inspector, more frequently alone. Where it was difficult to

gain admission I watched at the door when the employees were going to or

coming from work, finding that on the whole the better plan, as affording

a fairer view of the children and a better opportunity to judge of their

age than when they sat at their work-benches. I found many shops in which

there were scarcely any children, some from which they had been driven, so

I was informed by the inspectors. But where manufacturers were willing to

employ their labor--and this I believe to be quite generally the case

where children's labor can be made to pay--I found the age certificate

serving as an excellent protection for the employer, never for the child.

I found the law considered as a good joke by some conscienceless men, who

hardly took the trouble to see that the certificates were filled out

properly; loudly commended by others whom it enabled, at the expense of a

little perjury in which they had no hand, to fill up their shops with

cheap labor, with perfect security to themselves. The bookkeeper in an

establishment of the conscienceless kind told me with glee how a boy who

had been bounced there three times in one year, upon his return each time

had presented a sworn certificate giving a different age. He was fifteen,

sixteen, and seventeen years old upon the records of the shop, until the

inspectors caught him one day and proved him only thirteen. I found boys

at work, posing as seventeen, who had been so recorded in the same shop

three full years, and were thirteen at most. As seventeen-year freaks they

could have made more money in a dime museum than at the work-bench, only

the museum would have required something more convincing than the

certificate that satisfied the shop. Some of these boys were working at

power-presses and doing other work beyond their years. An examination of

their teeth often disproved their stories as to their age. It was not

always possible to make this test, for the children seemed to see

something funny in it, and laughed and giggled so, especially the girls,

as to make it difficult to get a good look. Some of the girls, generally

those with decayed teeth,[9] would pout and refuse to show them. These

were usually American girls, that is to say, they were born here. The

greater number of the child-workers I questioned were foreigners, and our

birth returns could have given no clue to them. The few natives were alert

and on the defensive from the moment they divined my purpose. They easily

defeated it by giving a false address.

I finally picked out a factory close to my office where Italian girls were

employed in large numbers, and made it my business to ascertain the real

ages of the children. They seemed to me, going and coming, to average

twelve or thirteen years. The year before the factory inspector had

reported that nearly a hundred girls "under sixteen" were employed there.

She had discharged sixty of them as unable to read or write English. I

went to see the manufacturers. They were not disposed to help me and fell

back on their certificates--no child was employed by them without

one--until I told them that my purpose was not to interfere with their

business but to prove that a birth-certificate was the only proper warrant

for employment of child-labor.

"Why," said the manufacturer, in his astonishment forgetting that he had

just told me his children were all of age, "my dear sir! would you throw

them all out of work?"

It was what I expected. I found out eventually that a number of the

children attended the evening classes in the Leonard Street Italian

School, and there one rainy night I corralled twenty-three of them, all

but one officially certified under oath to be fourteen or sixteen. But for

the rain I might have found twice the number. The twenty-three I polled,

comparing their sworn age with the entry in the school register, which the

teachers knew to be correct. This was the result: one was eleven years old

and had worked in the factory a year; one, also eleven, had just been

engaged and was going for her certificate that night; three were twelve

years old, and had worked in the factory from one month to a year; seven

were thirteen, and of them three had worked in the shop two years, the

others one; nine were fourteen; one of them had been there three years,

four others two years, the rest shorter terms; one was fifteen and had

worked in the factory three years; the last and tallest was sixteen and

had been employed in the one shop four years. She said with a laugh that

she had a "certificate of sixteen" when she first went there. Not one of

them all was of legal age when she went to work in the shop, under the

warrant of her parents' oath. The majority were not even then legally

employed, since of those who had passed fourteen there were several who

could not read simple sentences in English intelligibly; yet they had been

at work in the factory for months and years. One of the eleven-year

workers, who felt insulted somehow, said spitefully that "I needn't

bother, there was lots of other girls in the shop younger than she." I

have no doubt she was right. I should add that the firm was a highly

respectable one, and its members of excellent social standing.

I learned incidentally where the convenient certificates came from, at

least those that were current in that school. They were issued, the

children said, free of charge, by a benevolent undertaker in the ward. I

thought at first that it was a bid for business, or real helpfulness. The

neighborhood undertaker is often found figuring suggestively as the

nearest friend of the poor in his street, when they are in trouble. But I

found out afterward that it was politics combined with business. The

undertaker was an Irishman and an active organizer of his district.

Unpolitical notaries charged twenty-five cents for each certificate. This

one made them out for nothing. All they had to do was to call for them.

The girls laughed scornfully at the idea of there being anything wrong in

the transaction. Their parents swore in a good cause. They needed the

money. The end conveniently justified the means in their case. Besides

"they merely had to touch the pen." Evidently, any argument in favor of

education could scarcely be expected to have effect upon parents who thus

found in their own ignorance a valid defence against an accusing

conscience as well as a source of added revenue.

My experience satisfied me that the factory law has had little effect in

prohibiting child labor in the factories of New York City, although it may

have had some in stimulating attendance at the night schools. The census

figures, when they appear, will be able to throw no valuable light on the

subject. The certificate lie naturally obstructs the census as it does the

factory law. The one thing that is made perfectly clear by even such

limited inquiry as I have been able to make, is that a birth certificate

should be substituted for the present sworn warrant, if it is intended to

make a serious business of the prohibition. In the piles upon piles of

these which I saw, I never came across one copy of the birth registry.

There are two obstacles to such a change. One is that our birth returns

are at present incomplete; the other, that most of the children are not

born here. Concerning the first, the Registrar of Vital Statistics

estimates that he is registering nearly or quite a thousand births a month

less than actually occur in New York; but even that is a great improvement

upon the record of a few years ago. The registered birthrate is increasing

year by year, and experience has shown that a determination on the part of

the Board of Health to prosecute doctors and midwives who neglect their

duty brings it up with a rush many hundreds in a few weeks. A wholesome

strictness at the Health Office on this point would in a short time make

it a reliable guide for the Factory Inspector in the enforcement of the

law. The other objection is less serious than it appears at first sight.

Immigrants might be required to provide birth certificates from their old

homes, where their children are sure to be registered under the stringent

laws of European governments. But as a matter of fact that would not often

be necessary. They all have passports in which the name and ages of their

children are set down. The claim that they had purposely registered them

as younger to cheapen transportation, which they would be sure to make,

need not be considered seriously. One lie is as good and as easy as

another.

Another lesson we may learn with advantage from some old-country

governments, which we are apt to look down upon as "slow," is to punish

the parents for the truancy of their children, whether they are found

running in the street or working in a shop when they should have been at

school. Greed, the natural child of poverty, often has as much to do with

it as real need. In the case of the Italians and the Jewish girls it is

the inevitable marriage-portion, without which they would stand little

chance of getting a husband, that dictates the sacrifice. One little one

of twelve in a class in the Leonard Street School, who had been working on

coats in a sweat-shop nine months, and had become expert enough to earn

three dollars a week, told me that she had $200 in bank, and that her

sister, also a worker, was as forehanded. Their teacher supported her

story. But often a meaner motive than the desire to put money in bank

forges the child's fetters. I came across a little girl in an East Side

factory who pleaded so pitifully that she had to work, and looked so poor

and wan, that I went to her home to see what it was like. It was on the

top floor of a towering tenement. The mother, a decent German woman, was

sewing at the window, doing her share, while at the table her husband, a

big, lazy lout who weighed two hundred pounds if he weighed one, lolled

over a game of checkers with another vagabond like himself. A half-empty

beer-growler stood between them. The contrast between that pitiful child

hard at work in the shop, and the big loafer taking his ease, was enough

to make anybody lose patience, and I gave him the piece of my mind he so

richly deserved. But it rolled off him as water rolls off a duck. He

merely ducked his head, shifted his bare feet under the table, and told

his crony to go on with the play.

It is only when the child rebels in desperation against such atrocious

cruelty and takes to the street as his only refuge, that his tyrant hands

him over to the justice so long denied him. Then the school comes as an

avenger, not as a friend, to the friendless lad, and it is scarcely to be

wondered at if behind his prison-bars he fails to make sense of the

justice of a world that locks him up and lets his persecutor go

free--likely enough applauds him for his public spirit in doing what he

did. When the child ceases to be a source of income because he will not

work, and has to be supported, at the odd intervals at least when he comes

back from the street, the father surrenders him as a truant and

incorrigible. A large number of the children that are every year sent to

the Juvenile Asylum are admitted in that way. The real animus of it crops

out when it is proposed to put the little prisoner in a way of growing up

a useful citizen by sending him to a home out of the reach of his grasping

relatives. Then follows a struggle for the possession of the child that

would make the uninitiated onlooker think a gross outrage was about to be

perpetrated on a fond parent. The experienced Superintendent of the

Asylum, who has fought many such fights to a successful end, knows better.

"In a majority of these cases," he remarks in his report for last year,

"the opposition is due, not to any special interest in the child's

welfare, but to self-interest, the relative wishing to obtain a situation

for the boy in order to get his weekly wages."

Little Susie, whose picture I took while she was pasting linen on tin

covers for pocket-flasks--one of the hundred odd trades, wholly impossible

of classification, one meets with in the tenements of the poor--with hands

so deft and swift that even the flash could not catch her moving arm, but

lost it altogether, is a type of the tenement-house children whose work

begins early and ends late. Her shop is her home. Every morning she drags

down to her Cherry Street court heavy bundles of the little tin boxes,

much too heavy for her twelve years, and when she has finished running

errands and earning a few pennies that way, takes her place at the bench

and pastes two hundred before it is time for evening school. Then she has

earned sixty cents--"more than mother," she says with a smile. "Mother"

has been finishing "knee-pants" for a sweater, at a cent and a-quarter a

pair for turning up and hemming the bottom and sewing buttons on; but she

cannot make more than two and a-half dozen a day, with the baby to look

after besides. The husband, a lazy, good-natured Italian, who "does not

love work well," in the patient language of the housekeeper, had been out

of a job, when I last saw him, three months, and there was no prospect of

his getting one again soon, certainly not so long as the agent did not

press for the rent long due. That was Susie's doings, too, though he

didn't know it. Her sunny smile made everyone and everything, even in that

dark alley, gentler, more considerate, when she was around.

[Illustration: LITTLE SUSIE AT HER WORK.]

Of Susie's hundred little companions in the alley--playmates they could

scarcely be called--some made artificial flowers, some paper-boxes, while

the boys earned money at "shinin'" or selling newspapers. The smaller

girls "minded the baby," so leaving the mother free to work. Most of them

did something toward earning the family living, young as they were. The

rest did all the mischief. The occupations that claim children's labor in

and out of the shop are almost as numberless as the youngsters that swarm

in tenement neighborhoods. The poorer the tenements the more of them

always. In an evening school class of nineteen boys and nine girls which I

polled once I found twelve boys who "shined," five who sold papers, one of

thirteen years who by day was the devil in a printing-office, and one of

twelve who worked in a wood-yard. Of the girls, one was thirteen and

worked in a paper-box factory, two of twelve made paper lanterns, one

twelve-year-old girl sewed coats in a sweat-shop, and one of the same age

minded a push-cart every day. The four smallest girls were ten years old,

and of them one worked for a sweater and "finished twenty-five coats

yesterday," she said with pride. She looked quite able to do a woman's

work. The three others minded the baby at home; one of them found time to

help her mother sew coats when baby slept.

I have heard it said that the factory law has resulted in crowding the

children under age into the stores, where they find employment as "cash"

girls and boys, and have to fear only the truant officer, whose calls are

as rare as angels' visits. I do not believe this is true to any great

extent. The more general employment of automatic carriers and other

mechanical devices for doing the work once done by the children would

alone tend to check such a movement, if it existed. The Secretary of the

Working Women's Society, who has made a study of the subject, estimates

that there are five thousand children under fourteen years so employed all

the year round. In the holiday season their number is much larger.

Native-born children especially prefer this work, as the more genteel and

less laborious than work in the factories. As a matter of fact it is, I

think, much the hardest and the more objectionable of the two kinds, and

not, as a rule, nearly as well paid. If the factory law does not drive the

children from the workshops, it can at least punish the employer who

exacts more than ten hours a day of them there, or denies them their legal

dinner hour. In the store there is nothing to prevent their being worked

fifteen and sixteen hours during the busy season. Few firms allow more

than half an hour for lunch, some even less. The children cannot sit down

when tired, and their miserable salaries of a dollar and a-half or two

dollars a week are frequently so reduced by fines for tardiness as to

leave them little or nothing. The sanitary surroundings are often most

wretched. At best the dust-laden atmosphere of a large store, with the

hundreds of feet tramping through it and the many pairs of lungs breathing

the air over and over again, is most exhausting to a tender child. An hour

spent in going through such a store tires many grown persons more than a

whole day's work at their accustomed tasks. These children spend their

whole time there at the period when the growth of the body taxes all their

strength.

An effort was made last year to extend the prohibition of the factory law

to the stores, but it failed. It ought not to fail this winter, but if it

is to be coupled with the sworn certificate, it were better to leave

things as they are. The five thousand children under age are there now in

defiance of one law that requires them to go to school. They lied to get

their places. They will not hesitate to lie to keep them. The royal road

is provided by the certificate plan. Beneficent undertakers will not be

wanting to smooth the way for them.

There is still another kind of employment that absorbs many of the boys

and ought to be prohibited with the utmost rigor of the law. I refer to

the messenger service of the District Telegraph Companies especially.

Anyone can see for himself how old some of these boys are who carry

messages about the streets every day; but everybody cannot see the kind of

houses they have to go to, the kind of people they meet, or the sort of

influences that beset them hourly at an age when they are most easily

impressed for good or bad. If that were possible, the line would be drawn

against their employment rather at eighteen than at sixteen or fourteen.

At present there is none except the fanciful line drawn against truancy,

which, to a boy who has learned the tricks of the telegraph messenger, is

very elastic indeed.

[Illustration: MINDING THE BABY.]

To send the boys to school and see that they stay there until they have

learned enough to at least vote intelligently when they grow up, is the

bounden duty of the State--celebrated in theory but neglected in practice.

If it did its duty much would have been gained, but even then the real

kernel of this question of child labor would remain untouched. The trouble

is not so much that the children have to work early as with the sort of

work they have to do. It is, all of it, of a kind that leaves them, grown

to manhood and womanhood, just where it found them, knowing no more, and

therefore less, than when they began, and with the years that should have

prepared them for life's work gone in hopeless and profitless drudgery.

How large a share of the responsibility for this failure is borne by the

senseless and wicked tyranny of so-called organized labor, in denying to

our own children a fair chance to learn honest trades, while letting

foreign workmen in in shoals to crowd our market under the plea of the

"solidarity of labor"--a policy that is in a fair way of losing to labor

all the respect due it from our growing youth, I shall not here discuss.

The general result was well put by a tireless worker in the cause of

improving the condition of the poor, who said to me, "They are down on the

scrub level; there you find them and have to put them to such use as you

can. They don't know anything else, and that is what makes it so hard to

find work for them. Even when they go into a shop to sew, they come out

mere machines, able to do only one thing, which is a small part of the

whole they do not grasp. And thus, without the slightest training for the

responsibilities of life, they marry and transmit their incapacity to

another generation that is so much worse to start off with." She spoke of

the girls, but what she said fitted the boys just as well. The incapacity

of the mother is no greater than the ignorance of the father in the mass

of such unions. Ignorance and poverty are the natural heritage of the

children.

I have in mind a typical family of that sort which our relief committee

wrestled with a whole summer, in Poverty Gap. Suggestive location! The man

found his natural level on the island, where we sent him first thing. The

woman was decent and willing to work, and the girls young enough to train.

But Mrs. Murphy did not get on. "She can't even hold a flat-iron in her

hand," reported her first employer, indignantly. The children were sent to

good places in the country, and repaid the kindness shown them by stealing

and lying to cover up their thefts. They were not depraved; they were

simply exhibiting the fruit of the only training they had ever

received--that of the street. It was like undertaking a job of original

creation to try to make anything decent or useful out of them.

I confess I had always laid the blame for this discouraging feature of the

problem upon our general industrial development in a more or less vague

way--steam, machinery, and all that sort of thing--until the other day I

met a man who gave me another view of it altogether. He was a manufacturer

of cheap clothing, a very intelligent and successful one at that; a large

employer of cheap Hebrew labor and, heaven save the mark!--a Christian.

His sincerity was unquestionable. He had no secrets to keep from me. He

was in the business to make money, he said with perfect frankness, and one

condition of his making money was, as he had had occasion to learn when he

was himself a wage-worker and a union man, to keep his workmen where they

were at his mercy. He had some four hundred hands, all Jewish immigrants,

all working for the lowest wages for which he could hire them. Among them

all there was not one tailor capable of making a whole garment. His policy

was to keep them from learning. He saw to it that each one was kept at

just one thing--sleeves, pockets, buttonholes--some small part of one

garment, and never learned anything else.

"This I do," he explained, "to prevent them from going on strike with the

hope of getting a job anywhere else. They can't. They don't know enough.

Not only do we limit them so that a man who has worked three months in my

shop and never held a needle before is just as valuable to me as one I

have had five years, but we make the different parts of the suit in

different places and keep Christians over the hands as cutters so that

they shall have no chance to learn."

Where we stood in his shop, a little boy was stacking some coats for

removal. The manufacturer pointed him out. "Now," he said, "this boy is

not fourteen years old, as you can see as well as I. His father works here

and when the Inspector comes I just call him up. He swears that the boy is

old enough to work, and there the matter ends. What would you? Is it not

better that he should be here than on the street? Bah!" And this

successful Christian manufacturer turned upon his heel with a vexed air.

It was curious to hear him, before I left, deliver a homily on the

"immorality" of the sweat-shops, arraigning them severely as "a blot on

humanity."

The Children of the Poor · 第 6 / 16 章