J. S. Rinearson,
H. A. G. Lee,
Thomas Purvis,
J. Magone,
C. Richardson,
J. E. Ross,
Isaac Walgamoutts,
John G. Gibson,
B. B. Rogers,
Benjamin Bratton,
Samuel K. Barlow,
Wm. Berry,
John Bolton,
George Moore,
Henry W. Coe,
William Buckman,
S. A. Jackson,
Jacob Witchey,
John Fleming,
A. C. Little,
A. J. Thomas,
George Westby,
Edward Robson,
Andrew Wise,
D. Averson,
J. H. McMellen,
John C. Danford,
W. M. Carpenter,
Lucius Marsh,
Joel McKee,
H. Levalley,
J. W. Morgan,
O. Tupper,
R. S. Tupper,
C. H. Devendorf,
John Hiner,
C. W. Savage,
G. H. Bosworth,
Jacob Johnson,
Stephen Cummings,
George Weston.
Forty-two as noble and true men as ever breathed. They were soon
organized under a set of energetic and brave young officers, who feared
no danger, and were ready to meet in open fight the combined enemies of
their country's rights upon the shores of the Pacific or in the
mountains or valleys of Oregon. Their officers were:--
_Captain_, H. A. G. Lee.
_First Lieutenant_, J. Magone.
_Second Lieutenant_, J. E. Ross.
_Commissary_, C. H. Devendorf.
_Surgeon_, W. M. Carpenter, M. D.
_First Sergeant_, J. S. Rinearson.
_Second Sergeant_, W. Savage.
_Third Sergeant_, Wm. Berry.
_First Corporal_, Stephen Cummings.
_Second Corporal_, J. H. McMellen.
* * * * *
"At twelve o'clock on the afternoon of Tuesday, the company
assembled at the City Hotel, where they were presented with an
appropriate flag, by Judge Nesmith, in behalf of the ladies of
Oregon City, with an appropriate address. (No record of that
address or of the names of the donors can be found.) Captain Lee,
on the part of the company, made an exceedingly happy reply upon
receiving the beautiful token of the patriotism of the lovely
donors."
In two hours after, the company started, amid the firing of cannon and
the cheers of the assembled citizens. It speaks well for our city, that
in less than twenty-four hours this detachment was raised and had
started for the scene of action.
It is to be regretted that the editor of the Oregon _Spectator_, at the
time these deeply-interesting events were occurring, should fill the
only public journal on the coast with accounts of personal piques, and
allow the remarks of Judge Nesmith and the reply of Captain Lee to pass
with the meager notice we have quoted; that the deeply-stirring events
respecting the murder of his countrymen should find so small a place in
his editorial. He tells us in this same paper that he means to keep us
posted in the war news, but the next paper is filled with a personal war
between himself and the directors of the Printing Association, about
some political resolutions that did no good or harm to anybody, except
to show the party spirit then existing in the country, in which he is
foolish enough to engage, and degrade his noble position as a journalist
and editor, which compels us to look to other sources for facts relative
to the history of those times.
Our little army of braves were accompanied by Governor Abernethy and
three commissioners to Vancouver, where they completed their outfit
before proceeding to the Dalles.
They arrived at Vancouver on the 10th of December. On the 11th, the
commissioners addressed a letter to Mr. Douglas, requesting him to
furnish supplies, as follows:--
FORT VANCOUVER, December 11, 1847.
_To James Douglas, Esq._:
SIR,--By the inclosed document you will perceive that the
undersigned have been charged by the Legislature of our provisional
government with the difficult duty of obtaining the means necessary
to arm, equip, and support in the field, a force sufficient to
obtain full satisfaction of the Cayuse Indians for the late
massacre at Wailatpu, and protect the white population of our
common country from further aggression.
In pursuance of this object, they have deemed it their duty to make
immediate application to the Honorable Hudson's Bay Company for the
requisite assistance.
Though clothed with the power to pledge, to the fullest extent, the
faith and means of the present government of Oregon, they do not
consider this pledge the only security of those who, in this
distressing emergency, may extend to the people of this country the
means of protection and redress. Without claiming any especial
authority from the government of the United States to contract a
debt to be liquidated by that power, yet from all precedents of
like character in the history of our country, the undersigned feel
confident that the United States government will consider the
murder of the late Dr. Whitman and lady as a national wrong, and
will fully justify the people of Oregon in taking active measures
to obtain redress for that outrage, and for their protection from
further aggression.
The right of self-defense is tacitly accorded to every body politic
in the confederacy to which we claim to belong and in every case
similar to our own, within our knowledge, the general government
has promptly assumed the payment of all liabilities growing out of
the measures taken by the constituted authorities to protect the
lives and property of those residing within the limits of their
districts.
If the citizens of the States and Territories east of the Rocky
Mountains are justified in promptly acting in such emergencies, who
are under the immediate protection of the general government, there
appears no room to doubt that the lawful acts of the Oregon
government will receive a like approval.
Should the temporary character of our government be considered by
you sufficient ground to doubt its ability to redeem its pledge,
and reasons growing out of its peculiar organization be deemed
sufficient to prevent the recognition of its acts by the government
of the United States, we feel it our duty, as private individuals,
to inquire to what extent and on what terms advances may be had of
the Honorable Hudson's Bay Company, to meet the wants of the force
the authorities of Oregon deem it their duty to send into the
field.
With sentiments of the highest respect, allow us to subscribe
ourselves,
Your most obedient servants,
JESSE APPLEGATE, }
A. L. LOVEJOY, } Commissioners.[16]
GEO. L. CURRY, }
[Footnote 16] Mr. Douglas's reply to the above was, in
substance, _a refusal to advance the means asked for in
consequence of the stringent rules laid down for his
government by the home company_. He, however, upon the
security of the governor and two of the commissioners,
advanced the amount necessary to fit out the first company of
Oregon riflemen, $999.59.--(See report of Loan Commissioners,
_Oregon Archives_, p. 323.)
Captain Lee's company received their outfit as per arrangements
through the governor, Mr. Applegate, and Mr. Lovejoy, and proceeded to
the Dalles. The commissioners returned to Oregon City, and on the 13th
December, 1847, addressed the merchants and citizens of Oregon as
follows:--
GENTLEMEN,--You are aware that the undersigned have been charged by
the Legislature of our provisional government with the difficult
duty of obtaining the means necessary to arm, equip, and support in
the field a force sufficient to obtain full satisfaction of the
Cayuse Indians, for the late massacre at Wailatpu, and protect the
white population of our common country from further aggression. In
furtherance of this object, they have deemed it their duty to make
immediate application to the merchants and citizens of the country
for the requisite assistance.[17]
[Footnote 17] The paragraphs here omitted are the same as
those addressed to the Hudson's Bay Company.
* * * * *
Though the Indians of the Columbia have committed a great outrage
upon our fellow-citizens passing through their country, and
residing among them, and their punishment for these murders may,
and ought to be, a prime object with every citizen of Oregon, yet,
as that duty more particularly devolves upon the government of the
United States, and admits of delay, we do not make this the
strongest ground upon which to found our earnest appeal to you for
pecuniary assistance. It is a fact well known to every person
acquainted with the Indian character, that, by passing silently
over their repeated thefts, robberies, and murders of our
fellow-citizens, they have been emboldened to the commission of the
appalling massacre at Wailatpu. They call us women, destitute of
the hearts and courage of men, and if we allow this wholesale
murder to pass by as former aggressions, who can tell how long
either life or property will be secure in any part of this country,
or what moment the Wallamet will be the scene of blood and carnage?
The officers of our provisional government have nobly performed
their duty. None can doubt the readiness of the patriotic sons of
the West to offer their personal service in defense of a cause so
righteous; so it now rests with you, gentlemen, to say whether our
rights and our firesides shall be defended or not. Hoping that none
will be found to falter in so high and so sacred a duty, we beg
leave, gentlemen, to subscribe ourselves, your servants and
fellow-citizens,
JESSE APPLEGATE, }
A. L. LOVEJOY, } Commissioners.
GEO. L. CURRY, }
On the evening of the 13th December, 1847, a public meeting of the
citizens was called, and a public loan effected, and subscriptions
commenced for the equipment and supply of the army, as will be seen by
the following report of the commissioners:--
_To the Honorable the Legislative Assembly of Oregon Territory:_
The undersigned commissioners appointed by your honorable body for
the purpose of negotiating a loan to carry into effect the
provisions of an act entitled "An Act to authorize the governor to
raise a regiment of volunteers," etc., have the honor to inform
you, that, fully realizing the heavy responsibilities attached to
their situation, and the peculiarly difficult nature of their
duties, they at once determined to act with promptness and energy,
and to leave no fair and honorable effort untried that might have a
tendency to a successful termination of their undertaking.
They accordingly proceeded to Fort Vancouver on the 10th instant,
and there addressed a communication to James Douglas, chief factor
of the Hudson's Bay Company, a copy of which is already given. The
commissioners had anticipated the unfavorable reply of Mr. Douglas,
as agent of the Hudson's Bay Company, and its only effect was to
heighten their zeal and to occasion them stronger hopes of a more
satisfactory reliance upon the citizens generally of our common
country.
However, two of the commissioners, with the governor, became
responsible for the amount of the outfit for the first regiment of
Oregon riflemen, being $999.59.
Not at all disheartened by the unsuccessful issue of their mission,
the commissioners returned to this city on the 13th instant, and at
once entered into negotiations, the revelation of which herewith
follows. The commissioners, through a public meeting held at
Oregon City, on the night of the 13th instant, addressed the
"merchants and citizens of Oregon," at which meeting, from citizens
generally, a loan of about one thousand dollars was
effected.----The commissioners are happy to state that they have
succeeded in negotiating a loan of sixteen hundred dollars from the
merchants of Oregon City, with, perhaps, a likelihood of a further
advance. The commissioners feel well assured, from the interest
manifested by our fellow-citizens in the matter, and the prompt
action they have proposed to take in the several counties in the
Territory to assist the commissioners in the successful discharge
of their duties, that the government will ultimately succeed in
negotiating an amount adequate to the present emergency of affairs.
The commissioners would beg your honorable body, with as little
delay as possible, to appoint appraisers, whose duty it shall be to
set a cash valuation upon produce and other property, which may be
converted into means to assist government in its present
operations.
Therefore, gentlemen, as we believe we can no longer be useful to
our fellow-citizens as a Board, we hope to be permitted to resign
our trust into the hands of the proper accounting officers of this
government.
We have the honor to remain,
JESSE APPLEGATE, }
A. L. LOVEJOY, } Commissioners.
GEO. L. CURRY, }
It will be seen by reference to this last report of the loan
commissioners, and the answer to their letter of the 11th December,
1849, that Sir James Douglas had made up his mind to enforce "the
_stringent rules_ laid down for his government _by the home company_."
In other words, the time had now arrived to allow the Indians and
half-breeds in the country to destroy the missionary settlements that
were beginning to extend beyond the Wallamet Valley; and in case they
succeeded in defeating the provisional troops, the settlement in the
Wallamet would become an easy prey to the combined Indian forces, while
the Hudson's Bay Company would pursue its accustomed trade without any
further interference from American settlements.
In addition to the proceedings above referred to, the Legislative
Assembly, on the 10th of December, on motion of Hon. J. W. Nesmith,--
"_Resolved_, That in view of our critical situation with the
powerful tribes of Indians inhabiting the banks of the Columbia, and
with whom we are actually in a state of hostilities, it is the duty
of this Legislature to dispatch a special messenger, as soon as
practicable, to Washington City, for the purpose of securing the
immediate influence and protection of the United States government
in our internal affairs."
On the 11th December, Cornelius Gilliam was elected by the Legislative
Assembly, Colonel Commandant; James Waters, Lieutenant-Colonel; H. A. G.
Lee, Major; and Joel Palmer, Commissary-General, in compliance with the
bill passed on the 9th, authorizing the governor to call for one
regiment of not to exceed five hundred men.
On the 13th, Mr. Nesmith presented a bill to provide for sending a
special messenger to Washington.
On the 14th, on motion of Mr. Crawford, "_Resolved_, That a delegation
of three persons be appointed by this house to proceed immediately to
Wallawalla, and hold a council with the chiefs and principal men of the
various tribes on the Columbia, to prevent, if possible, their coalition
with the Cayuse tribe in the present difficulties."
On the 15th, it was "_Resolved_, That the commodore of the United States
squadron in the Pacific Ocean be solicited to send a vessel of war into
the Columbia River for our relief, and to send such other assistance as
may be in his power."
A motion was adopted to appoint a committee of five to prepare a
memorial to Congress.
On the 16th, an act was passed appropriating one thousand dollars to
defray the expenses of J. L. Meek, special messenger to Washington.
On the 17th, Mr. Meek resigned his seat in the Legislative Assembly,
preparatory to leaving for the United States with dispatches and a
memorial to Congress.
As to what those dispatches were, we have no copy or public document
that gives us any information, but we presume he carried a copy of Mr.
McBean's mutilated letter, and one of Sir James Douglas's, such as we
have already given; and also the following:
_Memorial to Congress._
"To the Honorable the Senate and House of Representatives of the
United States in Congress assembled:
"Your memorialists, the Legislative Assembly of Oregon Territory,
would respectfully beg leave once more to lay before your honorable
body a brief statement of their situation and wants.
"Having called upon the government of the United States so often in
vain, we have almost despaired of receiving its protection, yet we
trust that our present situation, when fully laid before you, will
at once satisfy your honorable body of the great necessity of
extending the strong arm of guardianship and protection over this
remote, but beautiful portion of the United States domain.
"_Our relations_ with the proud and powerful tribes of Indians
residing east of the Cascade Mountains, hitherto uniformly amicable
and pacific, have recently assumed quite a different character. They
have shouted the war-whoop, and crimsoned their tomahawks in the
blood of our citizens. The Cayuse Indians, after committing numerous
outrages and robberies upon the late immigrants, _have, without the
semblance of provocation or excuse, murdered eleven_ [seventeen]
American citizens. Among the murdered were Dr. Marcus Whitman and
his amiable wife, members of the American Board of Foreign Missions.
"Called upon to resent this outrage, we feel sensibly our weakness
and inability to enter into a war with powerful tribes of Indians.
Such outrages can not, however, be suffered to pass unpunished. It
will be the commencement of future and more extensive murders, and
our hitherto peaceful settlement will become the scene of fierce and
violent warfare. We do not doubt the readiness of the people of this
country to defend their lives and property, and to submit to all the
privations incident to a state of war in a new and remote settlement
like this. Circumstances warrant your memorialists in believing that
many of the powerful tribes inhabiting the upper valley of the
Columbia have formed an alliance for the purpose of carrying on
hostilities against our settlements. The number of white population
in Oregon is alarmingly insignificant compared with the swarms of
Indians which throng its valleys.
"To repel the attacks of so formidable a foe, and protect our
families and property from violence and rapine, will require more
strength than we possess. We are deficient in many of the grand
essentials of war,--such as men, arms, and treasure; for them, our
sole reliance is on the government of the United States; we have the
right to expect your aid, and you are in justice bound to extend it.
For although we are separated from our native land by ranges of
mountains whose lofty altitudes are mantled in eternal snows;
although three thousand miles, nearly two-thirds of which is a
howling wild, lie between us and the federal capital, yet our hearts
are unalienated from the land of our birth. Our love for the free
and noble institutions, under which it was our fortune to be born
and nurtured, remains unabated. In short, we are Americans
still,--residing in a country over which the government of the
United States have sole and acknowledged right of sovereignty,--and
under such circumstances we have the right to claim the benefit of
its laws and protection.
"Your memorialists would avail themselves of this opportunity to
invite your attention to other subjects of deep and vital interest
to the citizens of this Territory. The very nature of our compact
formed between the citizens of a republic and the subjects and
official representatives of a monarchy, is such that the ties of
political union could not be drawn so closely as to produce that
stability and strength sufficient to form an efficient government.
This union between the democrats of a republic and wealthy
aristocratic subjects of a monarchy could not be formed without
reserving to themselves the right of allegiance to their respective
governments. Political jealousy and strong party feeling have tended
to thwart and render impotent the acts of government, from its very
nature weak and insufficient."
The deep, dark, and infamous schemes of a foreign monopoly and religious
bigots were but just developing themselves; but, thank God, there was
strength enough in the provisional government, which was formed in the
face of their combined opposition. They had yielded to its power, to
gain time to organize their savage hosts to crush it; calculating, no
doubt, that the Mexican war would prevent assistance reaching us from
the United States. The Indians, let loose upon the settlements, would
soon clear the country. That such was the general English idea, we know
from two different English subjects. The one, a chief trader in the
Hudson's Bay Company, who said all they had to do was _to organize the
Indians, under the direction of their eight hundred half-breeds, to
drive back any American force_. The other, a gold commissioner, a Mr.
Saunders, direct from England, in speaking of the small number of troops
the English government had in British Columbia, remarked to us, that if
they had not troops enough to subdue the Americans in British Columbia,
"_all they had to do was to let loose the Indians upon them_."
Such being the facts, it is not surprising that our Legislative Assembly
should be made to feel its weakness, under this powerful
combination,--the British monopoly that had refused to furnish necessary
supplies to the provisional troops sent to punish the murderers of our
citizens. It was not yet apprised of the efforts made by Mr. Ogden to
supply the Indians with munitions of war, and the determination of the
company not to allow itself to be considered by the Indians as favoring
the American settlement of the country. Mr. Hines' book, in which he
says Dr. McLaughlin had announced to those Indians in 1843 "that in case
the Americans did go to war with them, the Hudson's Bay Company would
not assist them," had not yet been published. The memorial continues:--
"In establishing a regular form of government, creating tribunals
for the adjustment of the rights of individuals, and the prevention
and punishment of crime, a debt has accumulated, which, though an
insignificant amount, your memorialists can devise no means of
liquidating. The revenue laws, from not being properly executed,
while they are burdensome to classes of our citizens and sections
of country, are wholly disregarded by others, and whole counties,
which for numerical strength are equal to any in the Territory, and
fully participating in all the advantages of our compact, have
never contributed any assistance in bearing the common burdens.[18]
"To coerce obedience to our temporary government would at once
destroy the great object which called it into existence,--the peace
and harmony of our country. Anxiously looking forward to that happy
period when we should again be under the protection of our revered
and parent republic, we have rather endeavored to maintain peace by
forbearance, hoping that the dangers and difficulties to be
apprehended from domestic discord and from the savages around us,
would be postponed until we became an acknowledged people, and
under the protection of our mother country.
"The action of your honorable body in regard to the land in Oregon
would seem to justify the expectation that liberal grants would be
made to our citizens; yet the uncertainty of our title, and the
uneasiness which is felt upon this subject, urge to press this
subject upon your attention. Our citizens, before leaving their
homes in the United States for Oregon, have had the strongest
inducements held out by Congress to settle in this country, and
their just expectations will not be met short of liberal donations
of land.
"On the subject of filling the offices that will be created in the
event of the extension of the jurisdiction of the United States
over this Territory, your memorialists would respectfully
represent, that, as the pioneers of the American population in this
country, the present citizens of this country have strong claims
upon the patronage of the general government, and that it would be
gratifying to have them filled by our fellow-citizens; but as few
of them of an equally deserving number can enjoy this mark of the
approbation of our parent republic, and in view of our peculiar and
difficult situation, it is the opinion of your memorialists that it
will be better for the future prosperity of our country, and that
the great mass of the people will concur with them in requesting
that important and responsible offices created here, such as the
office of governor and the several judgeships, should be filled
with men of the best talent and most approved integrity, without
regard to their present location."
[Footnote 18] Champoeg County being one, and represented by
Dr. R. Newell, then Speaker of the house.
In relation to this last paragraph, emanating as it did from the
Legislative Assembly of Oregon, it may appear strange that a body of men
possessing the talent and ability there was in that Assembly, should be
so liberal in requesting that most of the important federal appointments
for the Territory should be filled from abroad, or with strangers to the
condition and wants of the people; but the fact is plainly stated, and
it becomes our duty to impart such information as will explain so
strange a request. No one will contend for a moment that we did not have
the men who were abundantly qualified to fill those offices, for they
have since been filled with far better satisfaction to the country by
men who were then in it, than by those sent by the federal government;
hence we are led to inquire what was the reason for this request.
The general politics of the country, as intimated in the memorial, were
_English aristocratic_ and _American democratic_. The parties were
nearly equally divided. At the same time, there was the pro-slavery
influence laboring to so mold the Territory as to bring it in as a slave
State, though it had started free, and upon the most liberal principles
of a free government. The democratic pro-slavery influence was not
strong enough to secure the federal appointments without cousining with
the English aristocrats, who looked upon African slavery with
abhorrence. Under these circumstances, the democrats of this assembly
became liberal, and naturally sought aid from that party in the United
States to which the anti-slavery influence yielded, and took their
chances in the federal appointments. There was also in this Assembly a
strong personal feeling against Judge Thornton, who was supposed to be
in the federal capital seeking the organization of the Territory, as
also its governorship; and, in that case, though Mr. Thornton was then
acting with the democratic party, should he become the governor, or one
of the judges, the pro-slavery influence would be the loser. Hence the
"rule or ruin" party chose to make the strange request found in this
memorial. The closing paragraph seems to be a flourish of rhetoric, and
an appeal to _Uncle Samuel's_ tender feelings. Notwithstanding, it took
him till August 14, 1848, to say that Oregon should be a Territory under
its protection. The remainder of the memorial is as follows:--
"If it be at all the intention of our honored parent to spread her
guardian wing over her sons and daughters in Oregon, she surely
will not refuse to do it now, when they are struggling with all the
ills of a weak and temporary government, and when perils are daily
thickening around them and preparing to burst upon their heads.
When the ensuing summer's sun shall have dispelled the snow from
the mountains, we shall look with glowing hopes and restless
anxiety for the coming of your laws and your arms.
"The accompanying documents will afford additional information
concerning some of the subjects of which we have spoken.
"To insure the speedy conveyance of these papers to the federal
government, your memorialists have elected J. L. Meek, Esq., a
special messenger to bear the same, and respectfully ask your
honorable body to make him such compensation therefor as you may
deem just. And your memorialists will ever pray, etc."
It will be seen by a reference to the first day's proceedings of this
Legislative Assembly that Dr. Newell was chosen its Speaker. In tracing
the history of events, we find this man always intimately in council
with the English aristocratic party in the country. Although he
sometimes favored unimportant American measures, he seemed always to
guard carefully those in any way affecting the interests of this English
monopoly. Champoeg, the county he in part represented, was the most
numerous in population and wealth, and by reference to the _Spectator_
of February 4, 1847, we find the following: "_Champoeg County
tax._--There has been no tax for the year 1846, received by the
treasurer from Champoeg County. How is this? Who is to blame, and where
is the honorable County Court of Champoeg County?" This note explains
the critical relations of the country and the scheming policy of the
enemy we had to contend with, as also the personal bickerings among the
Americans. When Mr. Crawford, on the 14th of December, introduced his
resolution for a delegation of three persons to endeavor to prevent a
coalition with the Indians, we find this measure deferred till near the
close of the session, and this Honorable Hudson's Bay Company Speaker of
the Assembly is one of the commissioners, as we shall see hereafter.
On the 24th of December, Messrs. Nesmith, Rice, and Rector were
appointed a committee to correspond with the American consul at the
Sandwich Islands, and also with the Commander-in-chief of the army and
navy on this coast, in California, soliciting help from them. On the
25th, the house went into secret session for the purpose of conferring
with the governor, colonel, lieutenant-colonel, and commissary-general,
in relation to our Indian difficulties.
The result of that secret council was embodied in a resolution presented
to the house by Mr. Nesmith.
"_Resolved_, That the executive, as commander-in-chief, has full
power to adopt all measures necessary for the prosecution of the
existing war, and that it is the opinion of this house, that it is
expedient for the executive to issue orders for five hundred men,
and trust to the patriotism of the citizens of Oregon for their
support in the field."
It will be seen by this resolution that there was sufficient reason to
justify the calling of the whole strength of the settlement into the
field. The captives had reached the settlement, and his _Reverence
Bishop Blanchet_ had seen proper to inform the governor, "_that by going
to war with the Cayuses to get redress for the murders committed at
Wailatpu, he would have the whole Indian combination, or confederation,
against him_. This, however, he must determine with his council," which
we see was done, and the American settlement and Protestant missionaries
gave them a cordial support. The Indian combination, which, the Jesuit
Brouillet says, Dr. Whitman attempted to form, is here admitted by the
bishop's letter to Governor Abernethy to have been formed, and ready to
fight the American settlement. Who formed this confederation of Indian
tribes is no longer a doubt.
But we have kept our readers too long from the proceedings of our little
army, under the command of Captain H. A. G. Lee, which we left on its
way to the Dalles, to save that station from falling into the hands of
the Indians.
CHAPTER LXII.
The Cayuse war.--Letter of Captain Lee.--Indians friendly with the
Hudson's Bay Company.--Conduct of Mr. Ogden.--His letters to Mr.
Walker and Mr. Spalding.--Note of Rev. G. H. Atkinson.--Sir James
Douglas's letter to Governor Abernethy.--A rumor.--The governor's
reply.--Another letter from Sir James.--Mr. Ogden.--Extraordinary
presents to the Indians of arms and ammunition.--Colonel Gilliam's
campaign.--Indian fight.--Property captured.--The Des Chutes
Indians make peace.--Captain McKay's company of British subjects
join the army.--A nuisance.--"Veritas."--Nicholas Finlay gives the
signal for battle.--Running fight.--Captain McKay's
company.--Council held by the peace commissioners with the
Indians.--Governor Abernethy's address.--Speeches of the Indians
Camaspelo, Joseph, Jacob, Old James, Red Wolf, Timothy, Richard,
and Kentuck.--Letters of Joel Palmer, R. Newell, James Douglas, and
William McBean.--Who is responsible for the Cayuse war?
If the reader has carefully perused the foregoing pages, he will be able
to understand the movements of our little army in the Cayuse war, as to
the prime cause of which, the development of twenty-five years, and the
monstrous claims of the Hudson's Bay Company, have relieved our present
history from all mystery and doubt, and have enabled us to arrange and
combine the facts, without fear of a truthful contradiction. Major H. A.
G. Lee, in a letter dated at Wascopum, December 26, 1847, writes:--
_To Governor Abernethy:_
"SIR,--I reached this place on the evening of the 21st instant,
with ten men, including Mr. Hinman, whom I met on his way to
Wallamet at Wind River Mountain, thirty miles below. The boats
being windbound, and hearing from Mr. Hinman that a party of the
Cayuses and river Indians had been down and driven off some horses
from the mission, and that he had left with his family soon after,
thinking it unsafe to remain longer, I was induced to lead the few
men that were with me (for we had been separated by the wind and
could not get together), and press to this place by land with all
dispatch, to save the houses from destruction; and I am very happy
to inform you that we arrived just in time, and that all is now
safe. The natives immediately about this place are friendly, and
hailed our arrival with much joy. Seletsa professes friendship, but
I shall keep an eye on him; his men have been killing cattle, and I
suspect with his consent, though he promises to make them pay for
them. We have been collecting the cattle and placing them below, in
order to stop the slaughtering that has been carried on above. We
have not yet learned the amount of mischief done at this place, but
are getting things under way quite as well as I could have
anticipated. Mr. Hinman has been of great service to me here; he
leaves to-day to join his family, whom he left on the river.
"We have no intelligence from Wailatpu, except Indian report,
which, if we may credit, is awful enough. It is said, after the
murder of the whites at the place, a general council had been held,
and that the Nez Perces were present by special invitation, _i.e._,
the chiefs; that it was determined to make '_a clean sweep_' of all
the Bostons, including Messrs. Spalding, Eells, and Walker above,
and Hinman here; that they had, in execution of that resolution,
returned and murdered all the women and children who had been spared
in the first place, with the exception of three females who had been
reserved for wives. Remember this is but native news. I must refer
you to Mr. Hinman for many other items which I dare not write.
"From all I can gather, the country east of the river Des Chutes is
all an enemy's country, and our movements should be directed
accordingly. Can you have us two or three small guns cast at the
foundery? Each one would be equal in effect to fifty men. I am
satisfied that the enemy is going to be much more formidable
against an invading force than many in Wallamet are willing to
believe. _The Indians are all friendly with the Hudson's Bay
Company's men, and I am truly sorry to learn that Mr. Ogden paid
them powder_ and _ball_ for making the portage at the Dalles. I
hope this will be stopped, and their supplies of ammunition
immediately cut off. Please take some measures to effect this
without delay.
"Mr. Rogers and Mr. Savage return immediately from this place,
feeling that the object for which they enlisted has been
accomplished; and as they would have to return, according to
promise, in the course of ten or twelve days, and there being no
active employment for them, they are permitted to return now. You
are aware that they are among my best men, and for their
persevering energy, so far, they deserve the praise due to good
soldiers, although they have not had the pleasure of a fight. They
are therefore honorably discharged from service in the 1st company
of Oregon riflemen.
"Sergeant McMellen will bear this to you and return to me as soon
as possible. If he gets down in time to accompany the next party,
he will be of much service to them on the river; he has few equals
in the service.
"While writing the above, one horse which had been stolen from the
immigrants has been brought in, and others reported on the way. I
think most of the property stolen near this place will be returned;
that above Des Chutes will probably be contended for. The Indians
about this place are evidently terrified, and I shall avail myself
of that fact, as far as possible, in furthering the object of our
trip. I have no fears of an attack on this place, yet I shall be as
vigilant as though an attack were certain. The boats which were
windbound eight days arrived this morning all safe and well.
"I remain, your most obedient humble servant,
"H. A. G. LEE."
With the light that twenty-two years have shed upon the early history of
Oregon, how shall we regard the policy and practice of the professedly
kind and generous chief factors of the Hudson's Bay Company? The one,
Sir James Douglas, attempting to deceive the American settlement and the
world as to the real danger of the settlement and the cause of the
massacre; the other, Mr. Ogden, supplying the Indians on his route, and
at Wallawalla, with ammunition, and "_insisting_," while bargaining with
the murderers for their captives, "_upon the distinction necessary to be
made between the affairs of the company and those of the Americans_."
We undertook, in our third position, to show the influences of this
Hudson's Bay Company, as well as Romanism, upon our early settlements,
and the causes of the Indian wars. These were backed by one of the most
powerful nations then on the globe, while a handful of American pioneers
found themselves involved in a savage war. _The Indians were advised,
aided, and urged on by the teachings of Roman priests and this Hudson's
Bay Company_, sustained by the British government, with assistance
pledged to them by Bishop Blanchet and Chief-Factor Ogden, as he
received the captives from their hands, and gave them more ammunition
and guns than had ever before been given to them at any one time. He
says, in a letter dated Fort Nez Perces, December 31, 1847, addressed to
Rev. E. Walker, at Cimakain:
"I have been enabled to _effect my object without compromising
myself or others_, and it now remains with the _American
government_ to take what measures they deem most beneficial to
restore tranquillity to this part of the country, and this, I
apprehend, can not be finally effected without blood being made to
flow freely. So as not to compromise either party, I have made a
_heavy sacrifice of goods_; but these, indeed, are of trifling
value, compared to the unfortunate beings I have rescued from the
hands of the murderous wretches, and I feel truly happy. Let this
suffice for the present.
"On my arrival at the Dalles, Mr. Hinman's mission, the previous
day, had been plundered of four horses in open day, and in presence
of all the inmates of the mission; and on consulting me on the
propriety of remaining or removing under the present distracted
state of the country, _I advised him to move_, leaving a trusty
Indian, on whom he could rely, and who speaks the English language,
to remain in charge of the establishment; and he would have started
the same day I left it. I trust this arrangement will meet with
your approbation; under existing circumstances, could not
consistently give any other."
"Yours truly,
"P. S. OGDEN."[19]
With such powerful combinations, and such experienced, wise, and
reverend advisers, it is not surprising that those Indians should feel
themselves able to make, as Captain Lee says, "_a clean sweep of all the
Bostons in the country_." Mr. Ogden, in his letter to Mr. Walker, does
not intimate that the provisional government will presume to attempt to
seek any redress for the murders committed; but consoles himself with
the "_happy_" thought that the difficulty is to be settled by the United
States. Mr. Hinman he advises to leave, and to Mr. Spalding he sends the
following letter:--
"FORT NEZ PERCES, December 23, 1847.
"_Rev. H. H. Spalding:_
"DEAR SIR,--I have assembled all the chiefs and addressed them in
regard to the helpless situation of yourself and the rest at
Wailatpu, and I have got them to consent to deliver them all to me:
yourself and those with you, _save the two Canadians, who are safe
enough among the Indians_; and have now to advise you to lose no
time in joining me. At the same time, _bear in mind, sir, you have
no promises to make them_, or payments to make. Once more, use all
the diligence possible to overtake us.
"Yours truly,
"P. S. OGDEN."[19]
[Footnote 19] Copied from the original letter.
We place a note of Rev. G. H. Atkinson, D.D., in this connection, to
show the influences that have for a series of years been operating, and
how careful that unscrupulous monopoly was to combine its influences,
and to deal out its hospitalities, to secure a good word from a reverend
Protestant divine, who was connected with the United States Home
Missionary Board, whose character is unimpeachable, and to whom it
refers for evidence of its generosity. We are not surprised to find
Doctor Atkinson attempting to ease the weight of censure due to that
overgrown monopoly, from the fact, that on his first arrival in the
country (after the Cayuse war), on one of the company's ships, unusual
attention and kindness were evidently shown to him and his family by the
company's agents, to gain his favorable representations of their
proceedings, and a name for _honorable_ dealing and generous treatment
of missionaries, as intimated in his note. Doctor Atkinson says:--
"The agents of the Hudson's Bay Company in Oregon furnished all
the missionaries with supplies at the usual trade rates until they
could supply themselves from home."
In this the doctor is mistaken, as we have shown in previous pages. He
continues:--
"After the death of Mr. Whitman and family, Mr. Ogden, an agent of
the company, brought the rest of the mission and the American
families to the Wallamet Valley, at considerable risk and sacrifice
to himself. The guilt of the plot to massacre Dr. Whitman and other
Americans is understood to belong to the Jesuits."
The letters above quoted, from Mr. Ogden and Captain Lee, show the
doctor's great mistake in this statement. Mr. Ogden ran no risk, and
made no sacrifice, as the Hudson's Bay Company presented their bills,
and have been paid every dollar they had the impudence to demand of our
government, for transporting the captive women and children to a place
of safety, and for all the supplies they so reluctantly furnished to our
provisional troops. We do not believe it is good morals, or divinity, to
say nothing of politics, to praise, encourage, or warm the serpent that
improves every opportunity to sting us with his poisonous fangs. That
company has enjoyed the monopoly of this vast country, and prevented its
settlement too long, for any one to seek its praise or favor.
We have another letter from Sir James Douglas, which shows us more
clearly the exact position of that monster monopoly. It is as follows:--
"FORT VANCOUVER, Dec. 31, 1847.
"_To Governor George Abernethy, Esq.:_
"SIR,--A rumor having been in circulation, for some days past, that
it is General Gilliam's intention to levy contributions on the
Hudson's Bay Company's property, for the purpose of completing the
equipment of the troops ordered out in your late proclamation, for
the intended operations against the Indians, I feel it my duty to
communicate with you frankly on the subject, as it is most
important, in the present critical state of our Indian relations,
that there should be an entire absence of distrust, and that the
most perfect unanimity should exist among the whites of every
class. From my personal knowledge of General Gilliam, and his highly
respectable character, I should be the last person to believe him
capable of committing an outrage which may prove so disastrous in
the immediate and remoter consequences to the peace and best
interests of this country; _at the same time, as the representative
of a powerful British association_, it becomes my duty to take
instant measures for the protection of their property, until I
receive, through you, a distinct disavowal of any such intention as
herein stated. Difficulties of that nature were certainly not
contemplated by us when we dispatched a large part of our effective
force into the interior for the purpose of _receiving_ the
unfortunate women and children, the survivors of the massacre at
Wailatpu, who remained in the hands of the Indians. It was never
supposed that our establishment would be exposed to _insult or
injury_ from American citizens, while we are _braving the fury of
the Indians_ for their protection."
_What a powerful and noble company_, and how much "_fury of the
Indians_" they had to contend with, when they were handing them _guns
and ammunition_ by the quantity; and all their servants and posts were
unharmed by either whites or Indians, during all the Indian wars that
have occurred on this coast. This letter continues:--
"Such a proceeding would, in fact, be so inconsistent with every
principle of _honor and sound policy_, that I can not believe any
attempt of the kind will be made; but I trust this explanation will
satisfactorily account for any unusual precaution observed in the
present arrangement of this establishment.
"Trusting that this note will be noticed at your earliest
convenience, I have the honor to be, sir,
"Your most obedient, humble servant,
"JAMES DOUGLAS, C. F., H. B. Co."
Mr. Douglas, in this letter, has suddenly assumed a very honorable, as
well as powerful position. As to his personal bravery, there is no
question; but as to truth, there is. He says, "I can not believe any
attempt of the kind will be made," and then tells us not to be alarmed;
or, at least, as the "_rumor_ having been in circulation," we must
excuse him for his "unusual _precaution_" in his establishment, while he
has deceived, and intends to continue to deceive, the governor and the
settlers as to his real motives of caution, and the deep-laid schemes
that he and his "_powerful British association_" are bringing about, not
against the "_fury of the Indians_," but against the American
settlements.
As was to be expected in those times, our governor and General Gilliam
wilted right down, and the governor wrote:--
"OREGON CITY, January 3, 1848.
"SIR,--I received your favor of 31st ultimo yesterday evening, and,
in answering it, would thank you for your frankness in
communicating with me on the subject. Having had conversation with
Colonel Gilliam on this subject, I can state that he has no
intention of levying contributions on the Hudson's Bay Company's
property for any purpose whatever. He will probably cross the
Columbia River at the mouth of Sandy."
This was the information that Mr. Douglas wished to obtain, as we
have since learned from one of the company's clerks, and also the
extent of information received from Mr. Lee by his express.
"I trust nothing will occur that will in any way cause distrust
among the whites during this crisis. The reports from above lead to
the conclusion that Messrs. Spalding, Walker, and Eells have been
cut off, and the women and children, spared in the first place,
have since been murdered. Should these rumors prove true, we know
that peace can not be restored between the Indians and whites
without bloodshed."
As near as we can learn, Governor Abernethy was disposed to follow the
counsels of a writer in the _Spectator_, signed "Veritas," which was, to
wait till spring opened, and then make a decent demonstration in the
summer to punish the murderers. The energy of the people overruled his
tender spirit, to use no harsher term, and pushed their forces up in the
winter, which allowed most of the men to return in time to secure the
following harvest, and produced the desired effect upon the Hudson's Bay
Company and the Indians. The governor says:--
"Captain Lee informs me that Mr. Ogden paid the Indians powder and
ball for making the portage. The Legislature passed an act during
their last session prohibiting the sale of powder, lead, caps,
etc., to Indians. I trust you will see the necessity of complying
with this act; it will be published in the next _Spectator_.
"I trust the disavowal in this letter will prove satisfactory to
you. I have the honor to remain, sir,
"Your obedient servant,
"GEORGE ABERNETHY."
The next day, the 4th of January, Mr. Douglas returned a long letter,
which is as follows:--
"FORT VANCOUVER, January 4, 1848.
"_George Abernethy, Esq.:_
"SIR,--I have to acknowledge yours of yesterday's date, and
consider it perfectly satisfactory. I place little confidence in
the late reports from the Dalles, and entertain sanguine hopes
that they will prove unfounded.
"The Indians have been always paid with ammunition and tobacco by
our traveling parties, for passing boats at the portages of this
river, and _I can not see that Mr. Ogden had any reason to depart
from the established practice on the occasion mentioned in your
letter_, as these Indians have no fellow-feelings with the
Cayuses."
This statement of Sir James is notoriously untrue; the Cayuses have
always had more or less trade with the Dalles Indians, in dried
salmon, horses, etc., and have always been the superiors, and
treated them as they pleased. Mr. Douglas has invariably cautioned
us, in passing those portages, not to give ammunition, as it was
against the rules of the company to do so, _except to a very few_,
and in small quantities, and _that_ for packing goods by trusty
Indians. This sudden change from tobacco to powder is only a part
of the policy now being executed.
"These Indians behaved in the most friendly manner, and, I am
convinced, will not enter into any combination against the whites,
unless there be great mismanagement _on our part_.
"In fact, when we consider the object of Mr. Ogden's journey to
Wallawalla [which we consider really to have been to inform the
Indians, _as he did_, that the Hudson's Bay Company would take no
part in this quarrel between the Indians and Americans, and that
the company would supply them with ammunition and aid them in the
present war, we are not disposed to question but that the lives of
some of the men that were left would have been taken, but we doubt
if any more women would have been killed, unless the company had
consented to it; but it answered for a plausible argument for Sir
James, who says], and that the lives of sixty or seventy
fellow-creatures were, under Providence, mainly dependent on the
celerity of his movements, it can not be supposed he would allow
any minor consideration to weigh one moment in his mind against the
great object of their preservation. As he could not carry his boats
over the portages of the falls without the assistance of the
Indians, it would have been an act of great indiscretion on his
part to have _excited alarm_ and _created suspicion_ in their
minds."
Doctor Saffron, in answer to the interrogatory, "In what way did you
become acquainted with the Whitman massacre?" makes the following reply:
"I was residing at the Dalles mission when the Canadian, bearing an
express from Fort Nez Perces to Vancouver, came to the station and ate
dinner, and with whom Mr. Hinman went to the lodge, and secured a canoe
to assist him on his way to Vancouver, and went to Vancouver with him. A
very short time after they were off,--I did not think they had scarcely
got off before the Indians came from the lodges, and told what they said
the Frenchman had told them, that Doctor Whitman was killed. The next
information was from an Indian lad from Des Chutes, who came on
horseback, in great haste, and said that two Cayuses were at Des Chutes,
and had told them that Dr. Whitman, his wife, and all his people were
killed, except the women, who had been taken for wives for the chiefs.
In giving the causes which the two Cayuses had given them, he spoke of
the sickness, and _also that the priests had made known to them that the
Doctor was a dangerous medicine man to have among them_, and said
something of their having said about the Doctor's medicines being the
cause of their dying; and also of what Mr. McBean had said of Dr.
Whitman's determining to have all their spotted horses. I can be
_certain as to the priests'_ part, but not so certain as to McBean's
part, being said by the young Indian at that time, or told me afterward
by other Indians." Dr. Saffron states in this deposition that the
Indians were very threatening about the station, and that he thinks the
reason they did not commence the massacre of all at the station was the
report that Mr. Ogden was just below with a party. "On Mr. Ogden's
arrival, we stated to him these things, and he informed _Mr. Hinman_
that we _had better get away as soon as possible_, which we did."
In this letter from Mr. Douglas, in answer to Governor Abernethy, about
supplying the Indians with powder, etc., he says:--
"It would have been an act of great indiscretion on his part to
have excited alarm and caused suspicion in their minds by
withholding the compensation of two or three pounds of gunpowder
and lead, which they had been _accustomed_ to receive for such
service, when it was certain that the omission would be regarded as
evidence of a hostile intent, and induce them to put every possible
obstacle in his way, whereby the object of the journey must have
been entirely defeated, and the unfortunate women and children left
to their cruel fate.
"To prohibit the sale of ammunition within certain districts in
arms against the whites would be the proper course; but to extend
the measure to every part of the country is to make the innocent
suffer with the guilty, and a departure from the conciliatory
course of policy which we have always found to answer best with
Indians; and will, I much fear, drive them to the most desperate
course. I am now only expressing an opinion on what the law is
reported to be, and await the next issue of the _Spectator_ with
some impatience, to discover its real character and value.
"You may rest assured that we will do nothing improper, or which
will, in any way, endanger the safety of the country.
"We have not yet heard from Mr. Ogden since he left the Dalles, but
are now daily expecting to hear from him.
"I have the honor to be, sir,
"Your most obedient servant,
"JAMES DOUGLAS."
The careless reader, or one that is disposed to regard Sir James Douglas
as an honorable, truthful, and upright man, will, on first reading this
letter, in all probability, consider it a satisfactory reply to Governor
Abernethy, and his reasons sufficient to justify Mr. Ogden's course at
the Dalles and at Wallawalla.
Doctor Saffron tells us, under oath, "On Mr. Ogden's arrival, we stated
to him these things," about the massacre, the priests, McBean, and the
Indians threatening, which Mr. Ogden admits in his letter to Mr. Walker,
when he advised them to leave. He then proceeds on up the river, and
does a thing which Sir James says was _common_, which we know Mr.
Douglas has said to us _was not common_, for the company to give
ammunition to the Indians for making those portages.
On the present occasion, knowing all the facts, and the danger to the
lives of all at the Dalles station, Mr. Ogden deliberately gave (Mr.
Douglas says, "_as usual_") an unusual amount of war material; he then
proceeds to Wallawalla, called the Indians together, and gave them
"_twelve_ common guns, _six hundred_ loads of ammunition, twelve flints,
thirty-seven pounds tobacco, sixty-two three-point blankets, sixty-three
common cotton shirts."
And what was the service that these Indians had rendered, for which
these goods were given by this "_powerful organization_?" Six years
before, when a Hudson's Bay servant got into a drunken row, and was
killed by an Indian at the mouth of the Columbia, the Americans and
company went in a body, and demanded and hung the murderer; but now,
when Dr. Whitman and fifteen other _Americans_ are murdered, Mr. Ogden
goes up and pays them more _guns_, _ammunition_, _blankets_, and
_shirts_, than had ever before been given to them on any one occasion.
Was that company weaker at this time than they had been before, that
they could not manage or conquer the Cayuses? Sir James Douglas, under
oath, says the company in 1846 "_practically enjoyed a monopoly of the
fur trade, and possessed extraordinary influence with the natives_." And
we say, the Whitman massacre is the result of that influence.
Mr. Ogden, distinctly, and at several times, insisted upon the
distinction necessary to be made between the affairs of the Americans
and the company, and why? Simply, because the company had determined to
suppress and crush the American settlements, if it could be done, by the
Indians. They were now in a condition to furnish the Indians directly,
or clandestinely, through their Jesuit missionaries, all the ammunition
required. Hence the liberality of Mr. Ogden, and the care of Mr. Douglas
to catch "_a rumor_" to defend Mr. Ogden's course; to manifest great
sympathy for the sufferers, to deceive the settlement in every way
possible; and refuse, under the plea of the "_stringent rules of the
home department_," to supply munitions to the provisional troops.
On the 23d of February, Colonel Gilliam, with fifty of his men, arrived
at Wascopum, an express having been sent by Major Lee for him to hasten
forward with his troops. On his arrival, he learned that the Des Chutes
Indians were hostile. Was Mr. Douglas correct in his opinion?
The main body of his troops having arrived on the 27th, he started with
130 of his best mounted men, crossed Des Chutes, and ascended on its
east or right bank. On the 28th, he sent forward Major Lee with twenty
men to find the Indians, they all having fled from their usual
encampments. At twelve o'clock at night, Major Lee returned, having
found the Indians, and made the following report, which we give in Major
Lee's own language. He says:--
"We proceeded this morning up the river some twenty miles, when we
discovered a considerable party of Indians with their families,
removing across the plains, and evidently to station themselves
higher up the canon, which was close by. We charged upon them,
killed one, took two females prisoners, and several horses; the rest
escaped into the canon, which was close by. Expecting a large war
party out immediately, we hastened toward camp with the prisoners,
but had not proceeded far when we discovered a large party of
mounted Indians making after us with all possible speed; we rode
down into a small canon, turned our horses loose below us, and
prepared for battle,--the Indians by this time all around us on the
hills, tumbling down huge stones in our midst, and annoying us much
with their savage yells, some with their arms. We were fighting some
two or three hours, killed and wounded, I suppose, some six or
eight, as they took care to keep at a respectful distance. They drew
no blood from us, and got only in return for their loss their horses
which we had taken, with four or five of ours that went out with
them, unperceived, through a small canon, during the engagement. We
have all returned safe, though much fatigued."
On the 29th of this month the whole of the camp moved to the mouth of
the canon, at the Meek crossing. On the 30th, ten A.M., as they entered
the mouth of the canon, the Indians appeared on the hills immediately
above, drawn up in order of battle, to about their own number. The
colonel ordered his horses and train to a safe position under a strong
guard, dismounted his men, ascended the hill, drove and killed, as was
supposed, some twenty or thirty Indians, with but one man (a Spaniard)
slightly wounded, capturing forty horses, four head of cattle, and three
hundred dollars' worth of personal property, which the colonel had sold
to the regiment, and credited to the paymaster, amounting to fourteen
hundred dollars. Mr. Brown, first lieutenant, 5th company, died at
Vancouver. The skirmishing and battle with the Des Chutes Indians
brought them to terms, and a treaty of peace was made with them. The
army was re-enforced by the arrival of Captain McKay's company of
_British subjects_, as claimed by a writer in the _Spectator_, of
February 24, 1848, who says:--
"The party consisted of _two Canadians_, fifty or sixty
half-breeds,--all _British subjects_,--and two or three American
citizens, while there is not a single Frenchman in it. It is due to
the _British subjects, Canadians, and half-breeds_, to state, that
many more would have gone, but, they know well, that winter is not
the time, in this country, to go to war, and that all that can be
done at this season is, to rescue the prisoners, which could be
effected only by negotiation, and acquire correct information, and
make all preparations necessary, so as to be able to act with the
_propriety_, _decorum_, and energy which the case required.
"VERITAS."
By the statements of "Veritas," the feelings of the _British subjects_
in our midst, at that time, can be seen. He evidently wished to claim
credit for the British and half-breed subjects, who, in the operations
of the provisional army, were found to be, to use no harsher term, a
nuisance in the American camp, keeping the Indians and murderers well
informed as to all the movements of the army, so that while they were
permitted to remain, no movement of the army produced any satisfactory
results.
This statement is made upon the verbal information given to us at the
time, as well as from personal knowledge, and a letter of Colonel Waters
to Governor Abernethy, under date, Wailatpu, April 4, 1848, in the
_Spectator_, April 20, 1848. The colonel says of the Indians, "They know
our circumstances about as well as we do ourselves, both as regards
ammunition and provisions, and it need not be thought strange if they
act accordingly."
Soon after the re-enforcement of this provisional army by Captain T.
McKay's _British subjects_, there was a general engagement or battle. It
commenced while the army was on the march in the open rolling prairie,
between Mud Spring and the Umatilla. Nicholas Finlay, of the
Whitman-massacre notoriety, met the scouts and officers, and while there
was a consultation, or parley, it appears he prolonged it, to give time
for the main body of the Indians to surround the troops; he then turned
his horse, rode a short distance toward a party of Indians, and
discharged his gun in the air, as a signal to commence the attack, while
the peace commissioners were attempting to effect a compromise.
At Finlay's signal, from five to seven hundred Indian warriors appeared
on the plains all about them, with from two to three hundred Indian
camp-followers, as spectators, all on horseback, consisting of boys and
women, who had come to see the slaughter, and gather up the property
that the Americans were going to throw down and run from, as soon as
Nicolas Finlay fired his gun, and the warriors raised the yell. But
instead of this, Colonel Gilliam, as soon as Finlay made his appearance,
and other Indians were seen in the distance, ordered a hollow square to
be formed to protect his train and cattle, and by the time the Indians
were ready, he was, and the fight commenced, a sort of running, dashing,
and, on the part of the Indians, retreating performance. There being no
water near the place where the attack was commenced, it became necessary
to continue upon the march, and they drove the Indians before them, till
they reached water at night. By this time the Indians found that the
Bostons were not _all clochemen_ (women), as they had been told by the
"_British half-breeds_."
A stranger would naturally conclude from the accounts published in the
_Spectator_ at that time, that the company under Captain T. McKay did
all the fighting on this occasion. They, we infer from the printed
account as given in C. McKay's letter, made some gallant dashes in true
Indian style, and as prudent retreats back to the protection of the
"_Boston men_," making a great show of bravery and fight, without much
effect. At the close of this demonstration, the Indians retired in their
usual confused manner, while the Americans moved on to find water and a
camp for the night. They continued their march till they reached Fort
Waters, at Wailatpu.
At this place the commissioners called for the principal chiefs of all
friendly tribes to meet them, to have a big talk. In this council, one
Cayuse war-chief, Camaspelo, and two of the lower grade of the Nez
Perces,--Joseph and Red Wolf,--with several prominent Indians of the Nez
Perces, were present, and received the commissioners with the governor's
letter, and made the speeches hereafter given.
_Governor Abernethy's address_ to the Indians asserted the fact, that
Dr. Whitman was invited by the Indians themselves to remain in their
country, and teach them the arts of civilization, agriculture, a
knowledge of books and of religion; that the Indians had not regarded
the Doctor's instructions, else they would not have stolen property
belonging to the immigrants, and, on the 29th of November, murdered him
and Mrs. Whitman. That the Doctor, in giving them medicine, was not
poisoning them, but doing all he could to save their lives, and relieve
their sick. That Americans died of the disease as well as the Indians.
That if the Doctor was poisoning them, which they knew was not the case,
why did they kill all the Americans at his place? That the Doctor was
their best friend, and always trying to do them good; and now he
required of them, that they should give up the murderers, and those who
had taken and forced young women to be their wives, to be punished
according to our laws. He named Tilokaikt and Tamsaky in particular.
They were also required to restore or pay for the property stolen from
the immigrants, while on their way to the Wallamet Valley.
CAMASPELO (a Cayuse chief).--"My people seem to have two hearts. I have
but one; my heart is as the Nez Perces. I have had nothing to do with
the murder. Tamsaky came to me to get my consent to the murder, before
it was committed. I refused. I pointed to my sick child, and told him my
heart was there and not on murder; he went back and told his friends he
had obtained my consent; it was false. I did not give my consent to the
murder, neither will I protect or defend the murderers."
JOSEPH (a Nez Perce chief, half-brother of Five Crows).--"Now I show my
heart. When I left my home I took the book (a testament Mr. Spalding had
given him) in my hand and brought it with me; it is my light. I heard
the Americans were coming to kill me. Still I held my book before me,
and came on. I have heard the words of your chief. I speak for all the
Cayuses present and all my people. I do not wish my children engaged in
this war, although my brother (Five Crows) is wounded. You speak of the
murderers; I shall not meddle with them; I bow my head; this much I
speak."
JACOB.--This Indian had once been a celebrated medicine man among the
Nez Perces. He said: "It is the law of this country that the murderer
shall die. That law I keep in my heart, because I believe it is the law
of God,--the first law. I started to see the Americans, and when on the
way I heard the Americans were coming to kill all the Indians; still I
came. I have heard your speech, and am thankful. When I left home I
believed the Americans were coming for the murderers only. I thank the
governor for his good talk."
JAMES was an old Indian who was for a long time a pet of Mr. Spalding's;
but, through the influence of Mr. Pambrun and the priest, he had been
induced to receive a cross and a string of beads. He was the
acknowledged owner of the land on which the Lapwai station was located,
and, by the influence above referred to, caused Mr. Spalding
considerable annoyance, though nothing of the difficulty asserted by
Brouillet, page 14. He says: "The Indians then met together and kept all
the whites who lived at the station blockaded in their houses for more
than a month." Living at the station at the time, I know there was no
quarrel or disturbance with the Indians, nor were any at the station
confined to their houses for a moment at any time, as stated by this
priest; it is one of a great number of just such statements made to
cover their guilt in a great crime.
Old James said: "I have heard your words and my heart is glad. When I
first heard of this murder, our white brother Spalding was down here; I
heard the Cayuses had killed him also, and my heart was very sad. A few
days after, when he returned, I met him as one arose from the dead. We
spoke together; he said he would go to Wallamet. I told him to tell the
chiefs there my heart. We have been listening for some word from him.
All these chiefs are of one heart."
RED WOLF was connected by marriage with the Cayuses, and, it seems from
his speech, was instructed as to the information he should give to the
Americans. He says: "You speak of Doctor Whitman's body. When I heard of
the Doctor's death, I came and called for the murderers. I wished to
know if it was the work of the chiefs. I went to Tawatowe, and found it
was not of all, but of the young men. I did not sleep. I went to Mr.
Spalding and told him the chiefs were engaged in it. Mr. Spalding said,
'I go to Wallamet and will say the Nez Perces have saved my life, and I
will go to Wallamet and save yours.' We have all been listening to hear
from the white chief."
TIMOTHY.--This Indian had always been a firm friend of the Americans,
and of the mission, and was a consistent member of the mission church.
He seems to have taken no decided part. He says: "You hear these chiefs;
they speak for all. I am as one in the air. I do not meddle with these
things; the chiefs speak; we are all of the same mind."
RICHARD was one of the Indian boys taken to the States by Doctor Whitman
from the American rendezvous in 1835, and brought back in 1836, and was
always more or less about the mission. He was an active and intelligent
young Indian, and was basely murdered by a Catholic Indian after being
appointed a chief by Indian Agent H. A. G. Lee. He said: "I feel
thankful for the kind words of your chief. My people will take no part
in this matter. Our hearts cling to that which is good. We do not love
blood. This is the way our old chief (Cut Nose) talked; his last words
were: 'I leave you; love that which is good, be always on the side of
right, and you will prosper.' His children remember his words. He told
us, take no bad advice. Why should I take bad words from your enemies,
and throw your good words away? Your chief's words are good; I thank him
for them. My chief is in the buffalo country; he will be glad to hear I
talk thus to you. They would be sorry should I talk otherwise. This much
I tell you of the hearts of my people."
KENTUCK, a good-natured, sensible, and yet apparently crazy Indian,
said: "The chiefs have all spoken; I have listened, and now I wish to
speak a little. I have been much with the Americans and French; they
know my heart, can any one tell any thing bad of me? In war with the
Blackfeet, I and my father fought with the Americans, and my father was
killed there. He (pointing to Mr. Newell) knows it. Last year I was in
California at Captain Sutter's, and helped Captain Fremont,--not for
pay, but from a good heart. I came home, and heard the Doctor was
killed! We heard that the whites were told we were with the Cayuses. We
have not such hearts. I and my people are from the furthermost part of
our country. We had heard there that you were coming to kill off the
last Indian west of the mountains. We have never shed the blood of the
Americans. We are glad to hear that you want none but the murderers."
In the _Spectator_ of March 23, 1848, we find the following letters:--
"WAILATPU, March 4, 1848.
"_William McBean, Esq.:_
"DEAR SIR,--I have been requested by Captain McKay to apprise you
of the progress we have made in adjusting the difficulties between
the whites and Cayuses, and I am happy to say that matters are
assuming a favorable appearance. With your and his assistance, with
that of a little forbearance on the part of the troops, I believe
all that could be devised will be accomplished without further
shedding of blood.
"_Captain McKay thinks that Captain Grant_ (of the Hudson's Bay
Company) _can travel through the country with perfect safety_. Mr.
Meek will leave the first of the week. Doctor Newell will write to
Captain Grant, according to your request. In haste, I have the
honor to subscribe,
"Your humble servant,
"JOEL PALMER."
DEAR SIR,--I only have time to say a word. Stikas was here
yesterday, and things look more favorable since Gervais arrived. _I
wish to go down when your people go._ I will be ready in a few days
and come to the fort; no time for particulars; _Mr. Meek leaves
to-night._
"With respects, yours, etc.,
"R. NEWELL."
"FORT VANCOUVER, March 15, 1848.
"_Governor Abernethy, Esq.:_
"DEAR SIR,--One of the company's servants has this moment arrived
with dispatches from Wallawalla, of date the 7th instant; I hasten
to communicate the intelligence received, for your information. The
army had made its way to Wailatpu, and taken possession of the
remains of the mission, the Cayuses having been defeated, with
considerable loss, some days previously, in a pitched battle near
the Umatilla River; and had since fallen back upon the Nez Perce
country. Serpent Jaune, chief of the Wallawalla tribe, had visited
the commissioners, and decided on remaining quiet; the Nez Perces
had in part also decided for peace, and were expected in camp
within a few days. The remaining part of the tribe appeared still
undecided about the part they would take, and will, no doubt, be
much influenced in their future conduct by the success which
attends the operations of the army. _Their sympathies are with the
Cayuses_; but fear may restrain them from taking an open part
against the whites. The Cayuses remain, therefore, without any open
support from the more powerful tribes in their neighborhood, and in
such circumstances can not be expected to make a very protracted
defense.
"The accompanying copy of a letter from Mr. Palmer possesses much
of interest, and will put you in possession of further particulars.
"Our dates from Fort Colville are up to the 23d of January; the
Indians were all quiet and well disposed, _though they had been
severe sufferers from the measles and dysentery_. Their detestation
of the brutal conduct of the Cayuses has been openly and generally
expressed, as well as their determination to oppose the repetition
of such atrocities in the country. Messrs. Walker and Eells have
been induced, by the friendly protestations of the Indians about
them, to continue their residence at the mission near Spokan.
"We have letters from Fort Hall up to the 30th of December. A city
has sprung up, as if by enchantment, in the midst of the desert,
near the southern extremity of great Salt Lake. It contains a
population of 3,000, and numbers within its precincts 600 houses.
One flour-mill was in operation, and four saw-mills were nearly
finished.
"In haste, yours truly,
"JAMES DOUGLAS."
As to the letter of General Palmer, he has informed us that, while he
was attempting to effect an arrangement with the Indians, he was
satisfied that McBean was using his influence against the Americans, and
doing all he could to keep up the hostile feelings then existing, but,
by humoring and flattering him, he would do less harm than by opposing
his self-conceit.
As to Dr. Newell's note, it showed his disposition to crawl under the
shade of McBean and the Hudson's Bay "_people_" and to give them
information that would enable them to cut off the messenger sent to
Washington.
General Palmer informed McBean that he would leave the first of the
week. Newell says, "_Mr. Meek leaves to-night._"
Mr. Douglas is all friendship and affection. He has just learned that a
large body of American people are in Salt Lake Valley, and that the
Indians about the Spokan station are friendly, notwithstanding the
measles and dysentery have been severe among them.
The Indians had been defeated with considerable loss, but the
"_sympathies of the Nez Perces are with the Cayuses_." Whence did Sir
James get this information? When he wished to convince Governor
Abernethy that Mr. Ogden had done right in giving powder and ball for
making the portages at Des Chutes, he said, "_These Indians have no
fellow-feeling with the Cayuses._" We will give _another remarkable
letter_, in answer to the one Mr. Douglas refers to:--
"FORT NEZ PERCES, March 4, 1848.
"_To the Commissioners, Messrs. Palmer and Newell:_
"GENTLEMEN,--I have to acknowledge your esteemed favor of this
date, which was handed me this evening.
"I am happy to learn that your success to effect peace has so far
rewarded your endeavors, and that the Nez Perces _are on your
side_. Previous to their visiting you, the most influential chiefs
came to me, to know your real intention, which I fully explained,
and addressed them at length. They left me well disposed, and, I am
glad to learn, have acted up to their promise."
Put this statement of Mr. McBean by the side of that of Sir James
Douglas, and how does it read? March 7, "_Their sympathies are with the
Cayuses._" What are we to understand by such information given to two
different parties? Mr. McBean professes to know the views of the Nez
Perces, and, on March 4, tells the American commissioners he is happy to
learn they are on their side; and, three days after, writes to his
superior, at Vancouver, "_Their sympathies are with the Cayuses._"
General Palmer, nor any one else, need mistake the character of such a
man; and we will give the company credit for ability to select their men
to perform their appropriate business, and at the proper time.
"I now forward letters to Fort Hall and Fort Boise, and have to
request, in behalf of the company, that you be kind enough to get
them forwarded by Mr. Meek. They are of importance. On their being
delivered depends loss or gain to the company.
"WILLIAM McBEAN.
"P. S.--Please present my best respects to General Gilliam and
Major Lee."
There are two remarkable facts in these two letters. The first, "the
most influential chiefs" went to him, and he explained the real
intentions of the Americans, which, according to his report to his
superior, made them sympathize with the Cayuses; but to accomplish
another object, he would have us believe he made them favorable to the
Americans, and claims all the credit for doing so. This would have done
very well, only it leaked out, in the speeches of the Indians, the part
this agent of the company was playing.
Query 1. How came the Nez Perces, who had always been friendly with the
Americans, and never had shed any of their blood, but always fought with
and for them, to be at war--that it should require the consent or advice
of McBean, or any other Hudson's Bay Company's servant or clerk, to go
and make peace with friends?
Query 2. The importance of two letters to Forts Boise and Hall? The
_loss or gain_ to the company was of more importance to him than the
lives of the missionaries and all at the Dalles, for he would not allow
his messenger to inform them of their danger. We have in their
communications a specimen of a high and a low agent of that company
during the Cayuse war. _The Cayuse tribe_ was always more dependent upon
Fort Nez Perces for supplies than the Nez Perces, who have always had
more or less intercourse with American traders. From the deposition of
Mr. Geiger, we learn that this agent (McBean) of the company was in the
habit of interfering with the affairs of the American Indians and
missionaries, and from the deposition of Mr. Kimzey, that he was equally
officious in favoring the Jesuit missions. And now, from his own
officious letter, we learn his position in relation to the war then in
progress; that he was attempting to deceive the commissioners, as to his
operations and instructions to the Indians, is shown in the information
he communicated to Mr. Douglas, and in the letter of Colonel Waters to
Governor Abernethy.
Putting all these facts together, who is responsible for the massacre
and the war with the Cayuses?
CHAPTER LXIII.
Letter to General Lovejoy.--Call for men and ammunition.--Yankama
chief.--His speech.--Small supply of ammunition.--Letter of Joseph
Cadwallader.--Claim and a girl.--Combined Indian tribes.--Ladies of
Oregon.--Public meeting.--A noble address.--Vote of
thanks.--Address of the young ladies.--Death of Colonel
Gilliam.--His campaign.--Colonel Waters' letter.--Doubtful position
of Indians.--Number at Fort Wallawalla.--Results of the
war.--Jesuit letters.--Fathers Hoikin and De Smet.--The
Choctaws.--Indian confederacy.--Last hope of the Indian.--Jesuit
policy.--The Irish in the war of the Rebellion.--Father
Hecker.--Boasts of the Jesuits.--Letter of Lieutenant
Rogers.--Priests supply the Indians with arms and
ammunition.--Ammunition seized.--Oregon _Argus_.--Discovery of
gold.--No help for the Indian.--Withdrawal of the Hudson's Bay
Company to Vancouver.--The smooth-tongued Jesuits yet remain.
Let us now turn our attention from scenes of baseness and treachery to
such as can not fail to draw forth the more noble sentiments of the
heart. We find in the _Old Spectator_, April 20, 1843:--
"_General A. L. Lovejoy:_
"SIR,--The following was written for the _Express_, but in the
hurry and bustle of business, was omitted to be forwarded: To call
the men (158) who fought on the Tukanon and Tuchet rivers brave
were but common praise,--officers and privates fought with
unequaled bravery and skill. Captains Hall, Owens, and Thompson
behaved with all that deliberate judgment and determined bravery
that was requisite to so hard-fought and long-continued a battle.
"The incomparable services of Sergeant-Major Birch, Quartermaster
Goodhue, Judge-Advocate Rinearson, Sergeant Cook, Paymaster Magone,
can not be passed unnoticed, and deserve their country's praises.
Captains English and McKay were not in the engagement--the latter
being sick, the former returning from the Tuchet with the wagons
and the stock.
"H. J. G. MAXON,
"Commanding at Fort Wascopum."
"FORT WASCOPUM, April 7, 1848.
"_General A. L. Lovejoy:_
"SIR,--We received your letter of instructions, by express, on the
3d instant, and I assure you it gave me great satisfaction to make
them known to the troops under my command. Since the promotion of
Major Lee to the command, the boys have taken fresh courage; though
some of them can hardly hide their nakedness, they are willing
under your promises to stick it out like men.
"Give us five hundred men, and plenty of ammunition, with Colonel
Lee at our head, and I think we will soon bring the war to an
honorable close.
"_The Yankama chiefs_ came over to see us a few days ago, and
stated that they had written to the white chief but had received no
answer. [Who was the writer for the Indians? No American dare
remain in the country beyond the protection of the army.] Therefore
they had come over to see him. They spoke to us as follows:--
"'We do not want to fight the Americans, nor the French; neither do
the Spokans, a neighboring tribe to us. Last fall the Cayuses told
us that they were about _to kill the whites at Dr. Whitman's_. We
told them that was wrong, which made them mad at us; and when they
killed them, they came and wished us to fight the whites, which we
refused. We loved the whites; but they said, if you do not help us
to fight the whites, when we have killed them we will come and kill
you. This made us cry; but we told them we would not fight, but if
they desired to kill us they might. We should feel happy to know
that we die innocently.'
"I answered them as follows: 'We are glad you have come, because we
like to see our friends, and do not like to make war on innocent
people. The Great Spirit we love has taught us that it is wrong to
shed innocent blood; therefore we wish everybody to be our friends.
Our peace men long ago sent you word, that we did not come to make
war on any but those murderers who shed the blood of our
countrymen, and insulted our women. When we get those wicked men we
will go home, but those we will have; if not now, we will fight
until we do get them. We do not want to kill any but the murderers;
but all who fight with them, we consider as bad as they are. All
tribes which receive them we must make war upon, because their
hearts are bad, and we know that the Great Spirit is angry with
them. We hope your nation will not receive them. We hope that you
will not let your young men join them, because we do not wish to
kill innocent people. We hope, that if the murderers come among
you, you will bring them to us; then the Great Spirit will not be
angry with you. We that fight do not care how many bad people we
have to fight. _The Americans and Hudson's Bay Company people are
the same as one_, and you will get no more ammunition until the war
is at a close.'
"I gave them a plow as a national gift, and told them that I gave
that kind of a present because we thought tilling the ground would
make them happy. They remained with us a day and night, and then
left for their country with an assurance of friendship.
"The ammunition boats arrived here this evening, and I shall start
to-morrow for Wailatpu with nine provision wagons and baggage
wagons besides, and about one hundred men to guard them, leaving
McKay's company to guard this place until Colonel Lee's arrival
here.
"The _scanty supply of ammunition_ sent us is almost disheartening.
If the rumor that the Indians brought us this evening be true, I
fear that we will have to shoot the most of it at the Indians
before we can reach the boys. The Indians reported here this
evening that the horse-guard at Wailatpu was killed by the Indians,
and all the horses run off. I shall lose no time, I assure you, but
will relieve them with all possible speed.
"Your obedient servant,
"H. J. G. MAXON, S. C. C. O. D."
We will not stop to comment on the facts and points stated in this
letter relative to the Yankama Indians and Captain Maxon's remarks to
them, but continue our narrative from a letter of Jesse Cadwallader from
Fort Waters, April 4, 1848. At the time of writing, he did not know of
Colonel Gilliam's death. He says:--
"At present we are not in a very pleasant fix for fighting, as we
are but 150 in number, and nearly out of ammunition. Colonel
Gilliam, with the rest of the men, left here on the 20th ult. for
the Dalles for supplies. We look for them in a few days, and hope to
see more men with them. We look for the Indians to come upon us
every day. They say they will give us one more fight, and drive us
from the country. We expect they will number 1,200. The Cayuses, Nez
Perces, Wallawallas, Spokans, and Paluces will all join and fight
us, and you may expect a call for more men in a short time; we are
preparing for an attack. We are killing beef and drying it to-day. I
think we can defend this post; we shall do so or die in the
attempt.----
"We can not complain of our living, so far; we have a plenty of beef
and bread, nearly all the time. We have found several _caches_ of
wheat, peas, and potatoes. We have about thirty bushels of wheat on
hand, and the mill fitted up for grinding.
"I wish you would see to my claim on Clear Creek, for I expect to
return when this war is over, and occupy it, with some man's girl as
a companion."
The following proceedings of the ladies of Oregon City and vicinity,
which was responded to all over the country, showing how the ladies of
Oregon and this Pacific coast can respond to the call of their country,
found a welcome place in the columns of the _Spectator_. We understand
that considerable clothing has been contributed by the ladies for the
volunteers in the field. Such acts by ladies are highly commendable to
them, and can not fail to have a favorable influence in the army:--
"At a meeting convened at the Methodist church, according to
previous notice, on the 12th instant, to consult upon the best
means to aid in relieving the necessities of the soldiers, the
meeting was called to order by Mrs. Hood, when Mrs. Thornton was
called to the chair, and Mrs. Thurston (the wife of our first
delegate to Congress), was appointed secretary. Mrs. Thornton
(whose husband was then in Washington, doing all he could for the
country as a volunteer representative of its interests, while his
noble wife was teaching school and ready to aid in sustaining our
almost naked army) briefly stated the object of the meeting, when,
on motion, it was resolved to form a society, the object of which
should be to aid and assist in supporting the war (Sanitary
Society). On motion, the meeting proceeded to choose officers;
which resulted in the election of Mrs. Thornton, President; Mrs.
Robb, Vice-President; Mrs. Leslie (second wife of Rev. D. Leslie),
Treasurer; and Mrs. Thurston, Secretary.
"On motion, it was voted to appoint a committee of three, whose
duty it should be to assist the society in raising funds, etc. The
president appointed Mrs. Hood (an active, energetic old lady), Mrs.
Crawford (the wife of our first internal revenue collector), and
Mrs. Herford, said committee.
"Mrs. Robb then introduced the following address as expressive of
the sense of the meeting, to be forwarded to the army with the
clothing raised by the ladies, which, on being read, was
unanimously adopted:--
"'OREGON CITY, April 12, 1848.
"'The volunteers of the first regiment of Oregon riflemen will
please accept from the ladies of Oregon City and vicinity the
articles herewith forwarded to them. The intelligence which
convinces us of your many hardships, excessive fatigues, and your
chivalrous bearing also satisfies us of your urgent wants.
"'These articles are not tendered for acceptance as a compensation
for your services rendered; we know that a soldier's heart would
spurn with contempt any boon tendered by us with such an object;
accept them as a brother does, and may, accept a sister's tribute
of remembrance--as a token, an evidence, that our best wishes have
gone to, and I remain with you in your privations, your marches,
your battles, and your victories.
"'Your fathers and ours, as soldiers, have endured privations and
sufferings, and poured out their blood as water, to establish
undisturbed freedom east of the Rocky Mountains; your and our
mothers evinced the purity of their love of country, upon those
occasions, by efforts to mitigate the horrors of war, in making and
providing clothing for the soldiers. Accept this trifling present
as an indorsement of an approval of the justice of the cause in
which you have volunteered, and of your bearing in the service of
our common country as manly, brave, and patriotic.
"'The war which you have generously volunteered to wage was
challenged by acts the most ungrateful, bloody, barbarous, and
brutal.
"'Perhaps the kindness which the natives have received at the hands
of American citizens on their way hither, has, to some extent,
induced a belief on the part of the natives, that all the Americans
are "women" and dare not resent an outrage, however shameful,
bloody, or wicked. Your unflinching bravery has struck this foolish
error from the mind of your enemies, and impressed them with
terror, and it is for you and a brotherhood who will join you, to
follow up the victories so gloriously commenced, until a succession
of victories shall compel an honorable peace, and insure respect
for the American arms and name.
"'We have not forgotten that the soul-sickening massacre and
enormities at Wailatpu were committed in part upon our sex. We know
that your hardships and privations are great; but may we not hope,
that through you these wrongs shall not only be amply avenged, but
also that you inscribe, upon the heart of our savage enemies, a
conviction never to be erased, that the virtue and lives of
American women will be protected, defended, and avenged by American
men.
"'The cause which you have espoused is a holy cause. We believe
that the God of battle will so direct the destinies of this infant
settlement, that she will come out of this contest clothed in
honor, and her brave volunteers covered with glory.
"'The widows and orphans, made so by the massacre which called you
to the field, unite with us in the bestowment of praise for the
valuable service already rendered by you; and he who has already
proclaimed himself the widow's God, Judge, and Husband, and a
Father to the fatherless, will smile upon and aid your exertions.
Fight on, then!--Fight as you have fought, and a glorious victory
awaits you.'
* * * * *
"On motion, a vote of thanks was tendered to Mrs. Hood for her
unwearied exertions in behalf of the suffering soldiers.
"Mrs. Robb moved, That when this society adjourn, it do so to meet
at this place again on the 26th instant.
"On motion, it was then voted that the proceedings of this meeting,
with the address adopted, be published in the Oregon _Spectator_.
"On motion, the meeting then adjourned.
"Mrs. N. M. THORNTON, President.
"Mrs. E. F. THURSTON, Secretary."
The thought and sentiment manifested in the above proceedings and
address allow the reader to look right at the heart and soul of our
people. No one who reads our history will have occasion to blush or be
ashamed to know that his father or mother crossed the vast mountains and
plains of North America, found a home in Oregon, and fought back the
savages, and their more savage foreign leaders. _Oregonians_, the fact
that your father or mother was a pioneer on this coast will redound to
your honor,--as a reference to the deeds of our fathers and mothers, on
the eastern part of our continent, strengthened and nerved our hearts,
when the whole host of savage instruments of cruelty and barbarism were
let loose upon us, and many of our dearest friends fell by their
ruthless hordes! We know not who the author of that address is, but the
sentiment--the soul--belongs alone to Oregon.
In the same paper we find the sentiment still further illustrated in a
declaration of a number of young ladies. We only regret that we have not
their names; the sentiment is too good to be lost, as it shows the finer
and nobler sentiments of virtue and religion among the mothers and
daughters of Oregon, in those trying times. The communication is as
follows:--
"WALLAMET VALLEY, OREGON.
"Response by young ladies to the call of Captain Maxon for young
men in the army.
"We have read with much interest the late report from the army, and
feel ourselves under obligations to reply to the appeal made to us
in that report. We are asked to evince our influence for our
country's good, by withholding our hand from any young man who
refuses to turn out in defense of our honor and our country's
right.
"In reply, we hereby, one and all, of our own free good will,
solemnly pledge ourselves to comply with that request, and to
evince, on all suitable occasions, our detestation and contempt for
any and all young men, who _can_, but _will not_, take up arms and
march at once to the seat of war, to punish the Indians, who have
not only murdered our friends, but have grossly insulted our sex.
We never can, and never will, bestow our confidence upon a man who
has neither patriotism nor courage enough to defend his country and
the girls;--such a one would never have sufficient sense of
obligations to defend and protect a _wife_.
"Do not be uneasy about your claims and your rights in the valley;
while you are defending the rights of your country, she is watching
yours. You must not be discouraged. Fight on, be brave, obey your
officers, and never quit your posts till the enemy is conquered;
and when you return in triumph to the valley, you shall find us as
ready to rejoice with you as we now are to sympathize with you in
your sufferings and dangers."
(Signed by fifteen young ladies).
Soon after the peace arrangements, as related in the previous chapter,
the colonel and major left for the lower country. They arrived at the
Dalles, where the colonel was accidentally shot by attempting to remove
a rifle from the hind end of one of his wagons; the cap was burst, and
he received the contents of the gun, which proved fatal in a few hours.
In his death the country lost a valuable citizen, the army a good
soldier, and his family a kind husband and affectionate father. As a
commander of the provisional troops, he succeeded probably as well as
any man could under the circumstances.
_The deep schemes_ of the British fur monopoly, the baser schemes of the
Jesuits, both working together, and in connection with the Indians and
all the American dupes that they with their influence and capital could
command, it is not surprising that, as a military man, he should fail to
bring to justice the immediate or remote perpetrators of the crime he
was expected to punish. In fact, but few at the present day are able to
comprehend the extent and power of opposing influences. One of the
commissioners informed us that from the time the colonel opened a
correspondence with the priests, he appeared to lose his influence and
power and control of the troops. He lacked an essential quality as a
commander--promptness in action and decision to strike at the proper
time, as was manifest in his whole campaign. Yet, for this he is to a
certain extent excusable, as he had with his army the Indian peace
commissioners, and was acting under the orders of a governor who was
greatly deceived as to the prime movers in the war.
One of the commissioners was notoriously the dupe and tool of the
foreign monopoly in our midst, as his own history before and since has
proved. He claimed to know exactly how to deal with the difficulty. This
influence was felt by the troops, and generally acknowledged, and, as
we know from the best of authority, was the cause of the colonel's being
ordered to report at head-quarters.
After lying at Fort Waters for a considerable time, his men becoming
dissatisfied (as intimated in letters), he mounted his horse, and most
of his men volunteered to follow him for a fight. He pursued what he
supposed to be the correct trail of the murderers to a point on the
Tukanon, and there fought a small party, and learned that the murderers
were at the crossing of Snake River, some thirty miles distant. He
continued his march all night. The next morning, the murderers having
learned of his expedition in another direction, he came upon them and
surprised their whole camp. An old man came out of the lodge and made
signs of submission and pretended that the murderers were not in his
camp, but that their cattle were upon the hills. This induced the
colonel to order his men to gather the cattle and return to Fort Waters
(while Tilokaikt was then crossing the river), instead of attacking
them, as he should have done. The Indians soon gathered their best
horses, which were kept separate from the common band, and commenced an
attack upon his cumbered, retreating column, till they came near the
ford on the Tuchet, when a running fight was kept up, and an effort made
to get possession of the ford by the Indians, which it required all the
colonel's force to defeat; and like the crow and the fox in the fable,
while the colonel was giving the Indians a specimen of American
fighting, he neglected his cattle, and the Indians drove them off. But
few were wounded on either side, though, in the struggle to gain the
ford and bushes contiguous, there was swift running and close shooting,
which continued till dark. The Indians retired with their cattle, and
next day the colonel and his party, with the wounded, reached Fort
Waters, and thence he obeyed the summons of the governor to return and
report at head-quarters. While Major Lee is on his way with the body of
Colonel Gilliam to the Wallamet, and to obtain recruits and supplies of
arms and ammunition, we will see what Colonel Waters is about at
Wailatpu, April 4, 1848.
In his letter of the above date, he says:--
"Since Colonel Gilliam's departure from this place, our relations
with the _supposed friendly_ Indians have undergone a material
change; not seeing any, either friendly or hostile, for several
days, I concluded to send an express to Fort Wallawalla, and if
possible to gain some information concerning their movements, as I
had reason to believe from their long silence that there was
something wrong; I accordingly addressed a short note to Mr. McBean
on the evening of the 1st of April, and dispatched two of my men
with the same, charging them strictly to remain there during the
day, and return, as they went, in the night. They returned
yesterday in safety, and their narrative, together with Mr.
McBean's written statements, fully confirms me in my previous
views.
"The Wallawalla chief, notwithstanding his professions of
friendship to Colonel Gilliam and the Bostons, now looks upon us as
enemies. The law prohibiting the sale of ammunition appears to be
his principal hobby. By refusing it to him and his people he says
we place them on an equal footing with the guilty, and if this law
is not abrogated, they will become murderers. This sentiment he
expressed in the presence of our express bearers. [The sentiment of
Sir James Douglas, as expressed in his letter to Governor
Abernethy.]
"There were then at the fort some sixty lodges, and between two and
three hundred warriors. Mr. McBean gave what purported to be
information where the murderers had gone, stating that Ellis and
sixty of his men had died in the mountains with the measles, and
this had produced its effect upon our superstitious friends.
"The Cayuses and Nez Perces have had a big feast, which to my mind
speaks in language not to be misunderstood. Mr. McBean further
states, that the Paluce Indians, Cayuses, and part of the Nez
Perces, are awaiting the American forces, to fight them on the Nez
Perces, or Snake River; but the signs of the times justify the
conclusion that we will be attacked nearer home, and much to our
disadvantage, unless soon supplied with ammunition. They know our
circumstances about as well as we do ourselves, both as regards
ammunition and provisions, and it need not be thought strange if
they act accordingly.
"Welaptulekt (an Indian chief) is at the fort, and has brought
quite an amount of immigrant property with him, which he delivered
to Mr. McBean; says he was afraid Colonel Gilliam would kill him,
which was the reason of his not meeting him. This is the report of
the men; Mr. McBean did not mention his name. My opinion is that we
have nothing to hope from his friendship.
"I see by General Palmer's letter to Colonel Gilliam, that he
(McBean) _refused to accept the American flag_, which was presented
by his own Indians; he, of course, had nothing to fear from them.
"I have now given you the outlines of our unpleasant situation, and
doubt not that you will make every exertion to forward us
ammunition, and _men too of the right stripe_. I have exaggerated
nothing, nor has any active cautiousness prompted me to address you
upon this subject. If they do come upon us, be their numbers what
they may, rest assured, while there is one bullet left, they will
be taught to believe that the Bostons are not all _clochemen_
(women).
"I have succeeded in getting the mill to work, and we are grinding
up the little grain we found. Mr. Taylor died on the 24th of March.
The wounded are doing well. I regret to say our surgeon talks
strongly of leaving us the first opportunity. My impression is that
a more suitable person could not be obtained in that capacity. His
commission has not been sent on, which no doubt has its weight with
him.
"I have the honor to remain,
"Your obedient servant,
"JAMES WATERS, Lieutenant-Colonel."
As to the propriety of Governor Abernethy's publishing this entire
letter, there was at the time a question. With the facts since
developed, it is plain that it should not have been given to the public;
but, as we have before stated, the governor was one of those easy,
confiding, unsuspecting men, that gave a wily and unprincipled enemy all
the advantage he could ask. It was only the determined energy and
courage of the settlers that enabled them to overcome their secret and
open foes.
The evidence is conclusive, that Colonel Gilliam, through the influence
and duplicity of Newell, McBean, and the Jesuits, was induced to
withhold his men from punishing the Indians, and received and treated
with bands as guilty as the murderers themselves, thus giving an
impression to the Indians of weakness and cowardice on the part of the
troops, as well as a want of the requisite qualities for a successful
commander.
Major Lee returned to the settlement, obtained more troops and
ammunition, and was appointed colonel of the regiment in place of
Colonel Gilliam, deceased. This place he was justly entitled to fill by
seniority in the service. He then returned to Fort Waters, and, finding
the troops in the field satisfied with Colonel Waters, resigned at once,
and filled a subordinate place in the army. The troops were soon put in
motion. Captain McKay and his company of _British subjects_ were
disbanded, after being stationed a short time at Wascopum.
The troops soon drove the murderers off _to buffalo_, "_with the
propriety, decorum, and energy which the case required_," as per
"Veritas." They gathered up such of the murderers' cattle and horses as
were not claimed by professed friendly Indians, and retired to the
Wallamet, leaving a small garrison at Fort Waters and at Wascopum.
The war, though attended with little or no loss of life to the
settlement or the Indians, was of incalculable value to the American
cause. It taught the Indians, the British monopoly, and their allies,
the Jesuits, that, not withstanding they could drive from the upper
country, or middle Oregon, the missionaries of the American Board, they
could not conquer and drive the settlements from the country.
While the main effort of the Hudson's Bay Company was to rid the country
of American settlements, the Jesuits were working against American
Protestantism, and endeavoring to secure the whole country, middle
Oregon in particular, for their exclusive Indian mission. One of them,
A. Hoikin, S. J., in a letter to the editor of the _Precis Historiques_,
Brussels, dated "Mission of Flatheads, April 15, 1857" (this mission was
established by Father De Smet as early as 1841 in opposition to that of
the American Board at Spokan), says:--
"If the less well-intentioned Indians from the lower lands would
keep within their own territory, and if the whites, the number of
whom is daily augmenting in St. Mary's Valley, could act with
moderation and conduct themselves prudently, I am convinced that
soon the whole country would be at peace, and that not a single
Indian would henceforward imbrue his hands in the blood of a white
stranger.
"Were I authorized to suggest a plan, I would have all the upper
lands _evacuated by the whites and form of it a territory
exclusively of Indians_; afterward, I would lead there all the
Indians of the inferior portion, such as the Nez Perces, the
Cayuses, the Yankamas, the Coeur d'Alenes, and the Spokans.
Well-known facts lead me to believe that this plan, with such
superior advantages, might be effected by means of a mission in the
space of two or three years.
"For the love of God and of souls, I conjure you, reverend fathers,
not to defer any longer. All the good that _Father De Smet and
others have produced by their labors and visits will be lost_ and
forgotten if these Indians are disappointed in their expectation.
They weigh men's characters in the balance of honesty; in their
eyes, whosoever does not fulfill his promises is culpable; they do
not regard or consider whether it be done for good reason, or that
there is an impossibility in the execution.
"Some of them have sent their children to _Protestant schools_, and
they will continue to do so as long as we form no establishments
among them. From all this you may easily conclude that there is
_apostasy and all its attendant evils_."
In connection with the above, Father De Smet says:--
"These four letters of Rev. Father Hoikin show sufficiently, my
dear and reverend father, the spiritual wants of these nations and
their desire of being assisted. _Apostasy_ is more frequent than is
generally believed in Europe. Oh, if the zealous priests of the
continent _know what we know_,--had they seen what we have
witnessed, their generous hearts would transport them beyond the
seas, and they would hasten to consecrate their lives to a ministry
fruitful in salutary results.
"Time passes; already the _sectaries_ of various shades are
preparing to penetrate more deeply into the desert, and will wrest
from those degraded and unhappy tribes their last hope,--that of
knowing and practising the _sole_ and _true faith_. Shall they, in
fine, obtain the _black-gowns_, whom they have expected and called
for during so many years.
"Accept, reverend father, the assurance of my sincere friendship.
"P. J. DE SMET."
Would men entertaining the sentiments above expressed--sent among our
American Indians, carried about, supplied and fed, by a fur monopoly,
who were seeking in every way possible, to hold the country
themselves--be likely to teach the Indians to respect American
institutions, American missionaries, or American citizens?
Let us look at another sentiment of this Father Hoikin; he says: "When,
oh, when! shall the oppressed Indian find a poor corner of the earth on
which he may lead a peaceful life, serving and loving his God in
tranquillity, and preserving the ashes of his ancestors, without fear of
beholding them profaned and trampled beneath the feet of an _unjust
usurper_." We can not discover in this sentiment any respect or love for
the American people, or for their government, which is looked upon by
this reverend priest, as an "_unjust usurper_" of Indian
privileges;--something their own church and people have done the world
over; but being done by a free American people, it becomes "_unjust_,"
profane, and horrible. We will make a few other quotations, which we
find in the very extensive correspondence of these Jesuitical fathers,
with their society in Brussels. The writer, Father P. J. De Smet, after
enumerating the usual complaints against our government and its agents,
makes his Indian complainingly to say, "The very contact of the whites
has poisoned us." He then puts into the mouth of a Choctaw chief, a
proposition from a Senator Johnson to establish three Indian territorial
governments, "with the provision of being admitted later as distinct
members of the _Confederate United States_."
"On the 25th of last November, 1862," he says, "Harkins, chief among the
Choctaws, addressed a speech on this subject to his nation assembled in
council. Among other things he said: 'I appeal to you, what will become
us, if we reject the proposition of Senator Johnson? Can we hope to
remain a people, always separate and distinct? This is not possible. The
time must come; yes the time is approaching in which we shall be
swallowed up; and that, notwithstanding our just claims! I speak boldly.
It is a fact; our days of peace and happiness are gone, and
forever.----If we will preserve among us the rights of a people, one
sole measure remains to us; it is to _instruct_ and _civilize_ the youth
_promptly and efficiently_. The day of fraternity has arrived. We must
act together, and, by common consent, let us attentively consider our
critical situation, and the course now left us. One false step may prove
fatal to our existence as a nation. I therefore propose that the council
take this subject into consideration, and that a committee be named by
it, to discuss and deliberate on the advantages and disadvantages of the
proposition made to the Choctaws. Is it just and sage for the Choctaws
to refuse a liberal and favorable offer, and expose themselves to the
destiny of the Indians of Nebraska?'
"According to news received recently, through a journal published in the
Indian country, the speech of the chief has produced a profound
impression, and was loudly applauded by all the counselors. All the
intelligent Choctaws approve the measure.