settlements and had them in their power, but instead of revenging the
death of Elijah, they mounted each on a horse of their own, and sent
them on, telling them to go to the fort and acquaint the people that
they could not kill innocent white people in their power and lodge.
Taking for truth an Indian report, this horrible affair creates
considerable excitement, and there is some danger of its disturbing the
friendly relation that has hitherto existed between us here, and all
those formidable tribes in the region of Wallawalla and Snake River.
They had no sooner arrived, than Ellis, my interpreter, the high chief
of the Nez Perces, was deputed to come down and learn our opinions
regarding the affair. They could not have sent a better agent, the
whites all giving him a handsome and cordial reception. From Wallawalla,
he accompanied Mr. Grant, the chief trader at Fort Hall, down to
Vancouver. He called on Dr. McLaughlin, whose great experience and
address were serviceable. He spoke touchingly of the violent death of
his own son upon the northwest coast, and left the impression that he
could not avoid sympathizing with the father and friends of the deceased
young chief. Mr. Douglas, too, an early friend, patron, and favorite of
Ellis, aided much in convincing him that all the good and virtuous could
not avoid the most painful regrets at so melancholy a circumstance,
which must have occurred by reason of the difference in their customs or
laws, imperfectly understanding each other, or from some, as he would
charitably hope, excusable circumstance.
Under the influence of this salutary language and interview, Ellis
arrived at my residence, in Wallamet, about the 1st instant, having, a
short time before, got a hasty communication, written in excitement,
from Dr. Whitman, who was under serious apprehensions that it might be
avenged upon some of the whites of the upper country. Be assured I was
happy to see this my most faithful friend and interpreter. Sir, pardon
me for saying--isolated as we are here, agitated as we have a thousand
times been by faithless savages and still more faithless whites,
responsible, yet powerless and defenseless, in our unsettled state of
things--to meet with this honest man, this _real_ friend, though an
Indian, gave me hearty pleasure.
His thorough education at Red River molded him into more of the white
man than Indian. His prudence and good management with his tribe
sanctioned the choice that had been made, and all the whites spoke
handsomely of his kind offices and obliging deportment, while
immigrating through his country. Being satisfied of the safety and
policy, I feasted him, and took at once unobserved measures to have him
invited to every respectable place abroad, where the ladies and
gentlemen received him so cordially, and feasted him so richly and
delicately, that he almost forgot the object of his embassy, and, I
verily believe, thought extremely highly of the whites of Wallamet,
however ill he might have thought of the conduct of the Californians.
Being anxious to make this visit useful to him and his people, as well
as pleasant, after spending a few days in visiting the schools, as well
as the principal inhabitants and places of interest, I showed him my
little library; told him to make himself at home; put on my farmer's
garb and commenced working upon my plantation. He soon came out,
accompanied by a wealthy cousin, and begged for tools to assist me. I
loaned them, and found he was much at home in their use. He spent with
me a sufficient length of time to convince me of the truth reported
concerning his cheerfulness in labor, as well as his knowledge,
application, and assiduity in business. He spoke sensibly of the
advantages of industry, and the astonishing change that had been
effected among his people by the cultivation of the soil; assured me
that every family or lodge now raised an abundance for home consumption,
besides having considerable quantities to barter with the whites. He
says he raised, himself, the past season, six hundred bushels of peas,
with a fine crop of wheat, potatoes, beans, etc.; spoke properly of its
moral and social effects. Wars were no longer talked of, and the chase
was nearly abandoned; the book and the Bible consumed their leisure
moments. Polygamy, once so common, was now done away with, except in two
solitary cases, and not a lodge of his people but observed the Sabbath,
and regularly attended morning and evening devotion. This was only
corroborative of what I had previously heard from other sources. He
spent ten days with me in the most cheerful, agreeable, and profitable
manner, and at the close I felt myself the happier and better for the
visit; nor did I marvel that his influence was increasing and the
prospects of his people brightening.
Pardon me, for, in thinking of his visit and dwelling upon his
excellences, I had like to have forgotten his agency. Learning from Dr.
Whitman, who resides in their midst, how much they were all excited by
reason of the treacherous and violent death of this educated and
accomplished young chief, and perhaps more especially by the loss they
had sustained; and then, after suffering so many hardships and
encountering so many dangers, losing the whole,--I apprehended there
might be much difficulty in adjusting it, particularly as they lay much
stress upon the restless disaffected scamps late from Wallamet to
California, loading them with the vile epithets of "dogs," "thieves,"
etc., from which they believed, or affected to, that the slanderous
reports of our citizens caused all their loss and disasters, and
therefore held us responsible. He assured me that the Cayuses,
Wallawallas, Nez Perces, Spokans, Ponderays, and Snakes were all on
terms of amity, and that a portion of the aggrieved party were for
raising about two thousand warriors of these formidable tribes and
marching to California at once, and, nobly revenging themselves on the
inhabitants by capture and plunder, enrich themselves upon the spoils;
others, not indisposed to the enterprise, wished first to learn how it
would be regarded here, and whether we would remain neutral in the
affair. A third party were for holding us responsible, as Elijah was
killed by an American, and the Americans incensed the Spaniards. Ellis
reminded me at the same time of the ill-success the chiefs met with in
trading off their ten-dollar drafts for herds with the immigrants; which
drafts I had sent up by Mr. Lee, my interpreter, to secure peace and
safety while the immigrants were passing through their country, the year
before so many having been pillaged and robbed of their effects, through
the inattention of the chiefs.
Sir, how this affair will end is difficult to conjecture; the general
impression is, that it will lend to the most disastrous consequences to
the Californians themselves, or to the colony of the Wallamet Valley. My
principal fear is, that it will result in so much jealousy, prejudice,
and disaffection, as to divert their minds from the pursuit of
knowledge, agriculture, and the means of civilization, which they have
been for such a length of time so laudably engaged in obtaining.
Should this be the case with these numerous, brave, and formidable
tribes, the results to them, and to us, would be indeed most calamitous.
To prevent such a result, I wrote, through Ellis, a long, cordial, and
rather sympathizing letter to the chiefs of these tribes, assuring them
that I should at once write to the governor of California, to Captain
Sutter, and to our great chiefs respecting this matter. With a view to
divert attention, and promote good feeling, I invited all the chiefs to
come down in the fall, before the arrival of the immigrants, in company
with Dr. Whitman and Mr. Spalding, and confer with me upon this
subject; at the same time, as they had been so unfortunate, to bring
along their ten-dollar drafts, and exchange them with me for a cow and
calf each, out of my own herds. I likewise wrote them, that on condition
they would defer going to California till the spring of 1847, and each
chief assist me to the amount of two beaver skins, to get a good manual
labor literary institution established for the English education of
their sons and daughters (a subject they feel the deepest interest in),
I would use every measure to get the unhappy affair adjusted; and, as a
token of my regard for them, would, from my private funds, give the
chiefs five hundred dollars, to assist them in purchasing young cows in
California. I likewise proffered, as they are so eager for it, to start
the English school next fall, by giving them the services of Mr. Lee, my
interpreter, for four months, commencing in November next.
Ellis more than properly appreciated my motives and proffers, and said
he was of the full belief the chiefs would accede to my proposition;
spoke of the importance of the English school, and of the strong and
general desire to obtain it. He left in high hopes of a continuance of
peace and onward prosperity to his people.
A few days later brought me into another excitement and difficulty at
Vancouver. Two young men, named in McLaughlin's communication to this
government (a copy of which, marked A, together with a reply,
accompanies these dispatches), crossed the Columbia River, and,
unobserved, in the midst of a little thicket something over half a mile
from Fort Vancouver, felled some timber, threw up a few logs in the
shape of a hut, intending soon to finish it, put up a paper upon a
contiguous tree, stating that they had commenced and intended to
establish a claim agreeably with ----; here the note ended. Some one
about the establishment, observing the paper and commencement of the
hut, reported it to the governor, who sent down at once and had all the
timber removed from the vicinity, the tree felled, and that, with the
paper likewise, removed. They had hardly cleared the ground when the
claimants arrived with a surveyor, and commenced surveying off a section
of land, embracing the post first commenced upon. They were inquired of,
at the instance of Governor McLaughlin, as to their object and
intentions. They at once laid down the chain, dropped all business, and
walked up to the fort. Several respectable and influential American
citizens happened to be present on business, who, with myself, were
respectfully invited to hear the discussion.
Williamson, a modest and respectable young man, demeaned himself with
propriety; but Alderman, his associate, a boisterous, hare-brained young
fellow, caused me (as occasionally others do) to blush for American
honor. His language was most severe, and, but for the sake of the
country's quiet, could not have been endured; the governor and Mr.
Douglas displaying their usual calmness and forbearance. I heard the
discussion for two hours; and, becoming satisfied that no possible good
could grow out of it, remarked that with the cheerful consent of both
parties I would give my sense of the matter.
Each readily consenting, I thought best to come up on the blind side of
Alderman; treated his measures with less severity, and himself with more
consideration and respect, than he anticipated; then spoke of
Greenough's construction of the treaty between the two governments
(which I happened to have with me); of the immense district of country
dependent upon this establishment for supplies in beef, pork, etc., and
as evidence that they had no more land contiguous than was necessary for
their purposes, spoke of the number of cattle and other stock that had
died of starvation during the last winter; dwelt upon the importance of
union and good feeling among all the whites, surrounded as we were by
savages, in our weak and defenseless condition, and especially of the
propriety of establishing correct precedents in our unsettled state,
regarding land claims; and, without advising particularly either party,
took my seat.
Williamson and Alderman soon manifested a desire for a private
interview, which resulted in a suspension of hostilities for the
present, and probably an abandonment of the claim.
Now, my dear sir, suffer me to write a few things concerning this
country, which seemed to me strongly to demand the speedy attention of
the members of our government. Take fifty men from the colony, of the
most intelligence, firmness, and prudence, and anarchy and confusion
follow. Suffer a free introduction of ardent spirits, and desolation,
horror, dismay, and bloodshed ensue. Never were a people more illy
prepared for self-government, nor more unfavorably circumstanced to
succeed,--aside from the single fact of the absence of all intoxicating
drinks.
Sir, too great a portion of our population comes from the western
suburbs of civilization, for one moment's safety to us in our present
condition. I know not but I have as much patience as most men, but am
heartily tired of this state of things. Nor would I run the risk again,
by land and water, from whites and savages, for the safety and quietness
of the colony and country, for all the wealth of earth. I have not
shrunk from toil, danger, nor hardships, and though alone-handed and
unsustained, black-balled and traduced, astonishing to say, my measures
have yet succeeded. I think of the past with a clear conscience, yet at
present, at peace as we are, I look upon our critical condition with an
anxious, aching heart, feeling that the members of our government err
exceedingly toward their citizens in Oregon.
As I have so often said of this lower country, with its beauty,
excellence of soil, and mildness of climate, it might be rendered the
paradise of earth; but, sir, every thing is jeoparded by the tardiness
of our government measures; not only the poor, injured natives, but the
whites generally, have become wearied to impatience in waiting for an
expression from our government, and disaffection, with a want of
confidence, is taking the place of previous warm feeling and strong
attachment.
I regret this exceedingly, but feel it my duty to speak out in truth and
distinctness upon this important point. I have said and done what I
could to keep up confidence and hope; but already demagogues are
haranguing in favor of independence, and using the most disparaging
language regarding the measures of our government as a reason for
action. These are but the beginnings, and, though I am glad to say such
sentiments do not generally obtain, yet they are more favorably listened
to this year than last; their natural results and practical tendency you
will readily perceive.
Your annual report of 1843 reached me only a few days since, having been
broken open on the way, then put into the hands of Indians, and
forwarded to me through that channel. And while I have to regret never
having received any thing from your pen, be assured I am not insensible
to the honor done me, in speaking as you did of my report, through yours
of 1843 to the Secretary of War. I feel any kind expression from home
the more sensibly, from the torrent of opposition I have been forced to
meet and contend with here; but am happy to observe that my influence is
increasing, and my measures are being better understood and appreciated.
Influence here is most important; I felt this strikingly a few weeks
since. Three among the most correct and sensible men of the colony
formed a co-partnership to enter largely upon the brewery business. They
had already taken some steps; and as the business promised to be
lucrative, the probabilities were against me in attempting to dissuade
them from their purpose. I visited them, labored calmly, honestly, and
faithfully, and felt the difference dealing or talking with men of sense
and principle, over many with whom I have to do in Oregon.
The interview broke up most agreeably, not an unpleasant sentence having
passed; the gentlemen engaging to give me their decision very soon. This
was communicated to me two days after, in a delicate and handsome
manner, which was entirely to my wishes, the business being altogether
abandoned. This was most gratifying to me, as from such a quarter
should beer be introduced, it would be impossible for us to prevent the
introduction of stronger drink into the colony and country, which, of
all others, is most illy prepared to receive it.
The colony, now numbering about four thousand, is in a most flourishing
state, and I am doubtful if any like number are more pleased or better
contented in our wide domain. The schools of the country during the last
winter have been well sustained; I have contributed to each, as was
necessary, from ten to fifteen dollars, to pay rents, etc., and to
encourage them forward in their laudable struggle to educate their
rising families.
I attended the examination of the Methodist Institute school a few weeks
since, and was most agreeably impressed regarding the institution.
The pleasant deportment and improved manners of the young ladies and
gentlemen of the school, saying nothing of their astonishing advancement
in the different departments of literature, was a cause of the highest
gratification. I have nowhere attended an examination, taking all things
into the account, more creditable to the principal or institution. I
have called for a report, but am sorry it has not yet come to hand.
The branches taught are rhetoric, grammar, geography, arithmetic,
reading, writing, and spelling. The most enlightened and best disposed
are using their influence to strengthen the organization, and perfect
the laws of the colony. Many are favorable to the adoption of a
constitution, by calling a convention for that purpose the present
season. This being the most enlightened sense, and meeting with little
opposition, I am of the opinion it will prevail. Should this be
effected, the constitution, accompanied with a petition, will probably
be forwarded by a delegate from this country to Washington City the
coming winter. As the friends of the constitution generally wish best to
the country, and desire to have every thing so conducted as not to
embarrass, but to meet with acceptance at home, I am solicited to be
said delegate, and represent the wants of Oregon. A circulating medium
is greatly needed; however, the enterprise and onward march of this
people can not easily be repressed. Through the auspices of the Hudson's
Bay Company almost every man, requesting and needing it, is helped to
sufficient means to commence upon his section of land; and, certainly,
by far the greater number give evidence of well-placed confidence. The
prairies are dotted over with houses, and the fruitful fields are
spreading out widely all around us. Moral and religious influence, I
regret to say, is waning; yet it is gratifying to observe an increasing
interest upon the subject of schools and education; and I am happy to
say we have now eleven schools this side the mountains, most of them
small, to be sure, but they are exerting a salutary and beneficial
influence.
Pardon the length and want of interest of my report. Did not duty hold
me here, or had I funds appropriated to travel abroad to explore this
delightful region of surrounding country, from what I learn of vague
reports I have little doubt but much interesting, curious, and important
information might be collected. But here I am, doomed to sit, watch, and
sometimes almost _fight_ for peace between whites and Indians--the
question of right and wrong becoming more and more complicated
continually; while here, allow me to say, the settling these
difficulties necessarily costs me not a little. I believe most fully, in
making a settlement with an Indian or tribe, to have it a happy,
earnest, and hearty one; and, in order to effect this, they require a
present as a seal. And, sir, this is my principal means of usefulness or
influence over these poor, and, in many instances, injured natives.
Their seeming confidence and regard makes one the more patient and
cheerful in doing for them; nor can I complain, as so many east of the
mountains have been obliged to, of violated faith on the part of the
Indians. From all I can learn, on much of which little reliance is to be
placed, there appear to be about forty-two thousand Indians in the
Territory, allowing it to extend to 54 deg. 40' north latitude.
Mr. Lee's (my interpreter) report accompanying this you will observe. I
would have accompanied him but for the season of the year, and the
prevalence of the dysentery, which is sweeping off the poor natives of
this lower country. This gave rise to Dr. Long's bill, which, I hope,
will be honored, as it was a work of humanity as well as policy. I
directed it, as I could not possibly attend to those and these at the
same time, there being forty miles between us.
I hope, Providence permitting, to have the pleasure of seeing you and
the other gentlemen of the departments, at Washington, in a few weeks,
or months at longest, after this reaches, and of explaining my accounts
and reasons for expenditures.
I had not expected to draft on the department this spring; but there
were no other means of settling with Governor McLaughlin, for the want
of a circulating medium through which to operate.
Inclosed is a letter from Peter H. Burnett, Esq., which I proposed
forwarding in my last dispatches, but received too late for
transmission.
With great respect, I am, dear sir, your most humble and obedient
servant,
ELIJAH WHITE,
Sub-Agent Indian Affairs, W. R. M.
_To the Citizens of Oregon:_
GENTLEMEN,--We take the liberty of informing you that a person named
"Henry Williamson," some time about the 15th of February, this year,
took the liberty of erecting on the premises of the Hudson's Bay Company
a few logs, in the form of a hut, and wrote a notice upon an adjoining
tree that he had taken a section of land there. This was done without
our knowledge or consent, within a few hundred yards of a house occupied
by one of the Hudson's Bay Company's servants, and within the limits of
their improvements. As soon as we were informed of that proceeding, we
had the tree cut down and the logs removed, in order to prevent any
future difficulty with a person who had, in a manner so unjustifiable,
intruded on the Hudson's Bay Company's premises.
The Hudson's Bay Company made their settlement at Fort Vancouver under
the authority of a license from the British government, in conformity
with the provisions of the treaty between Great Britain and the United
States of America, which gives them the right of occupying as much land
as they require for the operations of their business.
On the faith of that treaty, they have made a settlement on the north
bank of the Columbia River; they have opened roads and made other
improvements at a great outlay of capital; they have held unmolested
possession of their improvements for many years, unquestioned by the
public officers of either government, who have, since the existence of
their settlements, repeatedly visited it; they have carried on business
with manifest advantage to the country; they have given the protection
of their influence over the native tribes to every person who required
it, without distinction of nation or party; and they have afforded every
assistance in their power toward developing the resources of the country
and promoting the industry of its inhabitants.
The tract of land they occupy, on the north bank of the Columbia River,
is indispensable to them as a range for their flocks and herds, but
otherwise of little value, being in part inundated every summer by the
waters of the Columbia, and in part unimprovable forest land.
Occupying the said tract of land by the authority of law, and under the
protection of the British government, they can not submit to the
infringement of rights so acquired; and we, as their representatives,
are bound to use every means sanctioned by the law which governs us
against all trespassers on their premises, until otherwise directed by
orders emanating from the Hudson's Bay Company.
Permit us to assure you, gentlemen, that it is our earnest wish to
maintain a good understanding, and to live on friendly terms with every
person in the country. We entertain the highest respect for the
provisional organization; and knowing the good it has effected, as well
as the evil it has prevented, we wish it every success, and hope, as we
desire, to continue to live in the exercise and interchange of good
offices with the framers of that useful institution.
The advantages of peace and harmony, of the support and maintenance of
established rights, must be as evident to every member of the community
as the evils flowing from a state of lawless misrule.
With these considerations before us, we feel confident that every person
who desires the well-being of the country, who wishes to see it
prosperous and flourishing, will unite in putting down every course
which may have a tendency to disturb the public peace, and in promoting,
by every means in his power, the cause of justice, obedience to the
laws, and mutual accommodation.
With a fervent prayer to the Divine bestower of all good for the
happiness and prosperity of every individual in the country, we have the
honor to be, gentlemen, your obedient servants,
JOHN MCLAUGHLIN.
JAMES DOUGLAS.
* * * * *
VANCOUVER, March 18, 1845.
GENTLEMEN,--I am sorry to inform you that Mr. Williamson is surveying a
piece of land occupied by the Hudson's Bay Company, alongside of this
establishment, with a view of taking it as a claim; and as he is an
American citizen, I feel bound, as a matter of courtesy, to make the
same known to you, trusting that you will feel justified in taking
measures to have him removed from the Hudson's Bay Company's premises,
in order that the unanimity now happily subsisting between the American
citizens and British subjects residing in this country may not be
disturbed or interrupted. I beg to inclose you a copy of an address to
the citizens of Oregon, which will explain to you our situation and the
course we are bound to pursue in the event of your declining to
interfere.
I am, gentlemen, your obedient humble servant,
J. MCLAUGHLIN.
WILLIAM BAILEY,
OSBORNE RUSSELL,
P. G. STEWART,
Executive Committee of Oregon.
[The above documents must be considered a full declaration of war by the
Hudson's Bay Company, as all future operations of theirs were merely
preparatory to the final consummation and attack that was made through
the Cayuses. The answer of our Executive Committee acknowledged treaty
rights that did not exist, as neither the sovereignty of the soil, nor
the boundary line, were settled, hence the joint occupancy of both as
per treaty was good.]
* * * * *
OREGON CITY, March 21, 1845.
SIR,--We beg to acknowledge the receipt of your letters,--one dated 11th
of March, and the other 12th of March,--accompanied with an address to
the citizens of Oregon.
We regret to hear that unwarranted liberties have been taken by an
American citizen upon the Hudson's Bay Company's premises, and it
affords us great pleasure to learn that the offender, after due
reflection, desisted from the insolent and rash measure.
As American citizens, we beg leave to offer you and your much esteemed
colleague our most grateful thanks for the kind and candid manner in
which you have treated this matter, as we are aware that an infringement
on the rights of the Hudson's Bay Company in this country, by an
American citizen, is a breach of the laws of the United States, by
setting at naught her most solemn treaties with Great Britain.
As representatives of the citizens of Oregon, we beg your acceptance of
our sincere acknowledgments of the obligations we are under to yourself
and your honorable associate for the high regard you have manifested for
the authorities of our provisional government, and the special anxiety
you have ever shown for our peace and prosperity; and we assure you that
we consider ourselves in duty bound to use every exertion in our power
to put down every cause of disturbance, as well as to promote the
amicable intercourse and kind feelings hitherto existing between
ourselves and the gentlemen of the Hudson's Bay Company, until the
United States shall extend its jurisdiction over us, and our authority
ceases to exist.
We have the honor to be, sir, your most obedient servants,
OSBORNE RUSSELL.
P. G. STEWART.
JOHN MCLAUGHLIN, Esq.
* * * * *
TUALATIN PLAINS, November 2, 1844.
DEAR SIR,--Your communication of the 20th October, 1844, was duly
received, and a press of business has delayed my reply till now.
In relation to the subject of inquiry contained in your letter (being
the natural resources of Oregon), I can truly say that I entertain a
very high opinion of the great and decided advantages bestowed by nature
upon this most interesting and beautiful portion of our globe.
Our facilities for commercial enterprise are most decided, as the
rapidly increasing commerce of the great Pacific lies at our very door.
The climate of this country is more _equable_, subject to fewer extremes
than any, perhaps, in the world. I have been here about one year, and
have found it most delightful, and I can truly say that it is the most
healthy country I have ever lived in. During the present year, I have
scarcely heard of a case of fever in the whole country. The timber of
Oregon is indeed most superior, and constitutes a large portion of its
wealth; and we have not only the tallest, finest timber in the world,
but we have everywhere water power to any desirable extent, suitable for
propelling all kinds of machinery.
The soil of this country is most excellent, and can be prepared and
cultivated with less labor than that of any other country. Wheat is the
great staple of the world, and as a wheat-growing country, this ranks in
the very first class. The crop is not only of the _best quality, but is
always large, and there is no such occurrence as a failure of the wheat
crop_. For potatoes, melons, turnips, and garden vegetables generally,
our soil is superior. Indian corn does not succeed well, and in fact we
have no use for it, as our cattle live all the year upon the natural
pastures of the country. Since I have been here, I have been myself
engaged in farming occupations, and I have been astonished at the very
small amount of labor required to cultivate a farm. Potatoes are
planted, and nothing more is done to them until they are ready for
digging, when they are not dug, but generally turned up with the plow.
Peas are sown broadcast, like wheat, and are neither staked nor
cultivated, and produce in great abundance. Plowing is done here from
the month of September until July, and wheat is sown from October to
May, and potatoes are planted in March, April, and May. A team of two
horses, with a very light, easy plow, can break prairie land, but a team
of two yoke of oxen is most generally used. I am informed that timothy,
clover, and blue grass all grow well in the soil of Oregon. For
pasturage this country is pre-eminent. Horses, cattle, and sheep require
neither feed nor shelter, and keep fat all the year round. Hogs are
raised here with partial feeding, and pork is generally fattened upon
wheat, and finer pork I never saw anywhere.
I omitted to mention in its appropriate place that our harvesting
commences about the 20th of July, and continues throughout the month of
August; and during the present year we had no rain from about the 1st of
July to the 15th of October, so that we had the finest weather for
saving our crops imaginable.
One thing that strikes the beholder of this country with greatest force,
is the unsurpassable beauty of its scenery. We have snow-clad
mountains, beautiful valleys, pure, rapid streams running over pebbly
beds, with numerous cascades and waterfalls, and trees of superior
grandeur and beauty.
The government of Oregon has grown up from necessity; and perhaps no new
organization has been adopted and sustained with so much unanimity and
good order. Every circumstance has tended to strengthen it. I attended
the last term of the Circuit Courts in most of the counties, and I found
great respect shown to judicial authority everywhere, and did not see a
_solitary drunken juryman, or witness, or spectator_. So much industry,
good order, and sobriety, I have never observed in any community. Our
population seem to be exceedingly enterprising, and is making rapid
progress to comfort and wealth. As yet, we have had no murders, no
robberies, thefts, or felonies of any kind, except one assault with
intent to kill. Our grand juries have exhibited very laudable assiduity
in discharging their duties, and criminals here will meet with certain
and prompt punishment.
Nature has displayed here her most magnificent powers, and our country
has its full share of natural advantages. Our prospects are most
brilliant. If we can keep out intoxication, _and we will do it_, half a
century will not roll away before there will exist in Oregon one of the
most industrious, virtuous, free, and commercial nations in the world.
I have already protracted this communication beyond its appropriate
length, and will now close it by subscribing myself,
Yours, etc.,
PETER H. BURNETT.
Dr. E. WHITE.
* * * * *
WALLAMET, OREGON, April 4, 1845.
SIR,--I have the honor and happiness of informing you, and through you,
if it be your pleasure, the American public, that measures have been
taken by myself and the citizens in this colony, to open a wagon route
through from the upper part of this valley, the present season, directly
to Fort Hall, or Green River; the pilot returning and escorting the
immigrants through the much shorter, easier, and every way more
advantageous route. The immigrants will thereby be enabled to bring with
them their herds, wagons, and all their effects at once directly into
the heart of the Wallamet Valley; saving thereby an immense amount of
toil, hardship, and suffering, saying nothing of the necessary
destruction and increased danger of the other route.
Your humble and obedient servant,
E. WHITE,
Sub-Agent Indian Affairs, W. R. M.
The messenger is leaving.
* * * * *
OREGON CITY, March 4, 1845.
_Dr. E. White:_
SIR,--In compliance with the request you made to me, that I should
notice and communicate to you whatever I might deem of interest during
my visit, in your employ, to the various Indian tribes east of the
Cascade Mountains, bearing to them presents with admonitions and advice
from you in order to secure the safety and peace of the immigrants in
their passage through their country, the following is submitted:--
1. _The Nez Perces_.--Your acquaintance with this promising people
renders it unnecessary for me to speak of their general character. I
would simply remark, that their anxieties to become a civilized and
literary nation have suffered no abatement since I left them in March
last, after passing the winter with them most pleasantly, as teacher, in
the employ of Rev. H. H. Spalding, missionary. Ellis, with most of the
chiefs, was absent, having gone to meet the immigrants, then in the
vicinity of Fort Boise, with a view to furnish them provisions, and
trade them horses for cattle. You are aware of their eagerness to obtain
domestic stock with all farming utensils, which I regard as one of the
most interesting facts connected with Indian affairs west of the Rocky
Mountains. Avarice is doubtless the ruling passion of most Indians, and
forms a capital upon which those engaged in Indian affairs may operate
for good or evil. With the Nez Perces, it has thus far been turned to
good account, effecting results as beneficial to the whites and more
salutary to the natives themselves, on this side the mountains, than has
been effected on the other side by military force. Such is the
prevalence of this "love of gain" among the Indians, that all efforts to
control them by motives held out to any other passion, must prove
ineffectual, at least, while we are unable to awe them by martial
parade.
The individual difficulties existing between James, Timothy, and others,
in relation to their claims on the valley, about the Clearwater Mission,
are, for the time, put to rest, by the promise that you will visit them
soon, and have the matter properly adjusted. Their crops this year have
been abundant, and they have furnished the immigrants large supplies of
provisions, which, I am happy to say, were bartered in good faith, and
the trade conducted with much amity and good feeling on both sides,
while I have to regret that Ellis and his people were unable to procure
cattle to any extent worthy of notice. The presents were received, and
the advice heard with a most respectful attention.
2. _The Cayuses_ are also manifesting a spirit of enterprise, highly
commendable. They too, have raised much grain and potatoes, and are
trading freely with the immigrants. A number of their chiefs and
principal men were absent at the time, having gone, in company with a
party of Wallawallas, to California, with horses to trade for cattle.
They have since returned, and I sincerely regret to learn the failure of
this, their first expedition of the kind. The Spaniards and other whites
treated them badly; murdered one of the most promising young men of the
Wallawallas, and the party returned without effecting the object of
their trip. What influence this affair will have upon the conduct of
these two tribes in reference to the next immigration passing through
their countries, time alone must determine.
The lawless bands along the river, from Fort Wallawalla to the Dalles,
are still troublesome to the immigrants; and the immigrants are still
very imprudent in breaking off into small parties, just when they should
remain united. The Indians are tempted by the unguarded and defenseless
state of the immigrants, and avail themselves of the opportunity to
gratify their cupidity. Here allow me to suggest a thought. These
robbers furnish us a true miniature likeness of the whole Indian
population, whenever they fail to obtain such things as they wish in
exchange for such as they have to give. These are robbers now, because
they have nothing to give; all others will be robbers when, with what
they have to give, they can not procure what they wish. I am satisfied
of the correctness of this conclusion, from all that I have witnessed of
Indian character, even among the praiseworthy Nez Perces. And should the
government of the United States withhold her protection from her
subjects in Oregon, they will be under the necessity of entering into
treaty stipulations with the Indians, in violation of the laws of the
United States, as preferable to a resort to force of arms. Hitherto, the
immigrants have had no serious difficulty in passing through the
territory of these tribes; but that their passage is becoming more and
more a subject of interest to the Indians, is abundantly manifest. They
collect about the road from every part of the country, and have looked
on with amazement; but the novelty of the scene is fast losing its power
to hold in check their baser passions. The next immigration will, in all
probability, call forth developments of Indian character, which have
been almost denied an existence among these people. Indeed, sir, had you
not taken the precaution to conciliate their good feelings and
friendship toward the whites, just at the time they were meeting each
other, it is to be doubted whether there had not been some serious
difficulties. Individuals on both sides have been mutually provoked and
exasperated during the passage of each immigration, and these cases are
constantly multiplying. Much prudence is required on the part of the
whites, and, unfortunately, they have very little by the time they
reach the Columbia Valley. Some of the late immigrants, losing their
horses, and very naturally supposing them stolen by the Indians, went to
the bands of horses owned by the Indians and took as many as they
wished.
You are too well acquainted with Indians to suppose that such a course
can be persisted in without producing serious results. I am aware that
this is looking at the dark side; but sir, perhaps it is wisdom to look
at that side when it is more than half turned toward us, if, by looking,
we can find some way to turn it back again. I look to Ellis, and the
speedy action of the general government of the United States, as the
brightest features in the prospect now before us. Your knowledge of my
situation and circumstances render any apology unnecessary for this
imperfect scroll.
I remain, your humble servant,
H. A. G. LEE.
Dr. E. WHITE,
Sub-Agent Indian affairs, W. R. M.
* * * * *
OREGON TERRITORY, July 8, 1845.
_To the Hon. the Secretary of the War Department:_
DEAR SIR,--I beg leave, most respectfully, to submit a few thoughts for
your consideration, relative to the course pursued by Dr. E. White, our
late Indian sub-agent, now on the eve of leaving us. I would not venture
to intrude upon your time, but for the reason that I am aware that Dr.
White leaves with an anxious and laboring mind, in view of the state of
his finances, fearing, perhaps, a proper consideration might not be
given to the situation and circumstances in which he has been placed in
this isolated portion of our wide domain. I consider it but justice to
Dr. White, to say, having crossed the mountains with him, that he
exerted himself, and did much toward raising the first party that were
of a sufficient number to travel independent of the trading companies to
the mountains; thereby opening the way, and making the first track to
Oregon; and since his arrival, by his promptness, decision, and
firmness, we have been saved from the baneful influence and degradation
of ardent spirits here, in our infant colony; and by his kind,
conciliatory measures, active charity, and judicious conduct among the
Indians, he has done much for them, and probably, in several instances,
fended off the arrow of savage warfare.
The indefatigable perseverance, expense, and time Dr. White has been at
in ferreting out a road across the Cascade Mountains,[11] which will
intersect the old wagon road in the vicinity of Fort Hall, cutting off
some two or three hundred miles of the worst portion of the road,
entirely avoiding the Columbia River, and the dangers incident to these
waters, by an inexperienced, worn-out, and fatigued immigration. By this
new route, the immigrants will find themselves greatly relieved, and
saved from immense trouble, as they will as readily reach the head of
the Wallamet settlement, as they would, by the old, reach Wallamet;
avoiding the difficulties and dangers of the Snake and Columbia rivers.
In conclusion, allow me to observe that the sacrifice one is obliged to
make in funds of this country, to render them specie, or available
drafts, is immense; and it is almost impossible to do it at all, to any
amount. Consequently, the doctor finds himself very much embarrassed in
his financial concerns, being obliged to draft on his government for his
entire expenditures in his official capacity. Be pleased to accept,
etc., my dear sir,
While I remain yours, With due regard and great respect,
A. LAWRENCE LOVEJOY.
[Footnote 11] The Cascade ridge of mountains was found to be
high and difficult to pass; and it is doubtful with me if the
immigrants succeeded in crossing over with their wagons and
effects, into the valley of the Wallamet.
* * * * *
OREGON, August 14, 1845.
The following resolution was introduced and adopted in the House of
Representatives of Oregon Territory, this day:--
_Resolved_, That this House recommend to the favorable consideration of
the government of the United States, the just claims of Dr. Elijah
White, sub-Indian agent, to remuneration for the heavy expense by him
incurred, in attempting to discover a southern pass through the Cascade
Mountains.
M. M. MCCARVER, Speaker.
Attest: J. E. LONG, Clerk.
* * * * *
WASHINGTON CITY, Dec. 9, 1845.
_Hon. W. Medill:_
DEAR SIR,--Allow me to say a word in behalf of my friend, Dr. Elijah
White, Indian agent in Oregon, who desires to arrange at the department
the accounts of his four years' service in that Territory. Dr. White,
with whom I passed the winter of 1844 upon the Wallamet, has had
unnumbered difficulties surrounding him, and has performed his duties
with great delicacy and happy success. My conviction is, that he has
performed services in Oregon, both to whites and Indians, equal to those
of several agencies combined, on our western frontier, at a very
inadequate compensation, and with very stinted means. All whom I heard
comment upon the administration of his office have accorded to him great
praise for ardor and industry; and those among whom he has officially
acted will be gratified to hear that he has met a generous reception at
the department.
Yours, with great respect,
WILLIAM GILPIN.
* * * * *
WAR DEPARTMENT, }
OFFICE OF INDIAN AFFAIRS, Jan. 5, 1846. }
SIR,--The Secretary of War is desirous that you should return to your
agency as early as practicable, and has authorized me to say that the
Department will allow to you the sum of three hundred dollars ($300) to
defray your expenses there.
Instructions in relation to your duties will be given you when you reach
this city, or will be forwarded to you at such place as you may
designate. An immediate reply will be expected.
Very respectfully, your obedient servant,
W. MEDILL.
Dr. ELIJAH WHITE, Lansingville, Tompkins Co., N. Y.
Since the above requirement I have been detained here waiting the action
of Congress upon the following bill, to release me from the
responsibilities of my government protested drafts, which, from the
rapid influx of white population to that distant Indian country, the
necessities of my position have compelled me to incur.
I am now out of employment, and on heavy expenses, and under obligation,
from important engagements, to leave for Oregon soon, in order to reach
my destination this fall.
Should the following report of the Senate committee prove satisfactory,
and all be persuaded that I have acted correctly, and expended no more
than the honor of our government and the necessities of my position
required, I will feel greatly obliged if Congress, "now so much relieved
from heavy national and public affairs," will take up my bill and pass
it through informally, as these protested drafts crowd and embarrass me
much.
The Indian Department have reconsidered the case, and, as the report of
the committee will show, done for me what they felt authorized to do;
and I now most respectfully pray your honorable consideration to the
payment of the residue, that I may go back to the land of my adoption
unembarrassed, and happy in the consideration that our Congress will do
right. And that any small presents, and other reasonable expenses to
conciliate Indians where our citizens are settling on their unbought
lands, will be cheerfully met.
Should any member desire an explanation, please drop me a note, and I
will call at the moment required. Only pray act, and let me be off; for
I thirst to be on the prairies of the far west, making my way to the
valley of the Wallamet.
* * * * *
The documents from the Legislature of Oregon arrived and defeated the
doctor.
The following extract is from the report of the Senate Committee on
Indian Affairs on the petition of Dr. White:--
"Your committee finds this first charge to be the amount actually
and necessarily expended by the petitioner, and believes it to be
moderate and equitable, and that it ought to be allowed.
"The second charge appears equally just, and to have been made in
compliance with the instructions of T. Hartley Crawford,
superintendent of Indian affairs, of February 9, 1842, and enforced
by the resolution of the Oregon Legislature, expressing the hope
that Congress will reimburse the expenses of the petitioner thereby
incurred.
"The third charge is for moneys actually paid under the specified
heads by the petitioner, and for which drafts are now under
protest, being disallowed by the department. These accounts, your
committee finds, have been suspended by the department under a
decision made to restrict the petitioner to the amount allowed by
law to sub-agents, viz., $1,250 per annum in all. Your committee
believes that these amounts are equitably and justly asked, and
should be granted by Congress, although the committee approves of
the decision of the department, and thinks, in cases like the
present, that such extra allowances should be made only by
Congress.
"Your committee has had a variety of testimony before it, showing
that the affairs of his position have compelled the petitioner to
transact and regulate Indian relations among ten large tribes, and
many more smaller ones, speaking different languages, and for the
most part warlike, excitable, and suspicious people. The Indian
population, among whom he has been the only official organ, amounts
to twenty-five thousand souls. The petitioner has been left to
support himself by his solitary energies and exertions, without the
aid of troops, annuities, or the awe which the power of the
government exercises over Indians to whom it is known. The prices
of all articles (especially provisions), and the wages of
interpreters and assistants, and the means of traveling and
transportation are very high, and difficult to be procured.
"Your committee believes that the petitioner would be left without
any compensation for four years of arduous, harassing, and
vexatious services, unless the relief for which he prays be
extended to him by Congress.
"The committee, therefore, reports the accompanying bill, and
recommends its passage, as sanctioned by the equity and justice of
the case, and according with the uniform policy and practice of the
Congress of the United States in similar cases."
We wish to state that the reason for quoting Dr. White's report so
extensively is from the facts embodied in it, wholly independent of his
self-lauding statement. Did we not know that Mr. Cornelius Rogers and
Mr. H. A. G. Lee were his advisers and interpreters, we would not quote
him as at all reliable in any of his Indian councils or proceedings.
CHAPTER LI.
1845.--Public meetings to elect delegates to
convention.--Candidates for governor.--Members elected to the
Legislative Committee.--Oath of office.--Mr. Applegate's
announcement.--Dr. McLaughlin's amphibiousness.--Description of the
members of the Legislative Committee.--Business of the
session.--Ermatinger's election contested.--Mr. Garrison's
resolutions.--Anti-slavery resolution.--Organic law
revised.--Improvements and condition of the country.
1845.--Public meetings had been held in most of the districts, and
nominations made for the Legislative Committee. Delegates were elected
to meet at Champoeg in convention, to nominate candidates for governor,
supreme judge, and Territorial recorder.
In this convention A. L. Lovejoy, George Abernethy, O. Russell, and Dr.
Bailey were candidates for governor. After several ballotings, Mr.
Lovejoy received a majority of the votes, and was declared the regularly
nominated candidate. Mr. Russell's friends were dissatisfied, and in the
final vote at the June election, joined with Mr. Abernethy's friends and
elected him, although he was absent from the country. This left the old
Executive Committee in power until after the meeting of the Legislative
Committee, and revision of the organic laws, which was the first
business the committee attended to, and submitted the amended organic
compact to the people for their approval.
The members elected were:--
From Clackamas County: H. A. G. Lee, W. H. Gray, H. Straight.
From Champoeg County: R. Newell, J. M. Garrison, M. G. Foisy, and B.
Lee.
From Yamhill County: Jesse Applegate and A. Hendricks.
From Tualatin County: M. M. McCarver, J. W. Smith, and David Hill.
From Clatsop County: John McClure.
The oath administered to this Legislative Committee shows the feelings
of the mover (Mr. Applegate) toward the Hudson's Bay Company.
OATH OF OFFICE.--"I do solemnly swear that I will support the
organic laws of the provisional government of Oregon, so far as
the said organic laws are consistent with my duties as a citizen
of the United States, or a subject of Great Britain, and
faithfully demean myself in office. So help me God."
In starting from Missouri to come to this country in 1843, Mr.
Applegate announced to his traveling companions, as we have been
credibly informed, that he meant to drive the Hudson's Bay Company from
the country. To reach the country independent of them, he had sold or
mortgaged his cattle to get supplies at Wallawalla. On arriving at
Vancouver, he found Dr. McLaughlin to be much of a gentleman, and
disposed to aid him in every way he could. The doctor advised him to
keep his cattle and gave him employment as a surveyor, and credit for
all he required. This kind treatment closed Mr. Applegate's open
statements of opposition to the company, and secured his friendship and
his influence to keep his Missouri friends from doing violence to them.
He carried this kind feeling for them into the Legislative Committee.
At this point the amphibious disposition of Dr. McLaughlin (a term
applied to the doctor, by a member of the company, for his supposed
friendship to the American cause) began to develop itself; and in
proportion as he favored American interests he fell in the estimation of
the company and the English government.
The oath of office presented by Mr. Applegate, and supported by Messrs.
Newell, Foisy, McCarver, Garrison, Smith, and Hendricks, shows that
these men were favorable to a union with the company or the English
party in the country. This would have been right and honorable, had
there been a corresponding honorable confidence on their part; but, as
the sequel will show, this was not the case. They were willing to favor
our organization and give it a _quasi_ support while it served their
purposes and afforded them an opportunity to work for its final
overthrow.
As a citizen, Mr. Applegate has been one of our best; as a politician,
he has acted on the old Whig platform, that, with him, has never been
revised. Though half the American continent has been changed since he
adopted it, yet his political creed is the same as that announced by
Hamilton in the _Federalist_. My first impression of him was, that he
was better versed in the principles of that party than in those of
religion, or the general interests of a new country. The fact that the
Hudson's Bay Company, or rather Dr. McLaughlin, early secured his
personal friendship, was the cause of his losing caste among his
Missouri friends, and also among the larger portion of the settlers that
the company were not disposed to favor. In his legislative capacity he
was invaluable. His mind was clear and distinct, and he was generally
correct in his conclusions. Though not a good debater, yet his
mathematical calculations, and straight lines, always came close to the
mark. He was kind and obliging to a friend or favorite, but severe on
his enemies.
Mr. Abijah Hendricks, from the same county, was a plain farmer, who
followed the lead of Mr. Applegate, causing him to always count two in
any vote.
Mr. J. H. Smith, of Tualatin County, was also a plain farmer, and
generally voted with Mr. Hill.
Mr. M. G. Foisy, from Champoeg, a Frenchman, followed the lead of Mr.
Newell.
Mr. Barton Lee was of the independent Democratic pro-slavery school,
generally voting against mission interests, from personal prejudice, and
was equally ignorant of and prejudiced against the Hudson's Bay Company;
following the lead of H. A. G. Lee.
J. M. Garrison was a perfect weathercock, and none could tell from his
speeches or actions what his vote would be.
H. Straight, of Clackamas County, was a man of strong prejudices and but
little legislative ability, pro-slavery in sentiment, and strongly
opposed to the company and mission influences. He generally voted with
Mr. Hill, of Tualatin District.
John McClure, of Clatsop County, a man of fine appearance and generally
respected for his age, but, as a politician, having no influence--merely
occupying a place. He was of the pro-slavery school--extremely bitter
and sarcastic in his conversation against all who fell under his
displeasure, yet liberal to personal friends, and kind to strangers; but
severe alike on the Hudson's Bay Company and religious societies. He was
inclined in his own religious ideas to Romanism.
H. A. G. Lee was a young man of talent, firmness, and unimpeachable
character. He acted with caution, and generally right. He was not a
verbose, but a conclusive debater. In short, the words of a debate were
uttered by McCarver, and the conclusions and final action followed Lee,
who was always ready, with Applegate and Gray, to do his full share of
writing and labor.
As we have before stated, the first business of this Legislative
Committee was, to revise and prepare an organic law, which could be
submitted for the adoption of the people. The whole number of voters was
about eight hundred.
While this was being done by a special committee consisting of H. A. G.
Lee, Newell, Applegate, Smith, and McClure,--one from each county
represented,--another special committee, consisting of Gray, Applegate,
H. A. G. Lee, McClure, and D. Hill, were appointed to draft a memorial
and petition, to be forwarded to the Congress of the United States,
setting forth the condition, situation, relations, and wants of this
country. These two objects occupied the greater portion of the time of
this Legislative Committee, during their session of eleven days.
On the third day of the session, the question as to the legality of
allowing Francis Ermatinger to hold the office of treasurer came up, and
it was finally decided that there were not sufficient grounds for
contesting the election. Ermatinger was then a member of the Hudson's
Bay Company, and so was Dr. McLaughlin. Hill and Straight were the only
two who voted against Ermatinger's holding that office. I have no doubt,
from the feeling and influence just then operating among the officers
and servants of the company and English colonists (which subsequent
events have proved), that they were laboring to divide the American
influence, by coming in and appearing to act with us. Ermatinger was
popular among the Americans, and received the entire French vote, and
was declared duly elected by the Legislative Committee.
On the fifth day of the session, J. M. Garrison (I think he was called
Rev. in those days) brought in a set of resolutions which speak for
themselves.
"On motion of Mr. Garrison--
"_Resolved_, That whereas the people of Oregon, assembled _en
masse_, did, on the 2d day of May, 1843, resolve that no tax should
be levied upon this people, confirming the same by the adoption of
the report of the committee of ways and means, adopted by the
Legislative Committee and referred to the people _en masse_, and by
them enacted on the 5th day of July, 1843; therefore,
"_Resolved_, That this house has no right to levy a tax of any kind,
without the consent of the free voters of this Territory previously
obtained.
"_Resolved_, That all acts and parts of acts on that subject passed
by the Legislative Committee were contrary to the express resolution
and action of the people."
These resolutions were referred to committee of the whole, where they
found a silent grave.
Dr. White by this time is coming up for a big splurge. Our young friend
H. A. G. Lee proposes to make him the bearer of our memorial to
Congress, by introducing a resolution, "That the clerk be required to
furnish to Dr. E. White a copy of the memorial to Congress, as soon as
it shall be properly signed, as per resolution of yesterday."
This resolution elicited a little discussion, and a statement that Dr.
White was not to be trusted with any public document to the government,
as he would more than probably change, or so arrange those documents as
to secure his own personal ends, whatever they might be. By those
unacquainted with Dr. White this was considered strange and unreasonable
prejudice against him; so that on the final question there were but
Gray, Hill, and Straight who voted against placing the documents in his
hands.
On the last day of this session Mr. Applegate introduced a test question
on the subject of slavery, precisely the same as that introduced by
Garrison four days previous.
"_Resolved_, That this government can recognize the right of one
person to the services of another only upon _bona-fide_ contract
made and entered into, and equally binding on both parties."
_Yeas_--Applegate, Gray, Smith, McCarver, Garrison, Hill, H. A. G. Lee,
Hendricks, and Foisy--10.
_Nays_--Straight, B. Lee, and McClure--3.
We must now adjourn our Legislative Committee a few days, and see what
is going on outside.
The organic laws of the people first adopted at Champoeg, July 5, 1843,
had been revised, and unanimously adopted by the Legislative Committee,
and submitted for the vote of the people, July 26, 1845.
On page 431 of Mr. Hines' book, he says: "In the spring of 1844 a new
Legislative Committee was elected, which embraced two or three lawyers,
who arrived in the country the previous fall. This committee passed a
vote recommending several important alterations in the organic laws,
which were found to be, in their practical operations, somewhat
defective. As the people had not yet surrendered their law-making power
into the hands of the Legislative Committee, it was necessary to call an
election to ascertain the will of the people in relation to the proposed
alterations and amendments. This election took place, and resulted in
the adoption of the organic laws, with the proposed alterations and
amendments, by an overwhelming majority. The principal alterations thus
effected relate to the three powers of government,--the legislative,
executive, and judicial. Instead of a committee of nine, whose acts were
to be confirmed or rejected by a subsequent vote of the people, the
legislative power was vested in a House of Representatives, to consist
of not less than thirteen nor more than sixty-one members, possessing
all the powers usual to such bodies. Instead of a committee of three,
the executive power was vested in one person, to be elected by the
qualified voters at the annual election, and possessing the powers
common to the governors of the different States."
We are unable to understand Mr. Hines when he says, "As the people had
not yet surrendered their law-making power into the hands of the
Legislative Committee, it was necessary to call an election to ascertain
the will of the people." This statement shows the ignorance of Mr. Hines
as regards the organic laws adopted by the people of Champoeg. Mr.
Saxton, who was in the country at the time, and took copies of those
laws attested by Mr. Le Breton (which have already been given), found an
organic law with an executive, legislative, and judicial department, the
same as the committee of 1845, and all that was requisite was to revise,
select out, and define the powers and duties of the several departments.
As a matter of policy, and to harmonize and consolidate, as much as was
possible, all the conflicting interests and influences in the country,
the presence of British subjects was admitted, their treaty rights were
acknowledged by our laws, and they were admitted to a voice and
representation in the provisional government.
The liberal course pursued by the Legislature of 1845 has fixed the deep
stain of ingratitude and infamy upon the British subjects who
participated in our organization, and received its benefits and
protection, till they had completed their arrangements for its
destruction, just as slavery grew under the fostering care of a liberal
and generous government, and then attempted to crush and destroy its
protector.
From a review of Mr. Hines' book, I find that he was on a tour from
Oregon to New York by way of China, during 1845 and 1846. This will
account for his want of information regarding the political events that
were taking place during that time; and also shows the views he
entertained on leaving the country.
Dr. McLaughlin had completed his saw-mill and flour-mill at Oregon City.
The Milling Company had also put up mills at that place which were now
in successful operation, and the country generally was in a prosperous
condition.
Dr. Whitman had much annoyance and difficulty with the Indians on
account of interference and tales told them by old Toupin, Doreo,
Gervais, the priests, and others who were jealous of his labors and
success among them.
He had purchased the Dalles station of the Methodist Mission, and
engaged Mr. Hinman to occupy it until other arrangements could be made.
Mr. Spalding was engaged in improving his farm, also printing books in
the Nez Perce language on his small press, and translating and printing
portions of the Bible, for the use of the natives. He had a saw-mill and
grist-mill at his station; and about three hundred of his Indians, and
one hundred at Dr. Whitman's, were cultivating patches of ground.
Messrs. Walker and Eells were staying at Cimakain, ready to depart any
time, as stated by Mr. Brouillet. On page 9 of his narrative, he says:
"A missionary of the Spokans, writing to Dr. Whitman, as early as 1839,
has said: 'The failure of this mission is so strongly impressed upon my
mind, that I feel it necessary to have cane in hand, and as much as one
shoe on, ready for a move. I see nothing but the power of God that can
save us.'" _Query._--Where did Rev. Vicar-General Brouillet get this
letter, and for what purpose did he preserve it? Did he find it among
Dr. Whitman's papers, when he was hunting them over to find the vial of
poison to show the Indians as per deposition in the case?
Brouillet continues: "These facts and statements prove clearly, I think,
that there existed among the Indians, long before the arrival of the
bishop of Wallawalla and his clergy, _strong causes of dissatisfaction
against the Protestant missionaries and the Americans in general, and
that they formed a leaven that had been fermenting several years_." This
statement of Vicar-General Brouillet is unquestionably true, but,
unfortunately for him, he is standing on the outer line of the circle,
and has no personal knowledge of inside influences; hence he reasons
from effect and guesses at the cause. He is anxious to so arrange cause
and effect, as to remove suspicion of crime from a sect, and thereby
involves his friends and himself, and furnishes the strongest proof of
the complicity and guilt of both in the crime alleged against them. The
"leaven" that had been fermenting is just what we are bringing to light.
The Hudson's Bay Company were repairing and strengthening their forts,
under the plea that they wished some bastions from which they could
salute her Majesty's ships on their arrival and departure from the
river; at the same time they were laboring to secure political influence
in the settlements, through their American dupes and tools.
While combining the Indian tribes, they were encouraging Jesuitical
religious teachers among them; and while preparing for self-defense,
they were dividing the settlement into parties and factions.
The Methodist Mission influence was but little, and mission credit was
worse than greenbacks in 1864. As to commerce, it was nearly or quite
under the control of the Hudson's Bay Company, also the market value of
all produce in the country.
CHAPTER LII.
1845.--Second session of the Legislative Committee.--Mr. McCarver
removed from the office of Speaker.--Mr. Applegate's
resolutions.--Protest of Gray, Foisy, and Straight.--A legislative
incident.--Law against dueling.--Dr. White addresses the
Legislature.--Resolutions.--Dr. White denies the right of the
settlers to organize a provisional government.--McCarver signs
documents without authority.--Resolutions by the house on the
subject.--Impertinent letter from Dr. White to the house.--White
cornered by President Polk.--Incidents in White's temperance
movements.--Proposition to repeal all laws for the collection of
debts.--The Currency act.--Adjournment of the Legislature in
August.--Meets again in December.--Proposal to locate the capital.
The Legislative Committee, at their second session, August 5, 1845, met
under the revised and amended organic law, which had been previously
adopted by the people by a majority of two hundred and three. There were
between two and three hundred votes against the revision or amendments.
Many voted against it, on account of its allowing the Hudson's Bay
Company's English and French followers an equal voice with the Americans
and others, and on account of its allowing the Legislature the power to
_regulate_ the introduction, manufacture, and sale of liquors.
McCarver claimed that he was Speaker of the house, under the organic law
as revised. This caused some discussion and voting and the introduction
of a resolution requesting him to resign his position as Speaker, which
he declined to do. Gray moved that the vote electing him Speaker of the
house be reconsidered. McCarver then proceeded to organize the house, to
suit his views of matters, by appointing new committees, and went
forward as if no previous committees had been appointed. When his
appointments were all made, Gray inquired if, in the opinion of Mr.
Speaker McCarver, the house was properly organized. He replied that it
was. Gray then appealed to the house, and was sustained, McCarver having
denied his own position by appointing new committees. On motion of Mr.
Straight, Mr. McCarver was removed from his office as Speaker, and
Robert Newell elected _pro tem_.
Applegate, for reasons never fully explained, introduced two
resolutions, which show either a short-sighted view of matters, or a
foolish policy on his part, to wit:--
"_Resolved_, That the people of Oregon are not, in the opinion of
this house, morally or legally bound by any acts of the officers or
agents of the people not expressly authorized or sanctioned by the
instrument in virtue of which they had their official existence.
"_Resolved, further_, That this house can not assume, in behalf of
the people, the payment of any debt, or the refunding of any funds
borrowed, or otherwise unlawfully contracted or obtained, without
first obtaining the consent of the people."
On motion, the vote referring said resolution to committee of the whole
was reconsidered, when the rules were suspended, the resolution read a
second time, and referred to committee of the whole.
On the fifth day of the session, the resolutions of Mr. Applegate were
called up, and Messrs. Applegate, Garrison, Hendricks, Hill, H. Lee, B.
Lee, McClure, and Smith voted for, and Foisy, Gray, Straight, and
McCarver against. Newell asked to be excused. These resolutions had the
effect, designed or not, to destroy the credit of the provisional
government.
On the sixth day of the session, Gray, Foisy, and Straight presented,
and, on motion, were allowed to enter, their protest against their
adoption, as follows:--
"_Whereas_, A resolution, with a preamble, containing a direct and
positive censure upon the proceedings of the Oregon government, was
introduced into this house by Jesse Applegate, asserting that this
house, and the people of Oregon, are not morally or legally bound
for any act of said government, to the payment of any debts
contracted, or unlawfully borrowed, except they had previously
obtained the consent of the people.
"_And whereas_, From the wording of said resolution, two
constructions may be placed upon it; the one amounting to a
repudiation of all debts heretofore contracted, or money borrowed;
the other implying a want of confidence in the agents and officers
of this government; therefore,
"We, the undersigned, decidedly and solemnly protest against the
adoption of any such resolutions or expressions by this house, as
they not only do no good, but tend to great evil, in destroying the
confidence of the people in the agents and officers of this
government, without sufficient cause.
"W. H. GRAY.
"M. G. FOISY.
"H. STRAIGHT.
"OREGON CITY, Aug. 7, 1845."
_The effect of these resolutions_ was at once manifest. Measures were
taken to procure the launch of the _Peacock_ (which had been left in
the care of Dr. McLaughlin by Captain Wilkes), for a pilot-boat at the
mouth of the Columbia. The doctor informed the committee that he was not
authorized to give it in charge of any irresponsible parties, without an
order from as high authority as that from which he had received it.
Hence the launch was allowed to rot upon the beach at Astoria; Mr.
McClure, from that place, being one who voted to repudiate
responsibility on the part of the provisional government.
On the 11th of August, in the midst of business under the order of the
day, Mr. Applegate came in, apparently under considerable excitement,
and in quite an earnest manner asked that the rule be suspended, to
allow him to present _a bill to prevent dueling_. No immediate or
pressing reason was assigned, but from the earnest manner of Mr.
Applegate, and from what a number of the members knew, or pretended to
know, the rule was suspended, Mr. Applegate's bill to prevent dueling
read first time; rule further suspended, his bill read by title second
and third time and passed, and on his further motion, a special
messenger, P. G. Stewart, Esq., was sent with it to the governor, for
his approval and signature; and in half an hour's time from its
introduction and reading in the house it became a law in this vast
country, bounded by the Russian possessions on the north, the Rocky
Mountains on the east, California on the south, and the Pacific on the
west.
Not long after this _telegraphic_ law on dueling was passed, it was
discovered that a young man by the name of Holderness had considered
himself insulted and slandered by some report said to have originated
with Dr. White. Holderness was about to send him a challenge, or at
least there was a prospect that they might fight, if either of them had
the courage to do so. This law gave the doctor an honorable excuse to
decline the challenge, and have Holderness indicted and punished for
sending it. This matter was engineered through so handsomely by Mr.
Applegate, that Dr. White expressed himself _highly gratified and
pleased_.
On the next day, the 12th, Mr. Applegate was honored with an important
dispatch from Dr. White, which he presented in due form, together with a
resolution of thanks to Dr. White, and an order was entered on the
journal to have the doctor's communication filed for publication. This
was not exactly what the doctor wanted, as the sequel will show. He had
found that Applegate had the talent and influence requisite to carry
through the resolutions necessary to accomplish his purposes.
He, having spent a part of the summer in running about the Wallamet
Valley, made a trip over to the coast, and one into the Cascade
Mountains; wrote a journal of these trips, and presented it to the house
through Mr. Applegate. After White's journal was read, Applegate
presented a resolution, that the thanks of this house are due to Dr. E.
White and his party for their meritorious exertions to find a passage
through the Cascade Mountains, and that his account be filed for
publication. On motion, _White was allowed to address_ the house, which
he did in his usual self-lauding, plausible manner, insinuating the
great labor and benefit he had done, in keeping the Indians quiet and in
exploring the country. His chaff and bombast secured the co-operation of
Robert Newell and Mr. Applegate. On the 14th, Mr. Applegate informed the
house that he had in his possession several official documents,
belonging to Dr. E. White, which he was requested to lay before the
house. The report and documents were received.
On motion of Mr. Applegate--
"_Resolved_, That, whereas the adoption of the amended organic law
by the people of Oregon was an act of necessity rather than choice,
and was intended to give to the people the protection which, of
right, should be extended to them by their government, and not as an
act of defiance or disregard of the authority or laws of the United
States; therefore,
"_It is further resolved_, 1st. That, in the opinion of this house,
the Congress of the United States, in establishing a Territorial
government, should legalize the acts of the people in this country,
so far as they are in accordance with the Constitution of the United
States. 2d. That Dr. Elijah White, sub-Indian agent of Oregon, be
requested to furnish a copy of the amended organic law to the
Congress of the United States. 3d. That these resolutions be
indorsed on said copy, with the vote of this house adopting the
same."
On the adoption of the above, the vote was unanimous, which vote was
taken by yeas and nays; and, on motion, the house decided that the
members should not sign their names to said resolutions.
It will be seen by the statement of Applegate in the first part of this
resolution, or preamble, that he wished to deny an attempt to resist the
government of the United States on the part of the people and
provisional government; and the fact that Dr. White had allowed him to
examine his official papers, and present them to the Legislative
Committee, shows the manner he was working with Applegate to get
documents, resolutions, and papers from the Legislature into his hands;
also the desperate effort there was made to get a unanimous vote
favoring White as the bearer of those documents.
Dr. White had from the first _denied the right_ of the settlers to
organize a provisional government unless they would elect him as their
governor. Applegate is caught in his trap, as we shall see, and from
that day he began to lose his influence, and soon found that he had
committed an egregious mistake, notwithstanding he had obtained a
unanimous vote, to place those documents in Dr. White's hands. In order
to head off McCarver, the house had voted that the members should not
sign their names to the resolutions. McCarver could not withstand the
temptation to get his name as Speaker of the Oregon Legislature before
the Congress of the United States; so, as soon as the documents came
into White's hands, he went to the clerk and attached his name as
Speaker of the house. Newell was not quite satisfied, or rather Dr.
White was not; so he got Newell to present a resolution, as follows:--
"_Resolved_, That this house recommend to the favorable
consideration of the Congress of the United States the just claims
of Dr. E. White, sub-Indian agent, for a remuneration for the heavy
expenses by him incurred, in attempting to discover a southern
passage through the Cascade Mountains."
In the afternoon session the resolution of Mr. Newell was called up,
and, on its final passage, the yeas and nays were demanded, and were as
follows:--
_Yeas_--Messrs. Applegate, Foisy, Hendricks, H. Lee, McClure, Newell,
Straight, and the Speaker--8.
_Nays_--Messrs. Gray, Garrison, Hill, B. Lee, and Smith--5.
So the resolution was passed.
Dr. White waited for the passage of this resolution (keeping quiet as to
McCarver's signing the others in violation of the order of the house),
and as soon as it was safely in his pocket, left for Vancouver, on his
way to the States.
White had no sooner gone, than it leaked out that McCarver had signed
the documents, and White _had broken the seals, and destroyed private
letters intrusted to him_ to convey to the States, and had made Garrison
his confidant respecting breaking open and destroying the letters. Here
was a muss on hand such as none but White and McCarver could "_kick
up_." Applegate was too much excited and insulted by these men to say
any thing; but he presented through B. Lee a resolution as follows:--
"_Resolved_, That M. M. McCarver has been opposed to the organic
law, as adopted by the people of Oregon; and, contrary to the voice
of this house in regular session, clandestinely, and in a manner
unworthy the confidence reposed in him, placed his name to a copy of
those laws transmitted to the United States, thereby conveying a
false impression; and did, also, sign his name to two resolutions,
contrary to a direct vote of this house; therefore,
"_It is further resolved_, That we disapprove of the course he has
pursued, and feel ourselves under the humiliating necessity of
signifying the same to the United States government, by causing a
copy of this resolution to accompany those documents."
Which was received, and referred to committee of the whole.
In the afternoon, Dr. J. E. Long, clerk of the house, A. L. Lovejoy,
Smith, and Hill were called before the house, and put on oath, to state
what they knew of the matter. Mr. Applegate was chairman. The committee
rose and reported that they had been engaged in investigating the
subject referred to in Mr. B. Lee's resolution, but had not adopted the
resolution. McCarver had been allowed to explain his course.
On motion of Mr. Applegate--
"_Resolved_, That, whereas a copy of the organic laws of Oregon,
together with some resolutions, intended to be sent to the United
States, have not been attested and dispatched according to the
directions of this house; therefore,
"_Resolved_, That the clerk dispatch for them a messenger, to
Vancouver, with authority to bring said documents back, and that he
deliver them to the secretary, and that the expenses incurred be
paid by the members of this house who voted for the resolution."
On the adoption of which the yeas and nays were called, and were as
follows:--
_Yeas_--Messrs. Applegate, Gray, B. Lee, McClure, and Newell--5.
_Nays_--Messrs. Hill, Smith, and Straight--3.
So the resolution was adopted. Messrs. Foisy, Garrison, Hendricks, and
the Speaker were excused from voting.
On motion, the house went into committee of the whole, Mr. Applegate in
the chair.
The committee rose, and reported, that the resolution of B. Lee having
been under consideration, was laid upon the table.
It is but justice to state that the clerk of the house, J. E. Long,
favored Dr. White's and Mr. McCarver's course, and allowed McCarver to
sign the documents he well knew the house did not wish him to sign. A
majority of the house were inclined to believe that White had been
slandered; and had McCarver allowed the documents to go as per vote,
White's designs, as stated by his opponents, would not have been
revealed; so the messenger was sent for the documents on account of
McCarver's course.
August 16, 1845.--The House met pursuant to adjournment.
The rules were suspended to allow the introduction of resolutions, when,
on motion of Mr. McClure, it was
"_Resolved_, That, whereas the Speaker of this house has signed
certain documents, ordered to be sent to the United States by a vote
of this Legislature, from a mistaken sense of duty, and not from
contumacy or contempt for this house; therefore,
"_Resolved_, That M. M. McCarver, said Speaker, have leave of
absence, for the purpose of following Dr. E. White to Vancouver; and
this house enjoins that said Speaker erase his name from said
documents, to wit, the organic laws, and two resolutions in favor of
Dr. E. White."
On motion of Mr. Applegate, it was
"_Resolved_, That it was not the intention of this house, in passing
resolutions in favor of Dr. E. White, to recommend him to the
government of the United States as a suitable person to fill any
office in this Territory; and,
"_Be it further resolved_, That the clerk of this house forward, by
some suitable person, an attested copy of this resolution, to the
United States government."
The house appointed J. M. Garrison, Speaker, _pro tem_.
McCarver, being thus plainly invited, left the house, and found that the
clerk's messenger had already gone for the documents. He returned in the
afternoon and induced Mr. Smith, from Tualatin, to present the following
resolution:--
"_Resolved_, That the vote requiring the Speaker to go in quest of
Dr. E. White, for the purpose of erasing his name from certain
documents in his possession to be by him conveyed to the United
States, be reconsidered, and the Speaker restored to the chair."
On the 18th of August, the arrival of a letter from Dr. E. White was
announced, which was read, as follows:--
August 17, 1845.
_To the Hon., etc.:_
GENTLEMEN,--Being on my way, and having but a moment to reflect, I
have been at much of a loss which of your two resolutions most to
respect, or which to obey; but at length have become satisfied that
the first was taken most _soberly_, and, as it answers my purpose
best, I pledge myself to adhere strictly to that. Sincerely wishing
you good luck in legislating,
I am, dear sirs, very respectfully yours,
E. WHITE.
On the 20th, on motion of Mr. Applegate, it was
"_Resolved_, That the secretary be requested to forward to the
United States government, through the American consul at the
Sandwich Islands, a copy of the articles of compact, as adopted by
the people of Oregon Territory, on the last Saturday of July, A.D.
1845; and that the same be signed by the governor, and attested by
the secretary; also, all resolutions adopted by this house relative
to sending said documents by E. White, late Indian agent of this
Territory; also, a copy of the letter of E. White, directed to this
house."
These documents and papers, with depositions respecting White's opening
and destroying private letters, were prepared, duly signed, and sent on
to the Sandwich Islands by Captain Couch, of the _Lausanne_, and reached
Washington just in time for President Polk to refuse White an important
commission in New Mexico. The President, on receiving the documents and
learning of White's course, asked an explanation, which he at first
declined to give, on account of an attempt, as he alleged, of _some low
blackguards in Oregon to slander him_. The legislative documents were
referred to, when he found he was cornered, and left the President's
house without his appointment.
Thus ended, for a time, the official course of a base and unprincipled
man, who seemed only to live and move for selfish ends. His influence as
a missionary, and as an officer of the government, were alike vile and
unprincipled. He sought friends and partisans only to deceive and betray
them. Applegate, McCarver, Garrison, Lee, McClure, and Newell were
compelled to acknowledge his deception. In fact, no one but the Hudson's
Bay Company could make any use of him, and with them he was considered
an irresponsible man, and only useful as a tool to combine the Indians,
and divide and destroy the influence of the settlement, as he had done
that of the Methodist Mission.
The history of Dr. White, as connected with Pacific City and
Spiritualism, and his secret agency under President Lincoln's
administration, are of small moment when compared with the moral blight
he fixed on the cause of missions and religion, in his early relations
in Oregon. All who have ever attempted to associate with him, or assist
him, have been made to feel his immoral influence. He made great
professions of sustaining the temperance cause, while acting as Indian
agent, and still allowed the Hudson's Bay Company to do as they pleased
with their liquors, without a single word of complaint or remonstrance
to the American government, while he pursued a high-handed and
injudicious course toward the American citizen in his efforts to prevent
the introduction or manufacture of liquors in the country. In his zeal,
he hoarded a vessel of which Captain J. H. Couch was master, and
asserted his right to search and seize all the liquors he had on board.
Captain Couch, knowing his rights and duties better than the Indian
agent did his, ordered his men to get ready a couple of swivels he had
on board, ranging them fore and aft along the vessel. He then said to
Mr. Indian Agent. "If you are able to take my ship, you can search and
seize her, and not otherwise." The doctor found he was dealing with the
wrong person, and left, to visit Mrs. Cooper, who had recently arrived
in the country from Sydney, New South Wales, with a supply of liquors.
He succeeded in getting a dram from "Old Mother Cooper," as she was
called, and inquired if she had any more like it. The old woman had by
this time a suspicion of his object, and informed him that, if she had,
he could have no more.
Soon after, he learned that Dick McCary had put up a teapot distillery
somewhere near his own house. He then got a party of men and went down
and destroyed the whole concern, except the kettle, which answered for a
bell, upon which he beat and drummed on his way back to Oregon City, and
then took an adz and stove a hole in it, thus destroying it. If this had
been done on the ground, no exceptions would have been taken to it; but
White's proceedings disgusted the friends of temperance so much, that a
few days after, when Newell presented a communication from him to the
Legislature, with a bill to prevent the sale of liquor, it was
defeated--5 for and 8 against.
The governor, having confidence in the morality and honesty of the
people, suggested in his message the repeal of all laws for the
collection of debts. He seemed to be of the opinion, that as they had
lived and prospered under the mission and Hudson's Bay Company's rule
without any such laws, the same rule would apply to a more numerous and
civilized community. He was sustained in his opinion by Applegate,
Hendricks, H. Lee, B. Lee, and Newell--5; Foisy, Gray, Garrison, Hill,
McCarver, McClure, Straight, and Smith--8, were of a different opinion.
This vote seemed to annoy Applegate, as he had taken an active part in
shaping the governor's suggestions into a bill to prevent litigation,
and he seemed to insist upon the experiment being tried in a more
extensive manner in the government of Oregon. It is due to this
legislative body and to the governor to state, that none of them had
ever had any experience in law-making until they found themselves in a
country where there were no laws, and where the representatives were
without law-books (with the single exception of a copy of the statutes
of Iowa) to guide them. They had to originate, revise, and do as the
majority thought best, in all the laws presented. That they were adapted
to the time and the people then in the country there can be no question.
This shows the innate love of law and order in the American people, as
also a disposition to abide by and sustain right principles, though not
immediately in the presence of prisons and punishment.
Had there been no foreign influences in the country, it would, perhaps,
have been safe to risk the governor's suggestion, and Applegate's
experiment. I arrive at this conclusion from my experience in four times
crossing the continent, and in visiting the early mining regions of
California, British Columbia, and Oregon. In all American caravans and
mines, the company and miners make their own laws. In British mines, the
government makes the laws, and the revenue officers enforce them. So
with the Hudson's Bay Company and Roman missions: the committee in
London, and the pope in Rome, give their subjects certain laws by which
to be governed; and whenever those laws come in conflict with the more
liberal American idea of government, there is opposition; for the
disposition to oppress and the desire to be free can never harmonize.
With the one is organized wealth and superstition, backed by irons,
flogging, and ignorance. With the other is liberty and the love of
right, sustained by intelligence, honesty, and virtue. No one acquainted
with the early history of the people of Oregon can fail to admire their
virtue and stability, and the firmness they displayed in maintaining
their natural rights. We have already explained the secret influences
that were combined to hold them in a state of half-savage and
half-religious or ecclesiastical vassalage, till some action should be
taken by the United States government.
This state of things did not accord with the feelings of a great
majority of the people. They had ruled their own individual actions too
long to submit quietly to any religious or political power, in which
they had no voice. Hence they were ready for any mutual organization,
that was of their own choice and creation.
They adopted a system of currency suitable to the time and country. This
system became necessary, from the known disposition of the Hudson's Bay
Company to oppress and force payment, in what did not then exist in
sufficient quantity to meet the wants of the settlement; besides, they
held the commercial power; and here again protection was required. The
two petitions to the Congress of the United States of 1840 and 1842
state their policy as to internal matters. The first section of this
currency law is:--
"_Be it enacted by the House of Representatives of Oregon
Territory:_ 1st. That, in addition to gold and silver, treasury
drafts, approved orders on solvent merchants, and good merchantable
wheat at the market price, delivered at such place as it is
customary for people to receive their wheat at, shall be a lawful
tender for the payment of taxes and judgments rendered in the courts
of Oregon Territory, and for the payment of all debts contracted in
Oregon Territory, where no special contracts have been made to the
contrary.
"2d. The personal estate of every individual, company, body politic
or corporate, including his, her, or their goods or chattels, also
town or city property, or improvements claimed and owned in virtue
of occupancy, secured and allowed by the treaty between Great
Britain and the United States, shall be subject to execution, to be
taken and sold according to the provisions of this act; excepting,
that wearing-apparel shall not be considered as any part of the
estate of any defendant or defendants in execution; and no land
claim or improvement upon a land claim, held according to the laws
of this Territory, shall be subject to execution; and no stay upon
execution shall be permitted or allowed, except by the consent of
the party in whose favor the execution has been issued, nor for any
time other than the time agreed upon by the parties.
"3d. Specifies that personal property shall be sold previous to town
lots.
"4th. Exempts (if a family) one Bible, one cow and calf, one horse,
or yoke of cattle, five sheep, five hogs, household and kitchen
furniture not to exceed in value thirty dollars, one stove fixed up
in the house, one bed for every two in the family, farming utensils
not to exceed in value fifty dollars, one month's provisions for all
the family, all mechanics' necessary tools, and all the books of
private libraries not to exceed one hundred dollars' worth."
Who says we were not willing to give a poor family a good show to start
with in Oregon in 1845?
"5th. Fifteen days' notice of any sale was to be given.
"6th. No property was to be sold for less than two-thirds its
appraised value."
On the second section of this act, there was a long and animated
discussion, Newell and Garrison claiming that we had no right to subject
the property of the Hudson's Bay Company, and the Methodist and other
missions, to our laws; McCarver and Hill, that we ought to exempt town
sites and lots from execution. On its final passage, the vote was
Applegate, Foisy, Gray, Hendricks, McClure, Smith, Straight, and H.
Lee--8, for; Garrison, Hill, B. Lee, Newell, and McCarver--5, against.
This body adjourned _sine die_ on the 20th of August, 1845, and in
consequence of there being no provision made for a new election in the
amended organic compact, they were again called to meet on Tuesday,
December 2, 1845, in accordance with the organic law, to arrange and
fill up any deficiencies in the offices and laws.
Applegate had resigned. There were present, Foisy, Garrison, Newell, and
Barton Lee from Champoeg; Gray and Straight from Clackamas; Hill and
McCarver from Tualatin; and McClure from Clatsop.
There were absent, from Yamhill, Hendricks; from Tualatin, J. M. Smith;
and from Clackamas, H. A. G. Lee.
Newell, of Champoeg, was elected on the final vote as Speaker; Dr. J. E.
Long, clerk.
Jefferson's Manual, which had for the first time strayed across the
Rocky Mountains, was presented to the house, and used to govern its
proceedings, so far as it was applicable. I think it must have come into
the Multnomah Circulating Library, in part payment for a share in that
institution. Gray moved its adoption to govern the proceedings of the
house, which was considered organized by the election of Speaker, clerk,
and sergeant-at-arms.
On the second day all the members were present except Applegate. The
governor was called upon to issue his warrant to fill the vacancy, which
he did. I think, however, that no election was held, as no
representative appeared to claim the seat.
An effort was made to locate the seat of government, but failed, on
account of Dr. McLaughlin not having put in his bid in time to have it
considered by the house; and a remonstrance was got up by Ermatinger and
the Hudson's Bay Company's influence, with sixty names attached, against
locating it at all.
This was in accordance with the short-sighted policy of Dr. McLaughlin,
aided by the influence secured over the people by such men as
Ermatinger, Long, Newell, and McCarver, who had become a resident of
Clackamas, while he represented Tualatin County.
CHAPTER LIII.
The liquor law.--Amended act of 1845.--Message of the governor on
the same.--Repeal of the prohibitory and passage of the license
law.--Letter of James Douglas.--Reply of Mr. Samuel Parker.--Dr.
Tolmie's resolution on the judiciary.--The governor's veto of the
license law.--Immigration for Oregon and California in
1846.--Arrival of the brig Henry.--The Oregon Printing
Association.--The _Spectator_, the first newspaper in Oregon.--W.
G. T. Vault, first editor.--H. A. G. Lee, second editor.--G. L.
Curry, third editor.--Judge Wait, fourth editor.
_The Liquor Law._--Peter H. Burnett framed a law on this subject, which
was revised by Newell in the summer of 1845, and lost on the final vote.
In December, 1845, Gray, from committee on ways and means, reported a
bill on ardent spirits, expressing the views, and gaining the approval
of a decided majority of the people. Governor Abernethy, in his annual
message the next year, expressed an opinion that this law required some
amendment, but, by combining the whole liquor influence in the country,
the law was repealed, and a license law substituted, by a two-thirds
vote over his veto; while, at the same time, nearly two-thirds of the
voters of the Territory voted to _prohibit_ the sale of liquor, instead
of to _regulate_ it, as expressed in the organic law.
The law, as reported by the committee of ways and means, was passed
December 6, 1845, by the following vote: Gray, Garrison, Hendricks, H.
Lee, B. Lee, McClure, and McCarver--7, for; Foisy, Hill, Straight, and
Newell--4, against.
On the 8th, the Monday following this vote (Hendricks and Barton Lee
having been treated and tampered with), on motion of B. Lee--
"_Resolved_, That the house now reconsider the vote on the final
passage of the bill on ardent spirits."
_Yeas_--Hendricks, Hill, B. Lee, Smith, Straight, and Newell--6.
_Nays_--Foisy, Gray, Garrison, H. Lee, McCarver, and McClure--6.
So the motion to reconsider was lost, and the bill published in the
first newspaper ever published on this coast, as provided for in the
bill itself, which is as follows:--
_Amended Act of 1845._
SECTION 2. That if any person shall hereafter sell, barter, give, or
trade any ardent spirits of any kind whatever, directly or indirectly,
to any person within the Territory of Oregon, he shall forfeit and pay
the sum of twenty dollars for each and every such sale, trade, barter,
or gift, to be recovered by indictment in the County Court, or before a
justice of the peace, without the form of pleading.
SEC. 3. That if any person shall hereafter establish or carry on any
manufactory or distillery of ardent spirits in Oregon, he shall be
subject to indictment before the County Court, as for a nuisance, and if
convicted, he shall be fined the sum of one hundred dollars, and the
court shall issue an order to the sheriff, directing him to seize and
destroy the distilling apparatus, which order the sheriff shall execute.
SEC. 4. Whenever it shall come to the knowledge of any officer of this
government, or any private citizen, that any kind of spirituous liquors
are being distilled or manufactured in Oregon, they are hereby
authorized and required to proceed to the place where such illicit
manufacture is known to exist, and seize the distilling apparatus, and
deliver the same to the nearest district judge or justice of the peace,
whose duty it shall be immediately to issue his warrant and cause the
house and premises of the person against whom such warrant shall be
issued to be further searched, and in case any kind of spirituous
liquors are found in or about said premises, or any implements or
apparatus that have the appearance of having been used, or constructed
for the purpose of manufacturing any kind of spirituous liquors, the
officer who shall have been duly authorized to execute such warrant
shall seize all such apparatus, implements, and spirituous liquors, and
deliver the same to the judge or justice of the peace who issued the
said warrant. Said officer shall also arrest the person or persons in or
about whose premises such apparatus, implements, or spirituous liquors
are found, and conduct him or them to said judge or justice of the
peace, whose duty it shall be to proceed against such criminal or
criminals, and dispose of the articles seized according to law.
SEC. 5. All the fines or penalties recovered under this act shall go,
one-half to the informant and witnesses, and the other half to the
officers engaged in arresting and trying the criminal or criminals, and
it shall be the duty of all officers into whose hands such fines and
penalties may come, to pay over as directed in this section.
SEC. 6. This act shall not be so construed as to prevent any practicing
physician from selling such liquors for medicines, not to exceed half a
pint at one time.
SEC. 7. That it shall be the duty of the secretary to publish this act
in the first newspaper published in Oregon.
I, John E. Long, secretary of Oregon, do hereby certify that the
foregoing act on ardent spirits is truly and correctly revised by me.
JOHN E. LONG, Secretary.
It will be seen in the final vote, that Foisy at first voted against
this bill; but Hendricks and B. Lee changed their vote and Foisy changed
his; thus the liquor law remained as it was, and was published February
5, 1846, and remained in force till Saturday, December 19, 1846. On
December 4 of that year, the governor called the attention of the
Legislature to this law, in the following language:--
"The act passed at the last session of the Legislature, entitled 'An
Act to prevent the introduction, sale, and distillation of ardent
spirits in Oregon,' is one I should recommend for revision; there
are several points that are thought to be defective. The organic law
provides that the Legislature shall have power to pass laws to
regulate the introduction, manufacture, or sale of ardent spirits.
It is held that the power to prohibit the introduction, manufacture,
or sale is not granted by the organic law. Another objection is that
the fines collected under the act shall go, one-half to the
informant and witnesses, and the other half to the officers engaged
in arresting and trying: in fact, making the witnesses and judges
interested in the case. The fourth section makes it the duty of any
officer, or any private citizen, to act whenever it shall come to
their knowledge that any kind of spirituous liquors are being
distilled or manufactured in Oregon. It would be much better if it
were made the duty of the sheriff of each county to act, whenever he
should be informed that any liquor was being made or sold in his
county, and authorize him to raise a sufficient _posse_ to aid and
assist him in enforcing the law. We have, as a community, taken a
high stand in the cause of temperance; among our earliest efforts
may be found the abolishing of ardent spirits from our land, and to
this, in a great measure, may be attributed our peace and
prosperity. No new country can be pointed out where so much harmony
prevailed in its first settlement as in this: laws, we had none, yet
all things went on quietly and prosperously. I have no doubt if
ardent spirits are kept within their proper bounds, we shall
continue prosperous.
"It is said by some we have no right to say what a man shall make or
what he shall not make; yet, we find, in all large cities, certain
manufactories are forbidden to be carried on within the limits of
the city, because they annoy the inhabitants, and hence are declared
to be public nuisances, and by law are compelled to be removed; and,
if the city increase and extend to the place where they are
relocated, they are removed again. Intoxicating drink is an enormous
public injury and private wrong; its effects, in every way, shape,
and form, are evil, and therefore should be restrained within proper
limits by law. It deprives the wife and children of the inebriate of
the support and protection they have a right to expect from him; it
deprives the community of the labor which constitutes a nation's
wealth, for it is a well-known fact that a nation's wealth is made
up of individual labor, and every day, therefore, lost by the
laborer, caused by the effects of alcoholic drink, is a loss to the
community at large. Persons who have become habitually addicted to
ardent spirits, hearing that we had excluded the poison from our
land, and, believing they never could be free if they remained near
its influence, have left their homes and crossed the Rocky Mountains
to escape the ruin that threatened them. Shall _they_ be
disappointed? During the last year, persons taking advantage of the
defect in our law, have manufactured and sold ardent spirits. We
have seen the effects (although the manufacture was on a small
scale) in the midnight carousals among the Indians in our
neighborhood, during their fishing season, and while they had
property to dispose of; and, let me ask, what would be the
consequences if the use of it should be general in the country and
among the different tribes of Indians in the Territory? History may,
hereafter, write the page in letters of blood! And what are the
consequences, as presented to us in the history of older countries,
of an indiscriminate use of ardent spirits? Almshouses, hospitals,
prisons, and the gallows. I would, therefore, recommend that but one
person, and that person a physician, be authorized to import or
manufacture a sufficient quantity to supply the wants of the
community for medicinal purposes; to dispose of no liquor except
when he knows it to be necessary, or on an order from a regular
physician, stating that the person applying stands in need of it for
medicinal purposes; and to physicians to be used in their practice;
the person so empowered to import, manufacture, and sell, to keep a
record of the quantity manufactured or imported; also, a record of
the quantity sold, or disposed of, and to whom, and name of
physician on whose certificate given. This would be attended with
but little trouble, and might be required to be given under oath.
Many articles require alcohol to dissolve them; this could be done
by taking the article to the person appointed and having the alcohol
put into the ingredients in his presence. Section fifth I would
recommend to be altered, so that the fines should go one-half to the
informer, and the other half into the treasury. I would recommend
that the penalties be increased. If the indiscriminate sale of
liquor be admitted an evil, no good citizen can wish to be engaged
in it. Why should the majority suffer to benefit a few individuals?
"I have said more on this subject than I should have done, did I not
fear an attempt will be made to break down the barriers raised by
the early settlers of this land. Much of our prosperity and
happiness as a community depends upon your action in this matter."
I am inclined to think that the governor was misinformed or mistaken in
the statement that liquor had been manufactured in the settlement
otherwise than by drugs and a composition called _rot-gut_, which there
were men in the country base enough to produce. Had the governor been
more energetic and taken the matter in hand, no manufacturing of liquors
would have been allowed. He seems to have thrown himself back upon the
faults of the law as an excuse for not seeing that it was executed as it
should have been, and as it was executed in other places. Some of this
drugged liquor was brought to Astoria by one George Geere, of Dr. White
notoriety, and the citizens of Clatsop Plains being notified of the
fact, came over prepared for a fight, and found Geere, with his liquors,
his pistols, and a seven-shooter rifle. They took him and his pistols
and rifle, also his two kegs, and several bottles of liquor. The liquor
they turned out on the ground,--took Geere before Esquire Tibbetts, and
gave him a jury trial before six men of his own choice, who found him
guilty. He was fined one hundred dollars and costs of suit, which was
all given, by unanimous consent, to the county. When such a man as
Governor Abernethy could excuse himself from acting and enforcing a law,
because he thought the distribution of the fines imposed made the
officers and witnesses interested persons, it is not surprising that men
of no principle should engage in destroying their fellow-men. The fact
is, that the men whom the people had honored and trusted with their
legal and executive duties were destitute of the firmness requisite to
the position they occupied, with some few honorable exceptions. The
people generally were in advance of their leaders in sustaining good and
wholesome laws, hence but few cases of lawsuits or quarrels occurred.
We will now give what we conceive to be the cause of the failure of the
law.
By a reference to the organization of the house in December, 1845, it
will be seen that the Hudson's Bay Company was represented by Messrs.
Dr. W. F. Tolmie, Chamberlain, McDonald, Newell, and Peers. The liquor
interest was represented by Messrs. Boon, Hall, Hembree, Looney, Meek,
Summers, Straight, T. Vault, Williams, and the Speaker. Six of the
last-named representatives should have been fined for violations of the
law on a small scale, and all of the first on a large scale, as
connected more or less with the Hudson's Bay Company, and selling and
giving to their men and Indians.
While the Hudson's Bay Company yielded a _quasi_ assent to the
organization, and had their representatives in the Legislature, they
were using their influence to curtail the privileges of American
citizens. They were ready to vote against the manufacture and sale of
liquors, while they were constantly bringing it to the country in their
ships, and distributing it to suit their trade.
The composition of the house was peculiarly American and antagonistic to
the Hudson's Bay Company. Any measure that gave to the company any
advantage, such as it was urged the prohibitory law did, could not
stand. Hence the friends of prohibition had to yield the point, on the
ground of self-defense for national rights, and not from a disposition
to consider the law unjust or improper. In other words, they licensed
and sustained a great evil, to combat a privilege of equal evil, claimed
and used by a foreign monopoly in our midst.
When we take into account the facts as stated by the governor in his
message, the actual condition of the country, the temporary nature of
our government, and all the combinations that were forming at the time
the license law was passed, I think all will join with me in condemning
the course of the men who cursed the country with such a law. It is
asserted that the organic law provided that the Legislature should
_regulate_ this traffic. Very true; which they did by placing it in the
hands of the practicing physician, where it belongs, and nowhere else.
But these wise Solons of 1846 came to the conclusion that three, two, or
one hundred dollars was ample pay to the country for the loss of any man
in it. That for three hundred dollars the whole country might be filled
with poisonous _rot-gut_, and for two hundred the wholesale business
might go on, while for one hundred the miserable victims of the business
could be turned loose to degrade themselves and blight the hopes of
kindred and friends. I can count a hundred victims who have lost one
hundred dollars' worth of property for every dollar received by the
Territory, besides their own lives, in consequence of this traffic. I
can count five hundred families that have suffered poverty and want,
insult and abuse, purely chargeable to this _regulating_ law of these
men.
We read in histories of the church, that the pope of Rome sold
indulgences to commit certain sins which by the common law would be
considered crimes, such as adultery, theft, and even murder. The price
of the indulgence was according to the crime to be committed. This law
proceeds upon the principle of the amount of profits in the business,
while its nature and effect upon the community is lost sight of. Or, in
other words, the government sells the indulgence to commit the crime
proposed by the manufacturer or wholesale and retail dealer. While the
former law admitted that liquor as a medicine might be useful, and
placed it in the hands of the practicing physician, the license law puts
each seller under a one thousand dollar bond to keep a quiet house. They
were ready to license _hells_ all over the land, provided the keepers
would bind themselves not to violate the sanctity of the Sabbath. The
morality and political economy of the business is forced to be satisfied
with the amount paid as per law provided.
This act, as a matter of course, opened all the liquor shops of the
Hudson's Bay Company and of all the unprincipled men in the country. To
give a better idea of this liquor question, a letter of James Douglas,
found in No. 10, volume 1, of the _Oregon Spectator_, June 11, 1846, is
given. Mr. Parker, in his stump speech, alluded to the liquor law, and
asserted that it was daily violated by the Hudson's Bay Company. Mr.
Douglas attempts to refuse the charge and sustain the law. The italics
in the following letter are the author's:--