The Red River emigration, consisting of some forty families of English,

Scotch, and Canadian-French half-breeds, had been ordered from the Red

River, or Selkirk settlement, to locate in the Puget Sound district, by

the Hudson's Bay Company's governor, Simpson. This company started

across the plains with most of their property and families in carts, in

the spring of 1842, directed, protected, and guided by the company, and

expected to become settlers, subject to it, in Puget Sound. This was in

fact a part of the original plan of the Puget Sound Agricultural

Company, and these families were brought on to aid in securing and

holding the country for the British government and the use of the

company,--a plan and arrangement exactly similar to that adopted by the

Hudson's Bay Company in 1811-12, to cut off the trade of the French

Northwest Fur Company, by establishing the Selkirk settlement directly

in the line of their trade.

This Red River colony was a part of the company's scheme to control and

outnumber the American settlement of Oregon; it being connected with the

Puget Sound concern, and under the control of the Hudson's Bay

Company,--which, by the decision of the commissioners, has won the

company $200,000 from our national treasury. A more infamous claim could

not well be trumped up, and the men who awarded it should be held

responsible, and handed down to posterity as unjust rewarders of

unscrupulous monopolies. Not for this alone, but for paying to the

parent monopoly the sum of $450,000, for their malicious

misrepresentations of the country, their murders, and their perjury

respecting their claims to it.

As soon as the Red River colony reached the country, they found that the

Hudson's Bay Company on the west side of the Rocky Mountains was a

different institution from that of the Selkirk settlement; consequently

a large number of the more intelligent among them refused to remain in

the Puget Sound district, and found their way into the Wallamet and

Tualatin districts, and were received and treated as Oregonians, or

citizens of the provisional government. This had the effect to embitter

the feelings of the ruling spirits of the company, and caused them to

change their policy. They commenced fortifying Fort Vancouver, and had a

war-ship, the _Modeste_, stationed in the Columbia River, while the fort

was being prepared for defensive or offensive measures. This only

increased the anxiety and hastened the effort to organize for

self-defense on the part of the American settlers.

In the mean time, Hon. Caleb Cushing, of Newburyport, Massachusetts, had

sent to the country a ship with supplies. A. E. Wilson had established

himself, or was about to, at Wallamet Falls as a trader, and some

families were on their way by water from the States,--F. W. Pettygrove,

Peter Foster, and Peter H. Hatch. Pettygrove arrived with a small stock

of goods. The same ship brought a supply for the Methodist Mission.

The settlers were not dependent upon the Hudson's Bay Company for

supplies as much as has been asserted. I am certain that many of them

never received a dollar's worth of the company's goods, except it might

have been through the stores of Pettygrove, Wilson, or Abernethy. I

know many of them were willing and did pay higher prices to their

American merchants than they could get the same article for from the

company's store, which was about this time established at Oregon City.

Soon after, a trading-post and warehouse were established at Champoeg,

and Mr. Roberts sent up with orders to _kick, change, and beat the

half-bushel with a club_ in order to get more wheat at sixty cents per

imperial bushel in payment for all debts due the company for the goods

furnished to them at one hundred per cent. or more on London prices.

During this year the Wallamet Milling Company was formed, and commenced

to build a saw-mill on the island above the falls. Dr. McLaughlin also

commenced active opposition to American enterprise.

The Oregon Institute was commenced this year, under the direction of the

Methodist missionaries. They carefully guarded against all outside

patronage or influence getting control of their institution, by

requiring a certain number of trustees to be members of their church in

good standing. It was during the discussions in the organizing of that

institution that the disposition on the part of that mission to control

not only the religious, but literary and political interests of the

settlement, was manifested. The leading members took strong ground, yet

hesitated when it was found they would be compelled to ask for outside

patronage. However, they were able to commence operations with the

Institute, and succeeded in getting up a building deemed suitable by the

building committee.

Dr. Elijah White returned to the country, as he supposed and frequently

asserted, with unlimited discretionary powers from the President of the

United States to arrange all matters between the Hudson's Bay Company,

Indians, and settlers, and "although his commission did not specify in

so many words, yet, in short, he was the governing power of the United

States west of the Rocky Mountains." He entered at once upon the duties

of his office, and such a muss as he kicked up all over the country it

would require the pens of a Squibob and a Junius combined to describe.

Rev. Mr. Hines has given to the world many useful notices of this

notorious blockhead, and from his descriptions of his proceedings one

would infer that he was a most important character in promoting the

peace and harmony of the settlement and keeping the Indians quiet. I

have always been at a loss to understand Mr. Hines, whether he is

speaking of Dr. White's proceedings in sober earnest or serious

burlesque. Either he was woefully ignorant of the character of Dr.

White, or he was cajoled and flattered and made to believe the doctor

possessed power and influence at Washington that no document he could

show gave any evidence of. Be that as it may, Dr. White arrived in the

fall of 1842, in advance of the emigration. He pretended to have all

power necessary for all cases, civil and criminal. He appointed

temporary magistrates to try all cases as they might occur; and such as

related to Indians and whites, or half-breeds and whites, he tried

himself, and gave decisions to suit his own ideas of justice. Usually,

in the case of two settlers, where he had appointed a justice to try the

case, he would argue the case for one of the parties, and generally win

it for his client or favorite. We attended two of the doctor's trials,

one in Tualatin Plains, the other at the saw-mill near Salem. In both of

these cases the conclusion of those not interested was, that if such was

the justice to which we as settlers were reduced, our own energy and

arms must protect us.

At the meeting called to receive him, a committee, being appointed,

retired, and, after a short absence, reported the following

resolutions:--

_Resolved_, That we, the citizens of the Wallamet Valley, are

exceedingly happy in the consideration that the government of the United

States have manifested their intentions through their agent, Dr. E.

White, of extending their jurisdiction and protection over this country.

_Resolved_, That, in view of the claims which the aborigines of this

country have upon the sympathies of the white man, we are gratified at

the appointment of an agent by the United States government to regulate

and guard their interests.

_Resolved_, That we highly approve of the appointment of Dr. E. White to

the above office, and that we will cordially co-operate with him in

carrying out the measures of government in reference to this country.

_Resolved_, That we feel grateful to the United States government for

their intended liberality toward the settlers of this country, and for

their intention to support education and literature among us.

_Resolved_, That it will give us the highest pleasure to be brought, so

soon as it maybe practicable, under the jurisdiction of our mother

country.

On motion, it was

_Resolved_, That the report of the committee be adopted.

_Resolved unanimously_, That the doings of this meeting be transmitted

to the government of the United States by Dr. E. White, in order that

our views and wishes in relation to this country may be known.

The following communication shows the shrewdness of Dr. White, and the

influence he was enabled to hold over Mr. Hines, who seems to have

ignored all the doctor's conduct while a missionary, and considers him a

suitable person to deal with the complicated relations then culminating

on our western coast. It is given entire, to place Mr. Hines in his

true character in the history of the country, though Dr. White does not

deign to mention his name in his report to the department. We also give

an extract from the report of the Commissioners of Indian Affairs,

November 28, 1843, as found on fifth and sixth pages of Dr. White's

report, Mr. Hines' letter is as follows:--

WALLAMET, April 3, 1843.

_To the Honorable Secretary of War:_

SIR,--I have the honor of addressing you a brief communication

expressive of my views of the course pursued by Dr. E. White,

sub-agent of Indian Affairs west of the Rocky Mountains.

I am not extensively acquainted with what properly belongs to the

business of an Indian agent, but so far as I understand the

subject, this agency requires the performance of duties which are

of an _onerous_ and _complicated_ character.

The country is quite extensive, and an intercourse is carried on

between the whites and Indians in almost every part of it. The

principal settlements are on the Wallamet River and Taulatin

Plains, but there are whites at the mouth of the Columbia River,

the Falls, and among the Wallawalla, Cayuse, Nez Perce, and Snake

Indians. Immediately after the arrival of your agent in this

country, he received the most urgent calls from several of these

places, if possible to come immediately and enter into such

measures as would secure both the safety of the whites and welfare

of the Indians.

He entered upon his business with diffidence, though with great

energy and decision, and his indefatigable efforts to promote the

interests of this country, with his untiring industry in the

performance of his duties, entitle him to the warmest respect of

the members of this infant and helpless colony, and to the

confidence of the honorable department which has committed to him

so important a trust. Although he has been with us but a short time

in his official capacity, yet it is generally believed that the

measures he has adopted to regulate the intercourse between the

whites and Indians, particularly in the Cayuse, Nez Perce, and

Wallawalla tribes, are wisely calculated to secure the protection

of the former against the aggressions of the savages, and to secure

to the latter the blessings of harmony, peace, and civilization.

Some time in November last news reached us from these formidable

tribes that they were laying a plot for the destruction of this

colony, upon which your agent, with characteristic decision,

determined to proceed at once to the scene of this conspiracy, and,

if possible, not only to frustrate the present designs of the

Indians, but to prevent any future attempts of the same character.

This laborious journey was undertaken, and, accordingly, he set out

on this perilous enterprise in the dead of winter, being

accompanied by six men, and though the distance to be traveled by

land and water was little less than one thousand miles, and the

whole journey was one of excessive labor and much suffering, yet

perseverance surmounted every difficulty, and the undertaking was

brought to a most happy issue. In the fitting out and execution of

such an expedition much expense must necessarily be incurred, but I

am fully of the opinion the funds appropriated by your agent, for

the purpose of accomplishing the object of his appointment, have

been judiciously applied.

Not knowing the views I entertained in reference to the propriety

of his course, Dr. White requested me to write to the honorable

Secretary of War, definitely expressing my opinion. Considering

this a sufficient apology for intruding myself upon your patience

in this communication, allow me, dear sir, to subscribe myself most

respectfully.

Your humble servant,

GUSTAVUS HINES,

Missionary to the Wallamet Settlement.

DEPARTMENT OF WAR,}

OFFICE OF INDIAN AFFAIRS, Nov. 23, 1843.}

I submit a report from the sub-agent west of the Rocky Mountains,

received on the 9th of August last. It furnishes some

deeply-interesting and curious details respecting certain of the

Indian tribes in that remote part of our Territories. The Nez

Perces are represented to be "more noble, industrious, sensible,

and better disposed toward the whites," than the others. Their

conduct on the occasion of an important meeting between Dr. White

and their leading men impresses one most agreeably. The school

established for their benefit is very numerously attended, while it

is gratifying to learn that this is not the only establishment for

Indian instruction which has been made and conducted with success.

There will also be found in this paper some particulars as to the

soil, water-courses, etc, of the Territory of Oregon, which may be

interesting at this time, when public attention is so much directed

to the region beyond the Rocky Mountains.

Respectfully submitted,

T. HARTLEY CRAWFORD.

Hon. J. M. PORTER, Secretary of War.

CHAPTER XXX.

Dispatch of Dr. White to the Commissioner of Indian Affairs.--He

praises the Hudson's Bay Company.--His account of the

Indians.--Indian outrages.--Dr. White's expedition to the Nez

Perces.--Indian council.--Speeches.--Electing a chief.--Laws of the

Nez Perces.--Visit to the Cayuses.--Doings of the

missionaries.--Drowning of Mr. Rogers and family.--George

Geere.--Volcanoes.--Petition against Governor McLaughlin.

OREGON, April 1, 1843.

SIR,--On my arrival, I had the honor and happiness of addressing you a

brief communication, giving information of my safe arrival, and that of

our numerous party, to these distant shores.

At that time it was confidently expected that a more direct, certain,

and expeditious method would be presented to address you in a few weeks;

but that failing, none has offered till now.

I think I mentioned the kind and hospitable manner we were received and

entertained on the way by the gentlemen of the Hudson's Bay Company, and

the cordial and most handsome reception I met with at Fort Vancouver

from Governor McLaughlin and his worthy associate chief factor, James

Douglas, Esq.; my appointment giving pleasure rather than pain,--a

satisfactory assurance that these worthy gentlemen intend eventually to

settle in this country, and prefer American to English jurisdiction.

On my arrival in the colony, sixty miles south of Vancouver, being in

advance of the party, and coming unexpectedly to the citizens, bearing

the intelligence of the arrival of so large a re-enforcement, and giving

assurance of the good intentions of our government, the excitement was

general, and two days after we had the largest and happiest public

meeting ever convened in this infant colony.

I found the colony in peace and health, and rapidly increasing in

numbers, having more than doubled in population during the last two

years. English, French, and half-breeds seem, equally with our own

people, attached to the American cause; hence the bill of Mr. Linn,

proffering a section of land to every white man of the Territory, has

the double advantage of being popular and useful, increasing such

attachment, and manifestly acting as a strong incentive to all, of

whatever nation or party, to settle in this country.

My arrival was in good time, and probably saved much evil. I had but a

short season of rest after so long, tedious, and toilsome a journey,

before information reached me of the very improper conduct of the upper

country Indians toward the missionaries sent by the American Board of

Commissioners, accompanied with a passport, and a desire for my

interposition in their behalf at once.

I allude to the only three tribes from which much is to be hoped, or any

thing to be feared, in this part of Oregon. These are the Wallawallas,

Cayuses, and Nez Perces, inhabiting a district of country on the

Columbia and its tributaries, commencing two hundred and forty miles

from its mouth, and stretching four hundred and eighty miles into the

interior. The Wallawallas, most contiguous to the colony, number some

three thousand, including the entire population. They are in general

poor, indolent, and sordid, but avaricious; and what few have property,

in horses and herds, are proud, haughty, and insolent. The Cayuses, next

easterly, are less numerous, but more formidable, being brave, active,

tempestuous, and warlike. Their country is well watered, gently

undulating, extremely healthy, and admirably adapted to grazing, as Dr.

Marcus Whitman, who resides in their midst, may have informed you. They

are comparatively rich in herds, independent in manner, and not

unfrequently boisterous, saucy, and troublesome in language and

behavior. The Nez Perces, still further in the interior, number

something less than three thousand; they inhabit a beautiful grazing

district not surpassed by any I have seen for verdure, water privileges,

climate, or health. The tribe forms, to some extent, an honorable

exception to the general Indian character, being more noble,

industrious, sensible, and better disposed toward the whites and their

improvements in the arts and sciences; and, though as brave as Caesar,

the whites have nothing to dread at their hands, in case of their

dealing out to them what they conceive to be right and equitable. Of

late, these three tribes have become strongly united by reason of much

intermarriage. For the last twenty years they have been generally well

disposed toward the whites; but at the time Captain Bonneville visited

this district of country, he dealt more profusely in presents and paid a

higher price for furs than Mr. Pambrun, one of the traders of the

Hudson's Bay Company, established at Wallawalla, who had long dealt with

them, and was previously a general favorite. On Mr. Bonneville's

leaving, the chiefs assembled at the fort, and insisted on a change of

the tariff in their favor. Pambrun refusing, they seized him, stamped

violently upon his breast, beat him severely, and retained him prisoner,

in rather unenviable circumstances, till they gained, to a considerable

extent, their object. Since that time, they have been more consequential

in feeling, and shown less deference and respect to the whites. On the

arrival of missionaries among them they have never failed to make, at

first, a most favorable impression, which has, in most instances,

unfortunately, led to too near an approach to familiarity, operating

alike prejudicial to both parties. The Rev. Messrs. Lee and Parker, who

made each but a short stay among them, left with like favorable

impressions. Their successors, Spalding, Whitman, Gray, and ladies, with

others who remained among them, were at last driven to the conclusion

that Indians as much resembled each other in character as complexion.

These worthy people, not well versed in Indian character, and anxious to

accomplish a great deal in a short time, resorted to various expedients

to induce them to leave off their wandering migratory habits, and settle

down contiguous to them in herding and agricultural pursuits, so as to

be able to send their numerous and healthy children to school. In these

efforts they were zealous and persevering, holding out various

inducements as so many stimulants to action, most of which would have

operated well in civilized life, but generally failed with these

Indians; and whatever was promised conditionally, whether the condition

was met or otherwise, there was no reprieve--the promised articles must

come; and sometimes, under circumstances sufficiently trying, had these

missionaries been less devoted, they would have driven them from their

post forever.

The Indians, having gained one and another victory, became more and more

insolent, till at last, some time previous to my arrival, they were not

only obtrusive and exceedingly annoying about and in the missionaries'

houses, but seized one of the clergymen in his own house,[2] without a

shadow of provocation, further than that of treating a better

neighboring chief with more respect than they, and insulted him most

shamefully, there being no other white person within fifty miles, save

his sick and delicate lady. Soon after, they commenced on Dr. Whitman;

pulled his ears and hair, and threw off his hat three times in the mud

at his feet. A short time after, the chiefs assembled, broke into the

house, violently assailed his person with war clubs, and, with an ax,

broke down the door leading to his own private apartment. It is

generally thought, and possibly with truth, that, on this occasion, Dr.

Whitman would have been killed, had not a party of white men arrived in

sight just at this moment.[3] Never was such an outrage and insult more

undeserving. He had built, for the express purpose of Indian

accommodation, a house of the same materials, and finished in like

manner with his own, of respectable size, and joined to his, and at all

times, night and day, accessible. In addition to this, they were

admitted to every room in his house but one. This being closed, had like

to have cost him his life. He had hardly left for the States last fall,

when, shocking to relate, at the hour of midnight, a large Indian chief

managed to get into the house, came to the door of Mrs. Whitman's

bed-chamber, and had succeeded in getting it partly open before she

reached it. A white man, sleeping in an adjoining apartment, saved her

from violence and ruin. The villain escaped. There was but one thing

wrong in this matter on the part of Dr. Whitman, and that was a great

error,--leaving his excellent lady unprotected in the midst of

savages.[4] A few days after this they burned down the mission mill on

his premises, with all its appendages and considerable grain, damaging

them not less than twelve or fifteen hundred dollars. About the same

time, Mrs. Spalding was grossly insulted in her own house, and ordered

out of it, in the absence of her husband. Information reached him of an

Indian having stolen his horse near the same time; he hastened to the

spot to secure the animal; the rogue had crossed the river; but,

immediately returning, he presented his loaded gun, cocked, at the

breast of Mr. Spalding, and abused and menaced as far as possible

without shooting him.[5]

[Footnote 2] Rev. A. B. Smith, who employed the Lawyer as his

teacher in the Nez Perce language. Ellis was the chief who

claimed the land, and had been at the Red River school. He

was jealous of the Lawyer's influence with the American

missionaries, and used his influence with the Hudson's Bay

Company to drive Mr. Smith away.

[Footnote 3] We were present at Dr. Whitman's at the time

here referred to, and know that this difficulty originated

from Jesuitical teachings.

[Footnote 4] There were good men left at the station;

besides, the influence of Mr. McKinley was thought to be

sufficient protection from any violence from the Indians.

[Footnote 5] This transaction is represented by Rev. Mr.

Brouillet as being that Mr. Spalding threatened the Indian

with a gun,--being a mistake on the part of Rev. Mr.

Brouillet.

In addition to this, some of our own party were robbed openly of

considerable property, and some twelve horses were stolen by night. All

this information, coming near the same time, was embarrassing,

especially as my instructions would not allow me to exceed, for office,

interpreter, and every purpose, $1,250 per annum. On the other hand,

their passport, signed by the Secretary of War, made it my imperative

duty to protect them, in their persons, at least, from outrage. I did

not long hesitate, but called upon Thomas McKay, long in the employment

of the Hudson's Bay Company as explorer and leader of parties, who, from

his frank, generous disposition, together with his universal success in

Indian warfare, has obtained an extensive influence among the aborigines

of the country, and, placing the facts before him, he at once consented

to accompany me to this scene of discord and contention. We took but six

men with us, armed in the best manner, a sufficient number to command

respect and secure the object of our undertaking,--McKay assuring me,

from his familiar acquaintance with these Indians, and their thorough

knowledge of the use of arms, that if hostile intentions were

entertained, it would require a larger party than we could raise in this

country to subdue them. Obtaining Cornelius Rogers as interpreter, we

set out on the 15th of November on our voyage of misery (as McKay justly

denominated it), having a journey, by water and land, of not less than

nine hundred and fifty miles, principally over open plains, covered with

snow, and several times under the necessity of spending the night

without wood or fire, other than what was made by a small growth of wild

sage, hardly sufficient to boil the tea-kettle. The gentlemen, as we

called at Vancouver, did every thing in their power to make the journey

comfortable, but evidently felt anxious concerning our safety. We

reached the Dalles, some two hundred and twenty miles from the Pacific,

on the 24th, having been detained by wind, spent several days with the

Methodist Mission families, who welcomed us joyfully, and made our stay

agreeable and refreshing. Mrs. Dr. Whitman was here, having found it

improper and unsafe to remain where she had been so lately grossly

insulted. Her noble and intellectual mind and spirit were much

depressed, and her health suffering; but still entertaining for the

people or Indians of her charge the feelings of a mother toward

ungrateful children. Our visit encouraged her. We procured horses and

traveled by land to Wallawalla, 140 miles above, reaching the Hudson's

Bay establishment on the 30th. Mr. McKinley, the gentleman in charge, to

whom the missionaries are indebted for many kind offices in this

isolated portion of earth, resolved to make it a common cause, and stand

or fall with us. We reached Wailatpu, the station of Dr. Whitman, the

day following, and were shocked and pained at beholding the sad work of

savage destruction upon this hitherto neat and commodious little

establishment. The Indians in the vicinity were few and shy. I thought

best to treat them with reserve, but made an appointment to meet the

chiefs and tribe on my return. Left the day following for the station of

Mr. Spalding among the Nez Perces, some 120 or 130 miles from Wailatpu;

reached it on the 3d of December, after a rather pleasant journey over a

most verdant and delightful grazing district, well watered, but badly

timbered. Having sent a private dispatch in advance, they had conveyed

the intelligence to the Indians, many of whom were collected. The chiefs

met us with civility, gravity, and dignified reserve, but the

missionaries with joyful countenances and glad hearts.

Seldom was a visit of an Indian agent more desired, nor could one be

more necessary and proper. As they were collecting, we had no meeting

for eight and forty hours; in the mean time, through my able

interpreter and McKay, I managed to secure confidence and prepare the

way to a good understanding; visited and prescribed for their sick, made

a short call at each of the chiefs' lodges, spent a season in school,

hearing them read, spell, and sing; at the same time examined their

printing and writing, and can hardly avoid here saying I was happily

surprised and greatly interested at seeing such numbers so far advanced

and so eagerly pursuing after knowledge. The next day I visited their

little plantations, rude, to be sure, but successfully carried on, so

far as raising the necessaries of life were concerned; and it was most

gratifying to witness their fondness and care for their little herds,

pigs, poultry, etc.

The hour arriving for the public interview, I was ushered into the

presence of the assembled chiefs, to the number of twenty-two, with some

lesser dignitaries, and a large number of the common people. The

gravity, fixed attention, and decorum of these sons of the forest was

calculated to make for them a most favorable impression. I stated

explicitly, but briefly as possible, the design of our great chief in

sending me to this country, and the present object of my visit; assured

them of the kind intentions of our government, and of the sad

consequences that would ensue to any white man, from this time, who

should invade their rights, by stealing, murder, selling them damaged

for good articles, or alcohol, of which they are not fond. Without

threatening, I gave them to understand how highly Mr. and Mrs. Spalding

were prized by the numerous whites, and with what pleasure the great

chief gave them a paper to encourage them to come here to teach them

what they were now so diligently employed in obtaining, in order that

they and their children might become good, wise, and happy.

After me, Mr. McKinley, the gentleman in charge of the Hudson's Bay

establishment at Wallawalla, spoke concisely, but very properly; alluded

to his residence of some years, and of the good understanding that had

generally existed between them, and of the happiness he felt that one of

his brothers had come to stand and judge impartially between him, them,

and whites and Indians in general; declared openly and frankly, that

Boston, King George, and French, were all of one heart in this matter,

as they, the Cayuses and Wallawallas should be; flattered them

delicately in view of their (to him) unexpected advancement in the arts

and sciences, and resumed his seat, having made a most favorable

impression.

Next followed Mr. Rogers, the interpreter, who, years before, had been

employed successfully as linguist in this section of the country by the

American Board of Commissioners, and was ever a general favorite with

this people. He adverted, sensibly and touchingly, to past difficulties

between whites and Indians east of the mountains, and the sad

consequences to every tribe who had resisted honorable measures proposed

by the more numerous whites; and having, as he hoped, secured their

confidence in my favor, exhorted them feelingly to adopt such measures

as should be thought proper for their benefit.

Next, and lastly, arose Mr. McKay, and remarked, with a manner peculiar

to himself, and evidently with some emotion: "I appear among you as one

arisen from the long sleep of death. You know of the violent death of my

father on board the ship _Tonquin_, who was one of the partners of the

Astor company; I was but a youth; since which time, till the last five

years, I have been a wanderer through these wilds, none of you, or any

Indians of this country, having traveled so constantly or extensively as

I have, and yet I saw you or your fathers once or more annually. I have

mingled with you in bloody wars and profound peace; I have stood in your

midst, surrounded by plenty, and suffered with you in seasons of

scarcity; we have had our days of wild and joyous sports, and nights of

watching and deep concern, till I vanished from among men, left the

Hudson's Bay Company, silently retired to my plantation, and there

confined myself. There I was still, silent, and as one dead; the voice

of my brother, at last, aroused me; I spoke and looked; I mounted my

horse--am here. I am glad it is so. I came at the call of the great

chief, the chief of all the whites in the country, as well as all the

Indians--the son of the mighty chief whose children are more numerous

than the stars in the heavens or the leaves in the forest. Will you

hear, and be advised? You will. Your wonderful improvement in the arts

and sciences prove you are no fools. Surely you will hear; but if

disposed to close your ears and stop them, they will be torn open wide,

and you will be made to hear." This speech from Mr. McKay, whose mother

is part Indian, though the wife of Governor McLaughlin, had a singularly

happy influence, and opened the way for expressions on the other side,

from which there had not hitherto been a sentence uttered.

First arose Five Crows, a wealthy chief of forty-five, neatly attired in

English costume. He stepped gravely but modestly forward to the table,

remarking: "It does not become me to speak first; I am but a youth, as

yet, when compared with many of these, my fathers; but my feelings urge

me to arise and say what I am about to utter in a very few words. I am

glad the chief has come; I have listened to what has been said; have

great hopes that brighter days are before us, because I see all the

whites united in this matter; we have much wanted something; hardly

knew what; been groping and feeling for it in confusion and darkness.

Here it is. Do we see it, and shall we accept it?"

Soon the Bloody Chief (not less than ninety years old) arose, and said:

"I speak to-day; perhaps to-morrow I die. I am the oldest chief of the

tribe; was the high chief when your great brothers, Lewis and Clarke,

visited this country; they visited me, and honored me with their

friendship and counsel. I showed them my numerous wounds received in

bloody battle with the Snakes; they told me it was not good, it was

better to be at peace; gave me a flag of truce; I held it up high; we

met and talked, but never fought again. Clarke pointed to this day, to

you, and this occasion; we have long waited in expectation; sent three

of our sons to Red River school to prepare for it; two of them sleep

with their fathers; the other is here, and can be ears, mouth, and pen

for us. I can say no more; I am quickly tired; my voice and limbs

tremble. I am glad I live to see you and this day, but I shall soon be

still and quiet in death."

The speech was affecting. Six more spoke, and the meeting adjourned

three hours. Met at the hour appointed. All the chiefs and principal men

being present, stated delicately the embarrassed relation existing

between whites and Indians in this upper country, by reason of a want of

proper organization, or the chiefs' authority not being properly

regarded; alluding to some cases of improprieties of young men, not

sanctioned by the chiefs and old men; and where the chiefs had been in

the wrong, hoped it had principally arisen from imperfectly

understanding each other's language, or some other excusable cause,

especially so far as they were concerned. Advised them, as they were now

to some extent prepared, to choose one high chief of the tribe, and

acknowledge him as such by universal consent; all the other subordinate

chiefs being of equal power, and so many helps to carry out all his

lawful requirements, which they were at once to have in writing, in

their own language, to regulate their intercourse with whites, and, in

most cases, with themselves. I advised that each chief have five men as

a body-guard, to execute all their lawful commands. They desired to hear

the laws. I proposed them clause by clause, leaving them as free to

reject as to accept. They were greatly pleased with all proposed, but

wished a heavier penalty to some, and suggested the dog law, which was

annexed. We then left them to choose the high chief, assuring them if

they did this unanimously by the following day at ten, we would all dine

together with the chief, on a fat ox, at three, himself and myself at

the head of the table; this pleased them well, and they set about it in

good cheer and high hopes; but this was a new and delicate task, and

they soon saw and felt it; however, all agreed that I must make the

selection, and so reported two hours after we left the council. Assuring

them this would not answer, that they must select their own chief, they

seemed somewhat puzzled, and wished to know if it would be proper to

counsel with Messrs. McKay and Rogers. On telling them that it was not

improper, they left, a little relieved, and worked poor Rogers and McKay

severely for many hours; but altogether at length figured it out, and in

great good humor, so reported at ten, appointing Ellis high chief.[6] He

is the one alluded to by the Bloody Chief, a sensible man of thirty-two,

reading, speaking, and writing the English language tolerably well; has

a fine small plantation, a few sheep, some neat stock, and no less than

eleven hundred head of horses. Then came on the feasting; our ox was

fat, and cooked and served up in a manner reminding me of the days of

yore; we ate beef, corn, and peas, to our fill, and in good cheer took

the pipe, when Rev. Mr. Spalding, Messrs. McKinley, Rogers, and McKay,

wished a song from our boatmen; it was no sooner given than returned by

the Indians, and repeated again, again, and again, in high cheer. I

thought it a good time, and required all having any claim to bring, or

grievances to allege, against Mr. Spalding, to meet me and the high

chief at evening, in the council-room, and requested Mr. Spalding to do

the same on the part of the Indians. We met at six, and ended at eleven,

having accomplished, in the happiest manner, much anxious business.

Being too well fed to be irritable or disposed to quarrel, both parties

were frank and open, seeming anxious only to learn our opinion upon

plain undisguised matters of fact, many of the difficulties having

arisen from an honest difference of sentiment respecting certain

measures.

[Footnote 6] He had been educated by the Hudson's Bay Company

at Red River, and was strongly attached to it.

Ellis, the chief, having conducted himself throughout in a manner

creditable to his head and heart, was quite as correct in his

conclusions and firm in his decisions as could have been expected. The

next day we had our last meeting, and one full of interest, in which

they proposed to me many grave and proper questions; and, as it was

manifestly desired, I advised in many matters, especially in reference

to begging, or even receiving presents without, in some way, returning

an equivalent; pointed out in strong language who beggars are among the

whites, and how regarded; and commended them for not once troubling me,

during my stay, with this disgusting practice; and as a token of

respect, now, at the close of our long and happy meeting, they would

please accept, in the name of my great chief, a present of fifty garden

hoes, not for those in authority, or such as had no need of them, but

for the chiefs and Mr. Spalding to distribute among their industrious

poor. I likewise, as they were very needy, proposed and ordered them

some medicines, to be distributed as they should from time to time be

required. This being done, I exhorted them to be in obedience to their

chiefs, highly approving the choice they had made, assuring them, as he

and the other chiefs were responsible to me for their good behavior, I

should feel it my duty to see them sustained in all lawful measures to

promote peace and order. I then turned, and with good effect desired all

the chiefs to look upon the congregation as their own children, and then

pointed to Mr. Spalding and lady, and told the chiefs, and all present,

to look upon them as their father and mother, and treat them in all

respects as such; and should they happen to differ in sentiment

respecting any matter during my absence, be cautious not to differ in

feeling, but leave it till I should again return, when the chief and

myself would rectify it. Thus closed this mutually happy and interesting

meeting, and mounting our horses for home, Mr. Spalding and the chiefs

accompanied us for some four or five miles, when we took leave of them

in the pleasantest manner, not a single circumstance having occurred to

mar our peace or shake each other's confidence.

I shall here introduce a note, previously prepared, giving some further

information respecting this tribe, and appending a copy of their laws.

The Nez Perces have one governor or principal chief, twelve subordinate

chiefs of equal power, being the heads of the different villages or

clans, with their five officers to execute all their lawful orders,

which law they have printed in their own language, and read

understandingly. The chiefs are held responsible to the whites for the

good behavior of the tribe. They are a happy and orderly people, forming

an honorable exception to the general Indian character, being more

industrious, cleanly, sensible, dignified, and virtuous.

This organization was effected last fall, and operates well, and with

them, it is to be hoped, will succeed. A few days since Governor

McLaughlin favored me with a note addressed to him from the Rev. H. H.

Spalding, missionary to this tribe, stating as follows:--

"The Indians in this vicinity are remarkably quiet this winter,

and are highly pleased with the laws recommended by Dr. White,

which were unanimously adopted by the chiefs and people in council

assembled. The visit of Dr. White and assistants to this upper

country will evidently prove an incalculable blessing to this

people. The school now numbers two hundred and twenty-four in

daily attendance, embracing most of the chiefs and principal men

of the nation."

_Laws of the Nez Perces._

ARTICLE 1. Whoever willfully takes life shall be hung.

ART. 2. Whoever burns a dwelling-house shall be hung.

ART. 3. Whoever burns an out-building shall be imprisoned six months,

receive fifty lashes, and pay all damages.

ART. 4. Whoever carelessly burns a house, or any property, shall pay

damages.

ART. 5. If any one enter a dwelling, without permission of the occupant,

the chiefs shall punish him as they think proper. Public rooms are

excepted.

ART. 6. If any one steal he shall pay back twofold; and if it be the

value of a beaver skin or less, he shall receive twenty-five lashes; and

if the value is over a beaver skin he shall pay back twofold, and

receive fifty lashes.

ART. 7. If any one take a horse and ride it, without permission, or take

any article and use it, without liberty, he shall pay for the use of it,

and receive from twenty to fifty lashes, as the chief shall direct.

ART. 8. If any one enter a field, and injure the crops, or throw down

the fence, so that cattle or horses go in and do damage, he shall pay

all damages, and receive twenty-five lashes for every offense.

ART. 9. Those only may keep dogs who travel or live among the game; if a

dog kill a lamb, calf, or any domestic animal, the owner shall pay the

damages and kill the dog.

ART. 10. If an Indian raise a gun or other weapon against a white man,

it shall be reported to the chiefs, and they shall punish it. If a white

do the same to an Indian, it shall be reported to Dr. White, and he

shall punish or redress it.

ART. 11. If an Indian break these laws, he shall be punished by his

chiefs; if a white man break them, he shall be reported to the agent,

and punished at his instance.

After a severe journey of some four days, through the inclemency of the

weather, we reached Wailatpu, Dr. Whitman's station, where we had many

most unpleasant matters to settle with the Cayuse tribe,--such as

personal abuse to Dr. Whitman and lady, burning the mill, etc. Several,

but not all, of the chiefs were present. Learning what the Nez Perces

had done gave them great concern and anxiety. Tawatowe, the high chief,

and Feather Cap were there, with some few more dignitaries, but

manifestly uneasy, being shy and cautious. I thought best under the

circumstances to be quiet, distant, and reserved, and let them commence

the conversation with my worthy and faithful friends, Rogers and McKay,

who conducted it with characteristic firmness and candor. They had not

proceeded far before Feather Cap, for the first time in his life, so far

as we know, commenced weeping, and wished to see me; said his heart was

sick, and he could not live long as he now felt. Tawatowe, who was no

way implicated personally in the difficulties, and a correct man,

continued for some time firm and steady to his purpose; said the whites

were much more to blame than the Indians; that three-fourths of them,

though they taught the purest doctrines, practiced the greatest

abominations,--alluding to the base conduct of many in the Rocky

Mountains, where they meet them on their buffalo hunts during the summer

season, and witness the greatest extravagances. They were shown the

inapplicability of such instances to the present cases of difficulty.

He, too, at last, was much subdued; wished to see me; was admitted; made

a sensible speech in his own favor; said he was constituted, eight years

before, high chief; entered upon its duties with spirit and courage,

determined to reduce his people to order. He flogged the young men and

reproved the middle-aged, till, having none to sustain him, his

popularity had so declined, that, except in seasons of difficulty

brought about by their improprieties, "I am left alone to say my prayers

and go to bed, to weep over the follies and wickedness of my people."

Here his voice trembled, and he wept freely; acknowledged it as his

opinion that the mill was burnt purposely by some disaffected persons

toward Dr. Whitman. I spoke kindly and somewhat encouragingly to these

chiefs; assured them the guilty only were to be regarded as such; and

that candor was commendable, and would be honored by all the good;

assured them I credited all they said, and deplored the state of their

nation, which was in perfect anarchy and confusion; told them I could

say but little to them now, as their chiefs were mostly abroad; but must

say the shocking conduct of one of the chiefs toward Mrs. Whitman

greatly afflicted me; and that, with the destruction of the mill, and

their abominable conduct toward Dr. Whitman, if not speedily settled,

would lead to the worst of consequences to their tribe. I made an

engagement, to meet them and all the tribe on the 10th of the ensuing

April, to adjust differences and come to a better understanding, they

earnestly wishing to adopt such laws as the Nez Perces had done. We

should probably have accomplished a satisfactory settlement, had not

several of the influential chiefs been too far away to get information

of the meeting. We reached Wascopum on December 25, the Indians being in

great excitement, having different views and impressions respecting the

nature of the approaching visit. We spent four days with them, holding

meetings daily, instructing them in the nature of government, civil

relations, domestic duties, etc. Succeeded, in like happy manner, with

them as with the Nez Perces, they unanimously adopting the same code of

laws.

Late information from one of their missionaries you will see in the

following note from Mr. H. B. Brewer:--

"The Indians of this place intend to carry out the regulations you

left them to the letter. They have been quite engaged in cutting

logs for houses, and live in expectation of better dwellings by and

by. For the least transgression of the laws, they are punished by

their chiefs immediately. The clean faces of some, and the tidy

dresses of others, show the good effects of your visit."

And here allow me to say, except at Wascopum, the missionaries of this

upper country are too few in number at their respective stations, and in

too defenseless a state for their own safety, or the best good of the

Indians, the latter taking advantage of these circumstances, to the no

small annoyance, and, in some instances, greatly endangering the

personal safety, of the former. You will see its bearings upon this

infant colony, and doubtless give such information or instructions to

the American Board of Commissioners, or myself, as will cause a

correction of this evil. It has already occasioned some difficulty and

much cost. I have insisted upon an increase of numbers at Mr. Spalding's

mission, which has accordingly been re-enforced by Mr. Littlejohn and

lady, rendering that station measurably secure; but not so at Wailatpu,

or some of the Catholic missions, where some of them lost a considerable

amount in herds during last winter, and, I am told, were obliged to

abandon their posts, their lives being endangered. This was in the

interior, near the Blackfoot country. You will observe, from the reports

of the different missions, which, so far as I am otherwise informed, are

correct, that they are doing some positive good in the country, not only

by diffusing the light of science abroad among us, but also by giving

employment to many, and, by their drafts upon the different Boards and

others, creating a circulating medium in this country; but, though they

make comparatively slow progress in the way of reform among the

aborigines of this country, their pious and correct example has a most

restraining influence upon both whites and Indians, and in this way they

prevent much evil.

They have in successful operation six schools. Rev. Mr. and Mrs.

Spalding (whose zeal and untiring industry for the benefit of the people

of their charge entitle them to our best considerations) have a school

of some two hundred and twenty-four, in constant attendance, most

successfully carried forward, which promises to be of great usefulness

to both sexes and all ages. Rev. Messrs. Walker and Eells I have not

been at leisure to visit, but learn they have two small schools in

operation; the one at Wailatpu, Dr. Whitman's station, is now

recommenced with promise of usefulness.

The Rev. Mr. Blanchet and associates, though zealous Catholics, are

peaceable, industrious, indefatigable, and successful in promoting

religious knowledge among the Canadian population and aborigines of this

country. Their enterprise in the erection of mills and other public

works is very commendable, and the general industry, good order, and

correct habits of that portion of the population under their charge is

sufficient proof that their influence over their people has been exerted

for good.[7] The Rev. Mr. Lee and associates, from their well-conducted

operations at the Dalles; upon the Columbia, and a school of some thirty

scholars successfully carried forward upon the Wallamet, are doing but

little for the Indians; nor could great efforts produce much good among

the scattered remnants of the broken tribes of this lower district, who

are fast disappearing before the ravages of the most loathsome diseases.

Their principal hopes of success in this country are among the whites,

where they are endeavoring to lay deep and broad the foundations of

science. The literary institution referred to by Mr. Lee is situated

upon a beautiful rising ground, a healthy and eligible location. Could a

donation of five thousand dollars be bestowed upon the institution, it

would greatly encourage its friends. The donations made by individuals

of this country have been most liberal, several giving one-third of all

they possessed. There is a small school established at Tualatin Plains

by Rev. Mr. Clark and lady. There is also a school at the Catholic

Mission, upon the Wallamet, and also one upon their station at Cowlitz.

For further information I will refer you to the reports made, at my

request, by the several missions, and accompanying these dispatches.

[Footnote 7] This statement about Rev. Mr. Blanchet and

associates, "their enterprise in erecting mills end other

public Works," shows how easy it was for the agent to

belittle his own countrymen's labors, and attribute to others

what they never attempted to do, and in the next paragraph

say they "are doing but little for the Indians;" while the

truth is, and was at the time, that Mr. Lee and his mission

were the only persons in the Wallamet Valley doing any thing

to improve the condition of the Indians, of which their

Indian school, now Wallamet University, is a permanent

monument, which Dr. White ignores in this report.

* * * * *

I must close by praying that measures may be speedily entered into to

take possession of this country, if such steps have not already been

taken. I left home before the close of the session of Congress, and by

reason do not know what disposition was made of Hon. Mr. Linn's bill. As

a reason for this praying, I would here say, the time was when the

gentlemen of the Hudson's Bay Company and the missions wielded the

entire influence over this small population; but as they have been

re-enforced latterly from whale ships, the Rocky Mountains, and the

Southwestern States, these hitherto salutary restraints and influences

are giving way, and being measurably lost.

At present I have considerable influence, but can not long expect to

retain it, especially in the faithful discharge of my duty. As a reason

for coming to such a conclusion, I had but just arrived from the

interior, when I received an urgent call to visit the mouth of the

Columbia. I left at once, in company with Nathaniel Crocker, Esq., Mr.

Rogers (my interpreter), his lady, and her young sister (the females

going only to the falls), with a crew of Indians, on our ill-fated

expedition. We reached the falls at sunset, February 1, and, by reason

of the water being higher than usual, in passing around a jutting or

projecting rock, the canoe came up suddenly against a log constituting

the landing, at which instant I stepped off, and in a moment the canoe

was swept away, with all its precious cargo, over the falls of

thirty-eight feet, three rods below. The shock was dreadful to this

infant colony, and the loss was dreadful and irreparable to me, Mr.

Rogers being more important to me than any one in the country; nor was

there a more respectable or useful man in the colony. Nathaniel Crocker

came in with me last fall from Tompkins County; he was much pleased with

the country and its prospects, and the citizens were rejoiced at the

arrival of such a man in this country; he was every way capacitated for

usefulness. None of the bodies of the four whites or two Indians have

been as yet found.

* * * * *

On arriving at the mouth of the Columbia, I found a sailor by the name

of George Geere, who had most evidently and maliciously labored to

instigate the Indians to take the life of one of the mission gentlemen,

by the offer of five blankets. Complaint being made, and having no

better means, I prevailed upon Governor McLaughlin to allow him to

accompany their express across the mountains to the States. I would here

say, as the scamp was nearly a fool as well as villain, I allowed him to

go without sending evidence against him, on condition of his going

voluntarily, and never returning.

I here likewise found a rash, venturesome character, about starting off

on a trapping and trading excursion among a somewhat numerous band of

Indians, and nowise well disposed toward the whites. As he saw and felt

no danger, arguments were of no avail, and threats only prevented.

Sir, shall men be allowed to go wherever they may please, however remote

from the colony, and settle, under circumstances that endanger not only

their own personal safety, but the peace and safety of the whole white

population? Please give me specific instructions respecting this matter.

* * * * *

I have eight prisoners on hand at present, for various crimes,

principally stealing horses, grain, etc.; and crimes are multiplying

with numbers among the whites, and with scarcity of game among the

Indians.

* * * * *

No intelligence from abroad has reached us this winter. Mount St. Helen,

one of these snow-capped volcanic mountains, some 16,000 feet above the

level of the sea, and eighty miles northwest of Vancouver, broke out

upon the 20th of November last, presenting a scene the most awful and

sublime imaginable, scattering smoke and ashes several hundred miles

distance.

A petition started from this country to-day, making bitter complaints

against the Hudson's Bay Company and Governor McLaughlin. On reference

to it (as a copy was denied), I shall only say, had any gentleman

disconnected with the Hudson's Bay Company been at half the pains and

expense to establish a claim on the Wallamet Falls, very few would have

raised an opposition. His half-bushel measure I know to be exact,

according to the English imperial standard. The gentlemen of this

company have been fathers and fosterers of the colony, ever encouraging

peace, industry, and good order, and have sustained a character for

hospitality and integrity too well established to be easily shaken.

I am, sir, sincerely and most respectfully, your humble and obedient

servant,

ELIJAH WHITE,

Sub-Agent Indian Affairs, W. R. M.

T. HARTLEY CRAWFORD, Esq.,

Commissioner Indian Affairs.

CHAPTER XXXI.

Letter of H. H. Spalding to Dr. White.--Account of his mission

among the Nez Perces.--Schools.--Cultivation.--Industrial

arts.--Moral character.--Arable land.--Letter of Commissioner of

Indian Affairs to the Secretary of War.

MY DEAR BROTHER,--The kind letter which our mission had the honor of

receiving from yourself, making inquiries relative to its numbers, the

character of the Indian tribes among whom its several stations are

located, the country, etc., is now before me.

The questions referring to Indian character are very important, and to

answer them demands a more extended knowledge of character and habits,

from personal daily observation, than the short residence of six years

can afford, and more time and attention than I can possibly command,

amidst the numerous cares and labors of the station. I less regret this,

as the latter will receive the attention of my better-informed and

worthy associates of the other stations.

Concerning many of the questions, I can only give my own half-formed

opinions, from limited observations which have not extended far beyond

the people of my immediate charge.

Our mission is under the patronage of the American Board, and was

commenced in the fall of 1836, by Marcus Whitman, M. D., and myself,

with our wives and Mr. Gray. Dr. Whitman was located at Wailatpu, among

the Cayuse Indians, twenty-five miles east of Fort Wallawalla, a

trading-post of the Hudson's Bay Company, which stands nine miles below

the junction of Lewis and Clarke rivers, three hundred from the Pacific,

and about two hundred from Fort Vancouver. I was located at this place,

on the Clearwater, or Koos-koos-ky River, twelve miles from its junction

with the Lewis River, one hundred and twenty miles east of Wailatpu. Mr.

Gray left the same winter, and returned to the States. In the fall of

1838, Mr. Gray returned to this country, accompanied by Mrs. Gray,

Messrs. Walker, Eells, and Smith, and their wives, and Mr. Rogers. The

next season, two new stations were commenced, one by Messrs. Walker and

Eells at Cimakain, near Spokan River, among the Spokan Indians, one

hundred and thirty-five miles northwest of this station, and sixty-five

miles south of Fort Colville, on the Columbia River, three hundred miles

above Fort Wallawalla; the second by Mr. Smith, among the Nez Perces,

sixty miles above this station. There are now connected with this

mission the Rev. Messrs. Walker and Eells, Mrs. Walker and Mrs. Eells;

at Cimakain, myself, and Mrs. Spalding at this station. Dr. Whitman is

now on a visit to the States, and Mrs. Whitman on a visit to the Dalles,

a station of our Methodist brethren. But two natives have as yet been

admitted into the church. Some ten or twelve others give pleasing

evidence of having been born again.

Concerning the schools and congregations on the Sabbath, I will speak

only of this station. The congregation on the Sabbath varies at

different seasons of the year, and must continue to do so until the

people find a substitute in the fruits of the earth and herds for their

roots, game, and fish, which necessarily require much wandering. I am

happy to say that this people are very generally turning their

attention, with much apparent eagerness, to cultivating the soil, and

raising hogs, cattle, and sheep, and find a much more abundant and

agreeable source of subsistence in the hoe than in their bows and sticks

for digging roots.

For a few weeks in the fall, after the people return from their buffalo

hunt, and then again, in the spring, the congregation numbers from one

to two thousand. Through the winter it numbers from two to eight

hundred. From July to the 1st of October, it varies from two to five

hundred. The congregation, as also the school, increases every winter,

as the quantity of provision raised in this vicinity is increased.

Preparatory to schools and a permanent congregation, my earliest

attention, on arriving in this country, was turned toward schools, as

promising the most permanent good to the nation, in connection with the

written word of God and the preached gospel. But to speak of schools

then was like speaking of the church bell, when as yet the helve is not

put in the first ax by which the timber is to be felled, or the first

stone laid in the dam which is to collect the water from whence the

lumber in the edifice in which the bell is to give forth its sounds.

Suffice it to say, through the blessing of God, we have had an

increasingly large school, for two winters past, with comparatively

favorable means of instruction.

But the steps by which we have been brought to the present elevation, if

I may so speak, though we are yet exceedingly low, begin far, far back

among the days of nothing, and little to do with.

Besides eating my own bread by the sweat of my brow, there were the

wandering children of a necessarily wandering people to collect and

bring permanently within the reach of the school. Over this department

of labor hung the darkest cloud, as the Indian is noted for despising

manual labor; but I would acknowledge, with humble gratitude, the

interposition of that hand which holds the hearts of all men. The hoe

soon brought hope, light, and satisfaction, the fruits of which are

yearly becoming much more than a substitute for their former precarious

game and roots, and are much preferred by the people, who are coming in

from the mountains and plains, and calling for hoes, plows, and seeds,

much faster than they can be furnished, and collecting around the

station in increasing numbers, to cultivate their little farms; so

furnishing a permanent school and congregation on the Sabbath, from four

to eight months, and, as the farms are enlarged, giving food and

employment for the year. I trust the school and congregation will be

permanent through the year. It was no small tax on my time to give the

first lessons on agriculture. That the men of the nation (the first

chiefs not excepted) rose up to labor when a few hoes and seeds were

offered them, I can attribute to nothing but the unseen hand of the God

of missions. That their habits are really changed is acknowledged by

themselves. The men say, whereas they once did not labor with their

hands, now they do; and often tell me in jesting that I have converted

them into a nation of women. They are a very industrious people, and,

from very small beginnings, they now cultivate their lands with much

skill, and to good advantage. Doubtless many more would cultivate, but

for the want of means. Your kind donation of fifty hoes, in behalf of

the government, will be most timely; and should you be able to send up

the plows you kindly proposed, they will, without doubt, be purchased

immediately, and put to the best use.

But to return to the school. It now numbers two hundred and twenty-five

in daily attendance, half of which are adults. Nearly all the principal

men and chiefs in this vicinity, with one chief from a neighboring

tribe, are members of the school. A new impulse was given to the school

by the warm interest yourself and Mr. McKay took in it while you were

here. They are as industrious in school as they are on their farms.

Their improvement is astonishing, considering their crowded condition,

and only Mrs. Spalding, with her delicate constitution and her family

cares, for their teacher.

About one hundred are printing their own books with a pen. This keeps up

a deep interest, as they daily have new lessons to print, and what they

print must be committed to memory as soon as possible.

A good number are now so far advanced in reading and printing as to

render much assistance in teaching. Their books are taken home at

nights, and every lodge becomes a schoolroom.

Their lessons are scripture lessons; no others (except the laws) seem to

interest them. I send you a specimen of the books they print in school.

It was printed by ten select adults, yet it is a fair specimen of a

great number in the school.

The laws which you so happily prepared, and which were unanimously

adopted by the people, I have printed in the form of a small

school-book. A great number of the school now read them fluently. I send

you a few copies of the laws, with no apologies for the imperfect manner

in which they are executed. Without doubt, a school of nearly the same

number could be collected at Kimiah, the station above this, vacated by

Mr. Smith, the present residence of Ellis, the principal chief.

_Number who cultivate._--Last season about one hundred and forty

cultivated from one-fourth of an acre to four or five acres each. About

half this number cultivate in the valley. One chief raised one hundred

and seventy-six bushels of peas last season, one hundred of corn, and

four hundred of potatoes. Another, one hundred and fifty of peas, one

hundred and sixty of corn, a large quantity of potatoes, vegetables,

etc. Ellis, I believe, raised more than either of the above-mentioned.

Some forty other individuals raised from twenty to one hundred bushels

of grain. Eight individuals are now furnished with plows. Thirty-two

head of cattle are possessed by thirteen individuals; ten sheep by four;

some forty hogs.

_Arts and sciences._--Mrs. Spalding has instructed ten females in

knitting, a majority of the female department in the schools in sewing,

six in carding and spinning, and three in weaving. Should our worthy

brother and sister, Mr. and Mrs. Littlejohn, join us soon, as is now

expected, I trust, by the blessing of God, we shall see greater things

than we have yet seen. From what I have seen in the field, the school,

the spinning and weaving room, in the prayer-room, and Sabbath

congregation, I am fully of the opinion that this people are susceptible

of high moral and civil improvement.

_Moral character of the people._--On this point there is a great

diversity of opinion. One writer styles them more a nation of saints

than of savages; and if their refusing to move camp for game, at his

suggestion, on a certain day, reminded him that the Sabbath extended as

far west as the Rocky Mountains, he might well consider them such.

Another styles them supremely selfish, which is nearer the truth; for,

without doubt, they are the descendants of Adam. What I have above

stated is evidently a part of the bright side of their character. But

there is also a dark side, in which I have sometimes taken a part. I

must, however, confess that when I attempt to name it, and hold it up as

a marked exception to a nation in similar circumstances, without the

restraint of wholesome laws, and strangers to the heaven-born fruits of

enlightened and well-regulated society, I am not able to do it. Faults

they have, and very great ones, yet few of them seemed disposed to break

the Sabbath by traveling and other secular business. A very few indulge

in something like profane swearing. Very few are superstitiously

attached to their medicine men, who are, without doubt, sorcerers, and

are supposed to be leagued with a supernatural being (Waikin), who shows

himself sometimes in the gray bear, the wolf, the swan, goose, wind,

clouds, etc.

Lying is very common; thieving comparatively rare; polygamy formerly

common, but now rare; much gambling among the young men; quarreling and

fighting quite rare; habit of taking back property after it is sold is a

practice quite common, and very evil in its tendency. All these evils, I

conceive, can be traced to the want of wholesome laws and well-regulated

society. There are two traits in the character of this people I wish to

notice. One I think I can account for; the other I can not. It is often

said the Indian is a noble-minded being, never forgetting a kindness. So

far as my experience has gone with this people, the above is most

emphatically true, but in quite a different sense from the idea there

conveyed. It is true they never forget a kindness, but after make it an

occasion to ask another; and if refused, return insults according to the

favors received. My experience has taught me that, if I would keep the

friendship of an Indian, and do him good, I must show him no more favor

in the way of property than what he returns some kind of an equivalent

for; most of our trials have arisen from this source. I am, however,

happy to feel that there is a manifest improvement as the people become

more instructed, and we become more acquainted with their habits. This

offensive trait in the Indian character I believe, in part, should be

charged to the white man. It has been the universal practice of all

white men to give tobacco, to name no other article, to Indians when

they ask for it. Hence two very natural ideas: one is, that the white

man is in debt to them; the other is, that in proportion as a white man

is a good man he will discharge this debt by giving bountifully of his

provisions and goods. This trait in Indian character is capable of being

turned to the disadvantage of traders, travelers, and missionaries, by

prejudiced white men.

The last trait, which I can not account for, is an apparent disregard

for the rights of white men. Although their eagerness to receive

instruction in school on the Sabbath and on the farm is without a

parallel in my knowledge, still, should a reckless fellow from their own

number, or even a stranger, make an attack on my life or property, I

have no evidence to suppose but a vast majority of them would look on

with indifference and see our dwelling burnt to the ground and our heads

severed from our bodies. I can not reconcile this seeming want of

gratitude with their many encouraging characteristics. But to conclude

this subject, should our unprofitable lives, through a kind Providence,

be spared a few years, by the blessing of the God of missions, we expect

to see this people Christianized to a great extent, civilized, and

happy, with much of science and the word of God, and many of the

comforts of life; but not without many days of hard labor, and sore

trials of disappointed hopes, and nameless perplexities.

The number of this people is variously estimated from two thousand to

four thousand. I can not give a correct estimate.

At this station there is a dwelling-house, a schoolhouse, storehouse,

flour and saw mills (all of a rough kind), fifteen acres of land under

improvement, twenty-four head of cattle, thirty-six horses, sixty-seven

sheep. Rev. Messrs. Walker and Eells, I hope, will report of Wailatpu;

but should they fail, I will say, as near as I can recollect, about

fifty acres of land are cultivated by some seventy individuals; a much

greater number of cattle and hogs than among this people. Belonging to

the station are thirty-four head of cattle, eleven horses, some forty

hogs; one dwelling-house of adobes (well finished), a blacksmith's shop,

flour-mill (lately destroyed by fire), and some forty acres of land

cultivated.

_Arable land._--The arable land in this upper country is confined almost

entirely to the small streams, although further observation may prove

that many of the extensive rolling prairies are capable of producing

wheat. They can become inhabited only by cultivating timber; but the

rich growth of buffalo grass upon them will ever furnish an

inexhaustible supply for innumerable herds of cattle and sheep. I know

of no country in the world so well adapted to the herding system.

Cattle, sheep, and horses are invariably healthy, and produce rapidly;

sheep usually twice a year. The herding system adopted, the country at

first put under regulations adapted to the scarcity of habitable places

(say that no settlers shall be allowed to take up over twenty acres of

land on the streams), and the country without doubt will sustain a great

population. I am happy to feel assured that the United States government

have no other thoughts than to regard the rights and wants of the Indian

tribes in this country.

And while the agency of Indian affairs in this country remains in the

hands of the present agent, I have the fullest confidence to believe

that the reasonable expectations in reference to the intercourse between

whites and Indians will be fully realized by every philanthropist and

every Christian. But as the Indian population is sparse, after they are

abundantly supplied, there will be remaining country sufficient for an

extensive white population.

The thought of removing these tribes, that the country may come wholly

in possession of the whites, can never for a moment enter the mind of a

friend of the red man, for two reasons, to name no other: First, there

are but two countries to which they can be removed, the grave and the

Blackfoot, between which there is no choice; second, the countless

millions of salmon which swarm the Columbia and its tributaries, and

furnish a very great proportion of the sustenance of the tribes who

dwell upon these numerous waters, and a substitute for which can nowhere

be found east or west of the Rocky Mountains, but in herds or

cultivating their own land.----

Your humble servant,

H. H. SPALDING.

Dr. WHITE,

Agent for Indian Affairs west of the Rocky Mountains.

* * * * *

DEPARTMENT OF WAR,}

OFFICE OF INDIAN AFFAIRS, Nov. 25, 1844.}

Communications have been received from Dr. Elijah White, sub-agent for

the Indians in Oregon Territory, dated, severally, November 15, 1843,

and March 18, 1844.----They contain much of interest in considerable

detail. The establishment of white settlements from the United States,

in that remote region, seems to be attended with the circumstances that

have always arisen out of the conversion of an American wilderness into

a cultivated and improved region, modified by the great advance of the

present time in morals, and benevolent and religious institutions. It is

very remarkable that there should be so soon several well-supported,

well-attended, and well-conducted schools in Oregon. The Nez Perce tribe

of Indians have adopted a few simple and plain laws of their code, which

will teach them self-restraint, and is the beginning of government on

their part.

It is painful, however, to know that a distillery for the manufacture of

whisky was erected and in operation west of the Rocky Mountains, which,

however, the sub-agent, sustained by the resident whites, broke up and

destroyed. There was, in February last, an affray between a very

boisterous and desperate Indian and his party and a portion of the

settlers, which ended in the death of several of the combatants. This

unfortunate affair was adjusted, as it is hoped, satisfactorily and

permanently, by the sub-agent, though he seems to apprehend an early

outbreak. I trust he is mistaken.

Respectfully submitted,

T. HARTLEY CRAWFORD.

Hon. WILLIAM WILKINS,

Secretary of War.

CHAPTER XXXII.

Dr. E. White's letter to the Secretary of War.--Excitement among

the Indians.--Visit to Nez Perces, Cayuses, and

Wallawallas.--Destitution and degradation of the Coast

Indians.--Dr. White eulogizes Governor McLaughlin and the Hudson's

Bay Company.--Schools and missions.--Mr. Jesse Applegate.--Dr.

White's second letter.--Letters of Peter H. Hatch and W. H.

Wilson.--Seizure of a distillery.--Search for liquor.--Letter of

James D. Saules.--Fight with Indians.--Death of

Cockstock.--Description and character of him.--The Molallos and

Klamaths.--Agreement with the Dalles Indians.--Presents to

Cockstock's widow.--Dr. White's third letter.--Letter of Rev. G.

Hines to Dr. White.--Letter of W. Medill.

WALLAMET VALLEY, OREGON,}

November 15, 1843.}

HONORED SIR,--Since my arrival, I have had the honor of addressing you

some three or four communications, the last of which left early in

April, conveyed by the Hudson's Bay Company's express over the Rocky

Mountains, _via_ Canada, which I hope and judge was duly received.

Immediately after this, I received several communications from

missionaries of the interior, some from the Methodists and others from

those sent out by the American Board, representing the Indians of the

interior as in a state of great excitement, and under much apprehension

from the circumstance that such numbers of whites were coming in, as

they were informed, to take possession of their lands and country. The

excitement soon became general, both among whites and Indians, in this

lower as well upper district; and such were the constantly floating

groundless reports, that much uneasiness was felt, and some of our

citizens were under such a state of apprehension as to abandon their

houses, and place themselves more immediately within the precincts of

the colony. As in all such cases, a variety of opinions was entertained

and expressed,--some pleading for me, at the expense of the general

government, to throw up a strong fortification in the center of the

colony, and furnish the settlers with guns and ammunition, so that we

might be prepared for extremities. Others thought it more advisable for

me to go at once with an armed force of considerable strength to the

heart and center of the conspiracy, as it was represented, and if words

would not answer, make powder and balls do it. A third party entertained

other views, and few were really agreed on any one measure.

As may be imagined, I felt the awkwardness of my position; but, without

stopping to consult an agitated populace, selected a sensible clergyman

and a single attendant, with my interpreter, and so managed as to throw

myself immediately into their midst unobserved. The measure had the

desired effect,--though, as in my report I will more fully inform you,

it had like to have cost me my life.

The Indians flocked around me, and inquired after my party, and could

not be persuaded for some time, but that I had a large party concealed

somewhere near, and only waited to get them convened, to open a fire

upon and cut them all off at a blow. On convincing them of my

defenseless condition and pacific intentions, they were quite astounded

and much affected, assuring me they had been under strong apprehensions,

having learned I was soon to visit them with a large armed party, with

hostile intentions, and I actually found them suffering more from fears

of war from the whites, than the whites from the Indians; each party

resolving, however, to remain at home, and there fight to the last,

though, fortunately, some three or four hundred miles apart.[8]

[Footnote 8] Who were the instigators of these alarms among

the Indians?

The day following, we left these Wallawallas and Cayuses, to pay a visit

to the Nez Perces, promising to call on our return, and enter into a

treaty of amity, if we could agree on the terms, and wished them to give

general notice to all concerned of both tribes.

In two days we were at Mr. Spalding's station. The Nez Perces came

together in greater numbers than on any former occasion for years, and

all the circumstances combining to favor it, received us most cordially.

Their improvement during the winter in reading, writing, etc., was

considerable, and the enlargement of their plantations, with the

increased variety and quantities of the various kinds of grains and

products now vigorously shooting forth, connected with the better state

of cultivation and their universally good fences, were certainly most

encouraging.

Spending some three days with this interesting tribe, and their

missionaries, in the pleasantest manner, they accepted my invitation to

visit with me the Cayuses and Wallawallas, and assist by their influence

to bring them into the same regulation they had previously adopted, and

with which all were so well pleased.

Mr. Spalding, and Ellis, the high chief, with every other chief and

brave of importance, and some four or five hundred of the men and their

women, accompanied us to Wailatpu, Doctor Whitman's station, a distance

of a hundred and twenty miles, where we met the Cayuses and Wallawallas

in mass, and spent some five or six days in getting matters adjusted

and principles settled, so as to receive the Cayuses into the civil

compact; which being done, and the high chief elected, much to the

satisfaction of both whites and Indians, I ordered two fat oxen to be

killed, and wheat, salt, etc., distributed accordingly.----

This was the first feast at which the Indian women of this country were

ever permitted to be present, but probably will not be the last; for,

after some explanation of my reasons, the chiefs were highly pleased

with it; and I believe more was done at that feast to elevate and bring

forward their poor oppressed women than could have been done in years by

private instruction.

The feast broke up in the happiest manner, after Five Crows, the Cayuse

chief, Ellis, and the old war chief of whom I made particular mention in

my last report as being so well acquainted with Clarke and a few others,

had made their speeches, and we had smoked the pipe of peace, which was

done by all in great good humor.

From this we proceeded to the Dalles on the Columbia River, where I

spent two months in instructing the Indians of different tribes, who

either came in mass, or sent embassadors to treat with me, or, as they

denominate it, take my laws, which are thus far found to operate well,

giving them greater security among themselves, and helping much to

regulate their intercourse with the whites. Being exceedingly anxious to

bring about an improvement and reformation among this people, I begged

money and procured articles of clothing to the amount of a few hundred

dollars, not to be given, but to be sold out to the industrious women,

for mats, baskets, and their various articles of manufacture, in order

to get them clothed comfortably to appear at church; enlisted the

cheerful co-operation of the mission ladies in instructing them how to

sew and make up their dresses; and had the happiness to see some twenty

of these neatly clad at divine service, and a somewhat large number out

in the happiest mood to a feast I ordered them, at which the mission

ladies and gentlemen were present.

During these two months I labored hard, visiting many of their sick

daily; and by the most prompt and kind attention, and sympathizing with

them in their affliction, encouraging the industrious and virtuous, and

frowning in language and looks upon the vicious, I am satisfied good was

done. They gave evidence of attachment; and my influence was manifestly

increased, as well as the laws more thoroughly understood, by reason of

my remaining so long among them.

During my up-country excursion, the whites of the colony convened, and

formed a code of laws to regulate intercourse between themselves during

the absence of law from our mother country, adopting in almost all

respects the Iowa code. In this I was consulted, and encouraged the

measure, as it was so manifestly necessary for the collection of debts,

securing rights in claims, and the regulation of general intercourse

among the whites.

Thus far, these laws have been of some force and importance, answering

well in cases of trespass and the collection of debts; but it is

doubtful how they would succeed in criminal affairs, especially if there

should happen to be a division of sentiment in the public mind.

The Indians of this lower country, as was to be expected, give

considerable trouble, and are most vexatious subjects to deal with. In

mind, the weakest and most depraved of their race, and physically,

thoroughly contaminated with the scrofula and a still more loathsome

disease entailed by the whites; robbed of their game and former means of

covering; lost to the use of the bow and arrow; laughed at, scoffed, and

contemned by the whites, and a hiss and by-word to the surrounding

tribes, they are too dejected and depressed to feel the least pleasure

in their former amusements, and wander about seeking generally a scanty

pittance by begging and pilfering, but the more ambitious and desperate

among them stealing, and in some instances plundering on a large scale.

Were it not that greater forbearance is exercised toward them than

whites generally exercise, bloodshed, anarchy, and confusion would reign

predominant among us. But thus far, it is but just to say, the Indians

have been, in almost every instance, the aggressors; and though none of

us now apprehend an Indian war or invasion, it appears to me morally

impossible that general quiet can long be secure, unless government

takes almost immediate measures to relieve the anxieties and better the

condition of these poor savages and other Indians of this country. I am

doing what I can, and by reason of my profession, with lending them all

the assistance possible in sickness, and sympathizing with them in their

numerous afflictions, and occasionally feeding, feasting, and giving

them little tokens of kind regard, have as yet considerable influence

over them, but have to punish some, and occasion the chiefs to punish

more, which creates me enemies, and must eventuate in lessening my

influence among them, unless the means are put in my hands to sustain

and encourage the chiefs and well-disposed among them. _Good words_,

_kind looks_, and _medicine_ have some _power_; but, honored and very

dear sir, _you_ and _I_ know they do not tell with Indians like blankets

and present articles, to meet their tastes, wants, and necessities. Sir,

I know how deeply anxious you are to benefit and save what can be of the

withering Indian tribes, in which God knows how fully and heartily I am

with you, and earnestly pray you, and through you our general

government, to take immediate measures to satisfy the minds, and, so far

as possible, render to these Indians an equivalent for their once

numerous herds of deer, elk, buffalo, beaver, and otter, nearly as tame

as our domestic animals, previously to the whites and their fire-arms

coming among them, and of which they are now stripped, and for which

they suffer. But, if nothing can be done for them upon this score, pray

save them from being forcibly ejected from the lands and graves of their

fathers, of which they begin to entertain serious fears. Many are

becoming considerably enlightened on the subject of the white man's

policy, and begin to quake in view of their future doom; and come to me

from time to time, anxiously inquiring what they are to receive for such

a one coming and cutting off all their most valuable timber, and

floating it to the falls of the Wallamet, and getting large sums for it;

some praying the removal of licentious whites from among them; others

requiring pay for their old homestead, or a removal of the intruders.

So, sir, you see already I have my hands, head, and heart full; and if

as yet I have succeeded in giving satisfaction,--as many hundreds that

neither know nor care for me, nor regard in the least the rights of the

Indians, are now flocking in,--something more must be done, and that

speedily, or a storm ensues.

I remove all licentious offenders from among them, especially if located

at a distance from the colony, and encourage the community to keep

within reasonable bounds, and settle as compactly as the general

interest and duty to themselves will admit.

The large immigrating party have now arrived, most of them with _their

herds_, having left the wagons at Wallawalla and the Dalles, which they

intend to bring by land or water to the Wallamet in the spring. Whether

they succeed in getting them through by land the last sixty miles is

doubtful, the road not having been as yet well explored. They are

greatly pleased with the country and its prospects. Mr. Applegate, who

has been so much in government employ, and surveyed such portions of

Missouri, says of this valley, it is a country of the greatest beauty

and the finest soil he has seen.

The settlers are actively and vigorously employed, and the colony in a

most prosperous state, crops of every kind having been unusually good

this season. The little unhappy difference between the American settlers

and the Hudson's Bay Company, arising from the last spring's petition to

our government, has been healed, and we have general quiet,--both

parties conducting themselves very properly toward each other at

present. And here allow me to say, the seasonable services in which

hundreds of dollars were gratuitously expended in assisting such numbers

of our poor emigrant citizens down the Columbia to the Wallamet, entitle

Governor McLaughlin, saying nothing of his previous fatherly and

fostering care of this colony, to the honorable consideration of the

members of our government. And I hope, as he is desirous to settle with

his family in this country, and has made a claim at the falls of the

Wallamet, his claim will be honored in such a manner as to make him

conscious that we, as a nation, are not insensible to his numerous acts

of benevolence and hospitality toward our countrymen. Sir, in the midst

of slander, envy, jealousy, and, in too many instances, of the blackest

ingratitude, his unceasing, never-tiring hospitality affects me, and

makes him appear in a widely different light than too many would have

him and his worthy associates appear before the world.

The last year's report, in which was incorporated Mr. Linn's Oregon

speech and Captain Spalding's statements of hundreds of unoffending

Indians being shot down annually by men under his control, afflicts the

gentlemen of the Hudson's Bay Company, and is utterly without

foundation,--no company or gentlemen ever having conducted themselves

more judiciously among Indians than they uniformly have done in this

country; and I am of the governor's opinion, who declares, openly, there

have not been ten Indians killed by whites in this whole region west of

Fort Hall, for the last twenty years, nor do I know of that number, and

two of those were killed by our citizens. What were destroyed by the

Hudson's Bay Company suffered for willful murder, none pretending a

doubt of the propriety of the course adopted.[9]

[Footnote 9] This statement of Dr. White's shows his

disposition to misrepresent his own countrymen, to favor the

Hudson's Bay Company and the foreign subjects who were

disposed to flatter his vanity.

There are now four schools kept in the colony, of which I shall speak

more fully in my annual report: one at the Tualatin Plains, under the

direction and auspices of the Rev. Mr. Clark, a self-supporting

missionary; a second (French and English) school is in successful

operation by Mr. Blanchet, Roman Catholic missionary to this colony; a

third is well sustained by the citizens, and kept at the falls of the

Wallamet; a fourth (boarding and manual labor) sustained by the

Methodist Board of Missions, for the benefit of Indian youth, of which

Mr. Lee will speak particularly. The location is healthy, eligible, and

beautiful, and the noble edifice does honor to the benevolent cause and

agents that founded it. And while here, allow me to say, Mr. Jesse

Applegate, from Missouri, is now surveying the mission claim, a plat of

which will be presented to the consideration of the members of our

government, for acceptance or otherwise, of which I have but little to

say, as I entertain no doubt but Mr. Lee's representation will be most

faithful. Should the ground of his claim be predicated upon the much

effected for the benefit of the Indians, I am not with him; for, with

all that has been expended, without doubting the correctness of the

intention, it is most manifest to every observer that the Indians of

this lower country, as a whole, have been very little benefited. They

were too far gone with scrofula and venereal. But should he insist, as a

reason of his claim, the benefit arising to the colony and country, I am

with him heartily; and notwithstanding the claim is a valuable one, this

country has been increased more by the mission operations than twice its

amount in finance; besides, much has been done in advancing

civilization, temperance, literature, and good morals, saying nothing of

the evils that must have arisen in this lawless country in the absence

of all moral restraint. Mr. Lee was among the first pioneers to this

distant land, has struggled in its cares, toils, and trials, has risen

with its rise; and it is but just to say, he and his associates are

exerting a considerable and most salutary influence all abroad among us.

I hope his reception will be such that he will return from Washington

cheered and encouraged to pursue his benevolent operations in this

country. The Catholic and the different Protestant missions have been

prosperous during the last year, and are as generally acceptable to the

whites as could, from their different pursuits, have been expected.----

Great expectations are entertained, from the fact that Mr. Linn's bill

has passed the Senate; and as it has been so long before the public, and

favorably entertained at Washington, should it at last fail of passing

the Lower House, suffer me to predict, in view of what so many have been

induced to undergo, in person and property, to get to this distant

country, it will create a disaffection so strong as to end only in open

rebellion; whereas, should it pass into a law, it will be regarded as

most liberal and handsome, and will be appreciated by most, if not all,

in Oregon.

As to the claim for the Oregon Institute, I need say nothing, having

said enough in my last report; but, as that may have failed in reaching,

I would just remark, that the location is a healthy one, and the site

fine, with prospect charmingly varied, extensive, and beautiful.

I leave this subject with Mr. Lee and the members of our liberal

government, not doubting but that all will be done for this Institute,

and otherwise, that can be, and as soon as practicable, to lay deep and

broad the foundation of science and literature in this Country.----

Respectfully yours,

ELIJAH WHITE,

Sub-Agent Indian Affairs, W. R. M.

Hon. J. M. PORTER,

Secretary of War.

* * * * *

WALLAMET, March 18, 1844.

SIR,--On the evening of the 1st February, the two following letters came

to me, finding me in the upper settlement of the Wallamet, distance

forty miles:--

"WALLAMET FALLS, January 29, 1844.

"DEAR SIR,--The undersigned would take this occasion to inform you

that there have been of late in this place some few cases of

intoxication from the effects of ardent spirits. It is currently

reported that it is distilled in this place, and the undersigned

have good reason to credit such reports. While, therefore, the

undersigned will not trouble you, sir, with a detailed exposition

of the facts, they must be permitted to express their deliberate

conviction that that which has inflicted so much injury upon the

morals, the peace, and the happiness of the world, ought not to be

permitted to be manufactured in this country under any

circumstances. And your attention is respectfully invited to this

subject.

"We have the honor to be, dear sir,

"PETER H. HATCH, President.

"A. L. LOVEJOY, Vice-President.

"A. F. WALLER, Secretary.

"Dr. E. WHITE,

"Sub-Agent for Indian Affairs, Oregon Territory."

"WALLAMET FALLS, January 26, 1844.

"DEAR SIR,--I do not know but you have been written to already on

the subject which is the cause of no inconsiderable excitement at

this place, viz., the manufacture and use of that most degrading,

withering, and damning of all the curses that have ever visited our

race since the fall of Adam. As much as we regret it, deplore it,

and anathematize the men who make it, it is nevertheless made, and

men, or rather biped brutes, get drunk. Now, we believe if there is

any thing that calls your attention in your official capacity, or

any thing in which you would be most cordially supported by the good

sense and prompt action of the better part of the community, it is

the present case. We do not wish to dictate, but hope for the best,

begging pardon for intrusions.

"I am, dear sir, yours truly,

"W. H. WILSON.

"ELIJAH WHITE, Esq.,

"Sub-Agent Oregon Territory."

I accordingly left at sunrise on the following morning, and reached the

falls at sunset. Without delay, I secured the criminal and his

distillery, broke his apparatus, and buried it in the Wallamet River. I

put the aggressor under bonds, in the strongest penalty the nature of

the case would admit,--$300,--few being willing to be his bondsmen even

for this amount.

Mr. Pettygrove, a merchant, of good habits and character, being accused

of keeping and selling wine and brandy, I searched, and found, as he had

acknowledged, half a gallon of brandy and part of a barrel of port wine,

which has been used, and occasionally parted with, only for medicinal

purposes; and, to avoid all appearance of partiality, I required the

delivery of the brandy and wine on the delivery of the inclosed bond,

which was most cheerfully and cordially given,--amount $1,000. I

searched every suspicious place thoroughly, aided by the citizens, but

found no ardent spirits or wine in the colony. Since this period, no

attempts have been made to make, introduce, or vend liquors; and the

great majority of the colonists come warmly to my support in this

matter, proffering their aid to keep this bane from our community.

On the evening of February 20, I received the following communication,

accompanied by corroboratory statements from Mr. Foster, of Oregon

City:--

"WALLAMET FALLS, February 16, 1844.

"SIR,--I beg leave to inform you that there is an Indian about this

place, of the name of Cockstock, who is in the habit of making

continual threats against the settlers in this neighborhood, and

who has also murdered several Indians lately. He has conducted

himself lately in so outrageous a manner, that Mr. Winslow Anderson

has considered himself in personal danger, and on that account has

left his place, and come to reside at the falls of the Wallamet;

and were I in circumstances that I could possibly remove from my

place, I would certainly remove also, but am so situated that it is

not possible for me to do so. I beg, therefore, that you, sir, will

take into consideration the propriety of ridding the country of a

villain, against the depredations of whom none can be safe, as it

is impossible to guard against the lurking attacks of the midnight

murderer. I have, therefore, taken the liberty of informing you

that I shall be in expectation of a decided answer from you on or

before the 10th of March next; after that date, I shall consider

myself justified in acting as I shall see fit, on any repetition of

the threats made by the before-mentioned Indian or his party.

"I am, etc., with respect,

"JAMES D. SAULES.

"Dr. E. WHITE, Superintendent, etc."

As I well knew all the individuals concerned, I resolved to repair

immediately to the spot, and, if possible, secure the Indian without

bloodshed, as he was connected with some of the most formidable tribes

in this part of the Territory, though a very dangerous and violent

character. Accordingly I started, and reaching the falls on the

following evening, collected a party to repair to the spot and secure

him while asleep, knowing that he would not submit to be taken a

prisoner without resistance. The evening was stormy, and the distance

some eight miles, through thick wood and fallen timber, with two bad

streams to cross. Being on foot, my party declined the attempt till

morning,--a circumstance I much regretted; yet, having no military

force, I was compelled to yield. In the morning I headed the party of

ten men to take this Indian, who had only five adherents, in hopes to

surprise and secure him without fighting,--enjoining my men, from many

considerations, not to fire unless ordered to do so in self-defense.

Unfortunately, two horses had just been stolen and a house plundered,

and the Indians absconded, leaving no doubt on our minds of their being

the thieves, as, after tracking them two or three miles into the forest,

they had split off in such a manner as to elude pursuit, and we were

forced to return to town unsuccessful, as further pursuit was little

more rational than chasing an eagle amidst the mountains. Cockstock had

sworn vengeance against several of my party, and they thirsted for his

blood. Having no other means of securing him, I offered $100 reward to

any who would deliver him safely into my hands, as I wished to convey

him for trial to the authorities constituted among the Nez Perces and

Cayuses, not doubting that they would feel honored in inflicting a just

sentence upon him, and the colony thereby be saved from an Indian war,

so much to be dreaded in our present weak and defenseless condition.

Some six days subsequent, Cockstock and his party, six in all, came into

town at midday, rode from house to house, showing his loaded pistols,

and not allowing any one, by artifice or flattery, to get them out of

his bosom or hand. He and his party were horridly painted, and rode

about the town, setting, as the citizens, and especially his enemies,

construed it, the whole town at defiance. The citizens endured it for

several hours, but with great impatience, when at length he crossed the

river, and entered the Indian village opposite, and, as the chief

states, labored for some time to induce them to join him and burn down

the town that night, destroying as many of the whites as possible.

Failing in this (if serious or correct in statement, which is much

doubted by some, as the chief and whole Indian village were inimical to

him, and doubtless wished, as he was a "brave," to make the whites the

instrument of his destruction), he obtained an interpreter, and

recrossed the river, as other Indians state, for the purpose of calling

the whites to an explanation for pursuing him with hostile intentions.

By this time, the excitement had become intense with all classes and

both sexes among the whites, and, as was to be expected, they ran in

confusion and disorder toward the point where the Indians were

landing,--some to take him alive and get the reward; others to shoot him

at any risk to themselves, the wealthiest men in town promising to stand

by them to the amount of $1,000 each. With these different views, and no

concert of action, and many running merely to witness the affray, the

Indians were met at the landing, and a firing commenced simultaneously

on both sides, each party accusing the other of firing first. In the

midst of a hot firing on both sides, Mr. George W. Le Breton, a

respectable young man, rushed unarmed upon Cockstock, after the

discharge of one or more of his pistols, and received a heavy discharge

in the palm of his right hand, lodging one ball in his elbow and another

in his arm, two inches above the elbow-joint. A scuffle ensued, in which

he fell with the Indian, crying out instantly, "He is killing me with

his knife." At this moment a mulatto man ran up, named Winslow Anderson,

and dispatched Cockstock, by mashing his skull with the barrel of his

rifle, using it as a soldier would a bayonet. In the mean time the other

Indians were firing among the whites in every direction, with guns,

pistols, and poisoned arrows, yelling fearfully, and many narrowly

escaped. Two men, who were quietly at work near by, were wounded with

arrows (Mr. Wilson slightly in the hip, and Mr. Rogers in the muscle of

the arm), but neither, as was supposed, dangerously. The five Indians

having shot their guns and arrows, retired toward the bluff east of the

town, lodged themselves in the rocks, and again commenced firing upon

the citizens indiscriminately. Attention was soon directed that way, and

fire-arms having been brought, the Indians were soon routed, killing one

of their horses, and wounding one of them, thus ending the affray.

Mr. Le Breton (the surgeon being absent from town) was removed

immediately to Vancouver, where he received every attention; but the

canoe having been ten hours on the passage, the poison had diffused

itself all abroad into his system, and proved mortal in less than three

days from the moment of the horrid disaster. Mr. Rogers lived but one

day longer, though but slightly wounded with an arrow in the muscles of

his arm. Mr. Wilson has suffered comparatively little, but is not

considered in a safe condition.

This unhappy affray has created a general sensation throughout the

colony, and all abroad among the Indians of this lower district. Now,

while I am penning these lines, I am completely surrounded by at least

seventy armed Indians, just down from the Dalles of the Columbia, many

of them the professed relatives of the deceased, on the way to the falls

of the Wallamet, to demand an explanation, or, in other words, to extort

a present for the loss of their brother.

They appear well affected toward me; remarkably so, though armed to the

teeth, and painted horridly. I am every moment expecting my interpreter,

when I shall probably learn particulars respecting their intentions. In

the mean time, I will give a few particulars respecting this deceased

Indian's previous course, which led to the disaster, showing how much we

need authorities and discipline in this country.

As it is said, a negro hired Cockstock for a given time, to be paid in a

certain horse. Before the time expired, the negro sold the horse and

land claim to another negro, the Indian finishing his time with the

purchaser, according to agreement. Learning, however, to his chagrin and

mortification, that the horse had changed owners, and believing it a

conspiracy against his rights, he resolved to take the horse forcibly;

did so, and this led to a year's contention, many threats, some wounds,

and at last to the three deaths, and may possibly lead to all the

horrors of savage warfare in our hitherto quiet neighborhood. It was

this identical Cockstock that occasioned much of the excitement last

spring among the whites of the colony, actually driving several from

their homes to the more central parts of the settlement for protection.

I saw and had an interview with the Indians in June following, and

settled all differences, to appearances, satisfactorily; but, four

months subsequently, having occasioned the authorities constituted among

the Indians to flog one of his connections for violently entering the

house of the Rev. H. K. W. Perkins, seizing his person, and attempting

to tie, with a view to flog him, he took fire afresh, and in November

last came with a slave to my house, with the avowed object of shooting

me down at once; but finding me absent, after a close search in every

part of the house, he commenced smashing the windows, lights, sash, and

all, of my house and office, with the breech of his gun; and it is but

just to say he did his work most effectually, not leaving a sound window

in either. He next started hotly in pursuit of my steward, who was most

actively retreating, but was soon overtaken and seized by the shoulder;

his garment giving way saved the frightened young man from further

violence.

I returned late in the evening,--this having occurred at three

P.M.--when the villains were too far away to be overtaken, though I

pursued them with the best men of the colony during the whole night, and

as long after as we could trace them. This was regarded as a great

outrage, and created a strong sensation throughout the community:

especially as none knew where to trace it until within a few weeks past.

Some four weeks subsequently, fifteen Indians came riding into the

neighborhood in open day, painted and well armed. I was the first, with

one exception, that observed them, and learned that they were Molallas

and Klamaths, and felt confident they were on an errand of mischief,

being well informed of their marauding and desperate habits. As this is

quite out of their province, the proper homes of the Klamaths being at

least three hundred miles to the south, and the Molallas, with whom they

intermarry, having their lodges in the Cascade Mountains, a distance of

from forty to eighty miles, I resolved at once to turn their visit to

account; sent my steward to Chief Caleb's lodge, where all had arrived,

he being a Callapooya, and with his band having previously entered with

me into the civil compact, and gave him a cordial invitation to call on

me, with the chiefs of his district, in the morning, as I wished to see

them and had some interesting and pleasing news to convey to them. The

chiefs called in the morning, none, however, appearing so pleased and

happy as Caleb. Of this I took no notice, but entered into cheerful

conversation with Caleb for a few moments, and then rose up and invited

them to walk out and see my plantation and herds.

When we reached the cattle, I, as by accident, or incidentally, asked

Caleb if he was prepared to give a feast to his distant friends who had

so lately and unexpectedly called upon him. Answering in the negative, I

told him to shoot down at once a fat young ox that was passing before

us, and, while some were dressing it, others to come to the house and

get some flour, peas, salt, etc., and go immediately back and feast his

friends, lest they form a very unfavorable opinion of us here. I need

not say that the summons was promptly obeyed, and Caleb the happiest man

in the world. Now the rigid muscles of the stranger chiefs began to

relax; in short, all distrust was soon lost, and, as they were about

leaving for Caleb's camp, they found themselves constrained to inform me

that they came over with very different feelings from what they were now

leaving us with, and were very glad they had listened to Caleb's advice,

and called upon me. Professing to be very much engaged at the moment, I

told them to go and dine, and at evening, or early the following

morning, I would come with my friend, Mr. Applegate, and make them a

call.

They feasted to the full, and I found them in fine humor, and in a

better condition to smoke than fight. After some casual conversation I

asked them how they would like to enter into the civil compact; and,

while they were discussing the subject, this Indian (Cockstock) came

first into my presence, well armed, and appeared cold and distant,

though I had no suspicion of his being the character who had so lately

broken to pieces the windows in my house and office.

They had no scruples in saying they were entirely willing, and should be

pleased on their part to enter upon the same terms, but did not know how

it might be regarded by the residue of their respective tribes. They

engaged to meet me on the 15th March, with the residue of their people,

and use their influence to bring about so desirable an object. The party

left the same day, apparently in a cheerful mood, passed over the

prairie singing, talking, and laughing merrily. As a part, however, were

passing their horses over a difficult stream, the other part fell upon

and massacred them in a most shocking manner, this villainous Cockstock

acting a conspicuous part in the bloody affray.

I repaired to the spot without delay, as the whites were much excited,

and wished to pursue and hang every one of them. I learned there had

been unsettled feuds of long standing, and that in like manner, ten

months previously, these unfortunate wretches had shot down a

fellow-traveler. On conveying this information to the citizens, all I

believe were satisfied to stay at home, and remain quiet for the

present.

Thus much for this Indian affair, which, my interpreter having arrived,

I have settled to-day with the Dalles Indians most satisfactorily. As

was to be expected, they wished presents for the death of their brother.

I prevailed on all to be seated, and then explained the whole case

slowly and clearly to their understanding. I told them we had lost two

valuable innocent men, and they but one; and should our people learn

that I had given them presents, without their giving me two blankets for

one, they must expect nothing but the hottest displeasure from the

whites. After much deliberation among themselves, they, with one voice,

concluded to leave the whole matter to my discretion.

I at once decided to give the poor Indian widow two blankets, a dress,

and handkerchief, believing the moral influence to be better than to

make presents to the chief or tribe, and to receive nothing at their

hands. To this proposition they most cheerfully consented, and have now

left, having asked for and obtained from me a written certificate,

stating that the matter had been amicably adjusted. It is to be hoped

that it will here end, though that is by no means certain, as at present

there are so many sources of uneasiness and discontent between the

parties.

As I said before, I believe it morally impossible for us to remain at

peace in Oregon, for any considerable time, without the protection of

vigorous civil or military law. For myself, I am most awkwardly

situated; so much so, indeed, that I had seriously anticipated leaving

this spring; but the late successful contest against the introduction of

ardent spirits, in connection with the excitement by reason of the

unhappy disaster at the falls of the Wallamet, together with the fact of

too many of our people being so extremely excitable on Indian and other

affairs relating to the peace and interest of the colony and country, I

have concluded to remain for the present, in hopes of being soon in some

way relieved. I hope the draft that I have this day drawn in favor of

John McLaughlin will be honored, as otherwise I may be thrown at once

into the greatest difficulties, having no other house in this country

where I can draw such articles as I require for necessary presents to

Indians, to defray traveling expenses, etc.

I have the honor to remain, with highest respect, your obedient humble

servant,

E. WHITE,

Sub-Agent Indian Affairs.

Hon. J. M. PORTER,

Secretary of War.

* * * * *

WALLAMET, March 22, 1844.

HONORED SIR,--The within accounts, as per voucher No. 1, drawn on the

Hudson's Bay House at Vancouver, are in part pay for interpreters and

necessary assistants in guarding and conducting me from point to point,

in my late unavoidable excursions during the excitement of the fall of

1842 and spring of 1843, and other necessary voyages since, together

with the presents in hoes, medicines, and clothes, to enable me to

secure and hold a sufficient influence over the aborigines to prevent

threatened invasions and serious evils to the colony and country.

Those upon Mr. Abernethy and Mr. A. E. Wilson are for like purposes;

drafts upon these houses being my principal means of paying expenses in

this country.

As I hire only when requisite, and dismiss at once when no longer

necessary, my interpreter's bills, including clerks and all assistants

for the different tribes, do not exceed $300 per annum up to the present

time; notwithstanding, at one time, for sixty days, I was under the

necessity of hiring two men at the rate of three dollars per day each.

Traveling expenses in 1842, three hundred and eighty dollars ($380). In

1843, three hundred and ninety-six dollars and fifty cents ($396.50). In

presents for the two years and two months, two hundred and ninety

dollars and seventy-five cents ($290.75); in medicines, hoes, and sundry

useful articles, to encourage them and strengthen my influence among

them, this being my only way to succeed to any considerable extent.

Presents become the more indispensable from the fact of the

long-continued and constant liberality of the Hudson's Bay Company

toward the Indians of this country.

Had all remained in as quiet a state as when the colony was small, and

no jealousies awakened, most of those small expenses might have been

avoided, but, unless a military post be at once established, or more

means put into my hands to meet their increasing wants, my expense will

be increased, and trouble multiply; but at this moment, were one

thousand dollars placed in my hands to lay out judiciously in medicines,

hoes, plows, blankets, and men, women, and children's clothes, to

distribute annually, more security would be effected, and good done to

the aborigines, than in ten times that amount expended in establishing

and keeping up a military post,--such is their desire and thirst after

the means to promote civilization.

As this voyaging is most destructive to my wardrobe, saying nothing of

the perils and hardships to which it exposes me, shall I be allowed the

sum usually allowed military officers, which Esquire Gilpin informs me

is ten dollars per each hundred miles? I will place it down and leave it

to your honorable consideration, not doubting, sir, but you will do what

is proper and right in the premises. I shall charge only for such

traveling as was unavoidable in the execution of my official business.

With highest respect, I am, dear sir,

Your humble and obedient servant,

ELIJAH WHITE,

Sub-Agent Indian Affairs, W. R. M.

Hon. J. M. PORTER,

Secretary of War, Washington, D. C.

* * * * *

WALLAMET, Nov. 23, 1843.

MY DEAR SIR,--As, in the order of Divine Providence, it appears to be my

duty to leave this country in a few days to return to the United States,

and, as I have had the pleasure of an acquaintance with all the

important transactions in which you have been engaged, in your official

capacity, since your arrival in this country in the fall of 1842, I

consider it a duty which I owe to yourself, to bear my unequivocal

testimony in favor of the course which you have generally pursued. Not

pretending to understand what properly belongs to the office of an

Indian agent, I flatter myself that I am capable of judging in reference

to those matters which are calculated to effect the elevation and

prosperity of the Indians, and the peace and security of those whites

who settle in the Indian country. As I can not speak particularly

concerning all your official acts in the country, permit me to refer to

one expedition, which I consider to have been the most important of any

in which you have been engaged, and in which I had the pleasure of being

associated with you. I mean that long and excessively toilsome journey

which you performed into the interior of this country early last spring.

The causes which prompted you to engage in the enterprise, in my humble

opinion, were the most justifiable. The whites in the country had been

thrown into a panic by information received from the missionaries in the

interior, that the Indians were forming a plan to effect the destruction

of the white population. It was everywhere observed that our Indian

agent should immediately repair to the infected region, and endeavor to

quell the tumult, "for (it was repeatedly remarked) it was better for

one man to expose his life than for the whole settlement to suffer."

Without delay the exposure was made. And though life was not taken, yet,

in accomplishing the object, you were compelled to pass through much

difficulty, excessive labor, and great danger. The plans proposed to

quiet the Indians, whom you found in a state of great excitement, were

doubtless conceived in wisdom, and produced the desired effect. The

expenses incurred were no more than were absolutely necessary. And I

doubt not, if the results of the expedition are correctly represented,

that our enlightened government will make an appropriation to cover all

the expenses which accrued in consequence of the undertaking.

With my most hearty and best wishes for your continued peace and

prosperity, permit me to subscribe myself, yours, with feelings of

unaltered friendship.

GUSTAVUS HINES,

Missionary of the M. E. Church.

Dr. ELIJAH WHITE,

Sub-Agent of Indian Affairs west of Rocky Mountains.

* * * * *

DEPARTMENT OF WAR,}

OFFICE OF INDIAN AFFAIRS, Nov. 24, 1845.}

* * * * *

Two interesting and very instructive reports have been received from the

sub-agent west of the Rocky Mountains. They present that country in a

new and important light to the consideration of the public.

The advancement in civilization by the numerous tribes of Indians in

that remote and hitherto neglected portion of our territory, with so

few advantages, is a matter of surprise. Indeed, the red men of that

region would almost seem to be of a different order from those with whom

we have been in more familiar intercourse. A few years since the face of

a white man was almost unknown to them; now, through the benevolent

policy of the various Christian churches, and the indefatigable

exertions of the missionaries in their employ, they have prescribed and

well adapted rules for their government, which are observed and

respected to a degree worthy the most intelligent whites.

Numerous schools have grown up in their midst, at which their children

are acquiring the most important and useful information. They have

already advanced to a degree of civilization that promises the most

beneficial results to them and their brethren on this side of the

mountains, with whom they may, and no doubt will at some future period,

be brought into intercourse. They are turning their attention to

agricultural pursuits, and with but few of the necessary utensils in

their possession, already produce sufficient in some places to meet

their every want.

Among some of the tribes, hunting has been almost entirely abandoned,

many individuals looking wholly to the soil for support. The lands are

represented as extremely fertile, and the climate healthy, agreeable,

and uniform.

Under these circumstances, so promising in their consequences, and

grateful to the feelings of the philanthropist, it would seem to be the

duty of the government of the United States to encourage their

advancement, and still further aid their progress in the path of

civilization. I therefore respectfully recommend the establishment among

them of a full agency, with power to the President to make it an acting

superintendency; and to appoint one or more sub-agents, whenever, in his

judgment, the same may become necessary and proper.

All which is respectfully submitted.

W. MEDILL.

Hon. WM. L. MARCY,

Secretary of War.

* * * * *