Rev. Mr. Parker had left a refined family circle, and his habits had

become somewhat delicate from age and long usage in comfortable and

agreeable society; hence his peculiar habits were not adapted to Rocky

Mountain travel in those early days. Still, the great object on which

they were sent must not be lost sight of. Their sense of moral

obligation was such, that a reason must be given why Dr. Whitman returns

to the States, and Mr. Parker proceeds alone on his perilous journey to

this then unknown country. Here again the wild Indian comes in, by

instinct, order, or providence (as the unbeliever may choose to call

it), and offers to take charge of this delicate old gentleman, and

carries him in triumph through the Rocky Mountains, and all through his

country, and, in Indian pomp and splendor, delivers this rev. "_black

coat_" to P. C. Pambrun, Esq., chief clerk of the Honorable Hudson's Bay

Company, at old Fort Wallawalla, supplying his every want on the

journey, caring for his horses and baggage, not asking or receiving any

thing, except such presents as Mr. Parker chose to give them on the way

and at parting.

Dr. Whitman, it will be remembered, was associated with Mr. Parker,

under the direction of the American Board. They had arrived at the

rendezvous in the Rocky Mountains; most of the Nez Perces were at the

American rendezvous. Ish-hol-hol-hoats-hoats, a young Nez Perce Indian

(named by the American trappers, _Lawyer_, on account of his shrewdness

in argument, and his unflinching defense of American against British and

foreign influences), having learned of their arrival, came to them and

settled matters quite satisfactorily to both, by requesting Mr. Parker

to go with them to their country, they having heard of Rev. Mr. Lee and

party going to settle near the _husus-hai-hai_ (White Head), as the

natives called Dr. John McLaughlin, in the Wallamet Valley. They

consented to let the Doctor take two of their boys. To Ites he gave the

name of John; Tuetakas he called Richard. Dr. Whitman was to go to the

States, report to the American Board, and procure associates and the

material to establish a mission in the Nez Perce country.

The Nez Perces were to take charge of Mr. Parker, and carry him forward

in his explorations, and meet Dr. W., on his return next year, at the

place of rendezvous in the mountains, to conduct him and his party to

the place Mr. Parker might select for a mission establishment. Rev. S.

Parker, in company with the Indians, went on, and Dr. Whitman, with his

two Indian boys, with the American Fur Company, Capts. Fitzpatrick,

Bridger, and others, started on their way to the States, or "home from

the Rocky Mountains." Dr. Whitman, by his off-hand, easy manner of

accommodating himself to circumstances, and by his kind-heartedness and

promptness to relieve all who needed his professional skill, had won the

esteem of all with whom he traveled, so that the gentlemen of the

American Fur Company cheerfully supplied his wants on his return trip to

the States, where he arrived in due time, made his report to the

American Board, who decided to establish the mission, as per arrangement

with Parker and Whitman, on separating in the Rocky Mountains.

Mrs. Whitman, formerly Miss Narcissa Prentiss, of Prattsburg, Steuben

County, New York, was a lady of refined feelings and commanding

appearance. She had very light hair, light, fresh complexion, and light

blue eyes. Her features were large, her form full and round. At the time

she arrived in the country, in the prime of life, she was considered a

fine, noble-looking woman, affable and free to converse with all she

met. Her conversation was animated and cheerful. Firmness in her was

natural, and to some, especially the Indians, it was repulsive. She had

been brought up in comparative comfort, and moved in the best of

religious society in the place of her residence. She was a good singer,

and one of her amusements, as well as that of her traveling companions,

was to teach the Doctor to sing, which she did with considerable

success,--that is, he could sing the native songs without much

difficulty.

The American Board appointed Rev. H. H. Spalding and wife to accompany

Dr. Whitman and wife, to aid in establishing the Nez Perce mission. Mr.

Spalding and wife had just completed their preparatory course of

education in Lane Seminary, near Cincinnati, Ohio.

The first impression of the stranger on seeing H. H. Spalding is, that

he has before him an unusual countenance. He begins to examine, and

finds a man with sharp features, large, brown eyes, dark hair, high,

projecting forehead, with many wrinkles, and a head nearly bald. He is

of medium size, stoop-shouldered, with a voice that can assume a mild,

sharp, or boisterous key, at the will of its owner; quite impulsive, and

bitter in his denunciations of a real, or supposed enemy; inclined in

the early part of his missionary labors to accumulate property for the

especial benefit of his family, though the practice was disapproved of

and forbidden by the regulations of the American Board. In his

professional character he was below mediocrity. As a writer or

correspondent he was bold, and rather eloquent, giving overdrawn

life-sketches of passing events. His moral influence was injured by

strong symptoms of passion, when provoked or excited. In his labors for

the Indians, he was zealous and persevering, in his preaching or talking

to them, plain and severe, and in his instructions wholly practical. For

instance, to induce the natives to work and cultivate their lands, he

had Mrs. Spalding paint a representation of Adam and Eve, as being

driven from the garden of Eden by an angel,--Adam with a hoe on his

shoulder, and Eve with her spinning-wheel. He taught the natives that

God commanded them to work, as well as pray. Had he been allowed to

continue his labors with the tribe, undisturbed by sectarian and

anti-religious influences, he would have effected great good, and the

tribe been now admitted as citizens of the United States. As a citizen

and neighbor he was kind and obliging; to his family he was kind, yet

severe in his religious observances. He was unquestionably a sincere,

though not always humble, Christian. The loss of his wife, and the

exciting and savage massacre of his associates, produced their effect

upon him. Charity will find a substantial excuse for most of his faults,

while virtue and truth, civilization and religion, will award him a

place as a faithful, zealous, and comparatively successful missionary.

Mrs. Spalding was the daughter of a plain, substantial farmer, by the

name of Hart, of Oneida County, New York. She was above the medium

height, slender in form, with coarse features, dart brown hair, blue

eyes, rather dark complexion, coarse voice, of a serious turn of mind,

and quick in understanding language. In fact she was remarkable in

acquiring the Nez Perce language, so as to understand and converse with

the natives quite easily by the time they reached their station at

Lapwai. She could paint indifferently in water-colors, and had been

taught, while young, all the useful branches of domestic life; could

spin, weave, and sew, etc.; could prepare an excellent meal at short

notice; was generally sociable, but not forward in conversation with or

in attentions to gentlemen. In this particular she was the opposite of

Mrs. Whitman. With the native women Mrs. Spalding always appeared easy

and cheerful, and had their unbounded confidence and respect. She was

remarkable for her firmness and decision of character in whatever she or

her husband undertook. She never appeared to be alarmed or excited at

any difficulty, dispute, or alarms common to the Indian life around her.

She was considered by the Indian men as a brave, fearless woman, and was

respected and esteemed by all. Though she was frequently left for days

alone, her husband being absent on business, but a single attempted

insult was ever offered her. Understanding their language, her cool,

quick perception of the design enabled her to give so complete and

thorough a rebuff to the attempted insult, that, to hide his disgrace,

the Indian offering it fled from the tribe, not venturing to remain

among them. In fact, a majority of the tribe were in favor of hanging

the Indian who offered the insult, but Mrs. Spalding requested that they

would allow him to live, that he might repent of his evil designs and do

better in future. In this short sketch of Mrs. Spalding the reader is

carried through a series of years. We shall have occasion, as we

progress in our sketches, to refer to these two ladies. They are not

fictitious characters,--they lived; came over the Rocky Mountains in

1836; they are dead and buried, Mrs. Spalding near the Callapooya, in

the Wallamet Valley. Mrs. Whitman's remains, such portions of them as

could be found, are buried not far from the place of her labors among

the Cayuses. The last time we passed the ground not even a common board

marked the place. We noticed a hollow in the ground, said to be the

place where the very Rev. Mr. Brouillet, vicar-general of Wallawalla,

says "the bodies were all deposited in a common grave which had been dug

the day previous by Joseph Stanfield, and, before leaving, I saw that

they were covered with earth, but I have since learned that the graves,

not having been soon enough inclosed, had been molested by the wolves,

and that some of the corpses had been devoured by them." Bear this

statement in mind, reader, as we proceed. We will tell you just how much

he knows of the why and wherefore such things occurred in those early

times. A part of the facts are already in history.

Messrs. Whitman and Spalding, with their wives, and a reinforcement for

the Pawnee mission, made their way to Liberty Landing, on the Missouri

River. At that place they were joined by a young man by the name of W.

H. Gray, from Utica, New York, who was solicited by the agents of the

American Board to join this expedition as its secular agent.

CHAPTER XIV.

Missionary outfit.--On the way.--No roads.--An English nobleman.--A

wagon taken along.--Health of Mrs. Spalding.--Meeting mountain men

and Indians.--A feast to the Indians.

The mission party had brought with them a full supply of all the

supposed _et caeteras_ for a life and residence two thousand miles from

any possible chance to renew those supplies when exhausted, having the

material for a blacksmith shop, a plow, and all sorts of seeds,

clothing, etc., to last for two years. Gray found his hands full in

making calculations for the transportation of this large amount of

baggage, or goods, as the trader would say. In a few days wagons, teams,

pack-mules, horses, and cows, were all purchased in the county of

Liberty, Missouri, the goods all overhauled, repacked, loaded into the

two mission wagons, and an extra team hired to go as far as Fort

Leavenworth. Spalding and Gray started with the train, three wagons,

eight mules, twelve horses, and sixteen cows, two men, two Indian boys,

and the man with the extra team. Dr. Whitman, having the ladies in

charge, was to come up the Missouri River in the first boat, and await

the arrival of the train having the greater portion of the goods with

it. Boats on the Missouri River not being so numerous as at the present

time, the Doctor and party did not reach Leavenworth till the train had

arrived. They rearranged their goods, discharged the extra team, held a

consultation, and concluded that the Doctor and ladies would keep the

boat to Council Bluffs, the point from which the American Fur Company's

caravan was to start that year. Learning that the company was to start

in six days, the conclusion was that the cattle and goods had better

proceed as fast as possible.

The third day, in the morning, some forty miles from Fort Leavenworth,

as we were about starting, a white boy, about sixteen years old, came

into camp, having on an old torn straw hat, an old ragged fustian coat,

scarcely half a shirt, with buckskin pants, badly worn, but one

moccasin, a powder-horn with no powder in it, and an old rifle. He had

light flaxen hair, light blue eyes, was thin and spare, yet appeared in

good health and spirits. He said he had started for the Rocky Mountains;

he was from some place in Iowa; he had been without food for two days;

he asked for some ammunition; thought he could kill some game to get

along; the rain the night previous had wet him quite effectually; he was

really cold, wet, nearly naked, and hungry. He was soon supplied from

our stores with all he wanted, and advised to return to his friends in

Iowa. To this he objected, and said if we would allow him he would go

with us to Council Bluffs, and then go with the fur company to the

mountains. He agreed to assist all he could in getting along. He was

furnished a horse, and made an excellent hand while he remained with the

party, which he did till he reached Fort Hall, on Snake River. There he

joined a party that went with the Bannock Indians, and became a member

of that tribe, and, as near as we can learn, married a native woman

(some say three), and is using his influence to keep the tribe at war

with the United States. Of this we have no positive knowledge, though if

such is the fact he may have been a deserter from Fort Leavenworth. His

name was Miles Goodyear.

Within thirty miles of Council Bluffs a messenger overtook the

missionary caravan, and stated that Mrs. Satterley, of the Pawnee

mission, was dead; that Dr. Whitman and ladies were left at Fort

Leavenworth; that they were coming on as fast as possible, with extra

teams, to overtake us. Our party went into camp at once; the two wagons

with horse teams started back to meet and bring up the balance of the

party; wait two days at Omaha; fix one of the wagon boxes for a

ferry-boat; Doctor and party arrive; cross all safe; get to camp late in

the night. There was a slight jar in the feelings of some on account of

haste, and slowness of movement, in others. However, as the fur company,

with whom the mission party was to travel, was to start on a certain

day, haste was absolutely necessary, and no time to be lost. Useless

baggage overhauled and thrown away, cows started, mules and wagons

loaded; Gray in charge of mules and cows, Spalding driver for a

two-horse light wagon, Whitman the four-horse farm wagon. On goes the

caravan; in two hours a message goes forward to Gray that Spalding has

driven his wagon into a mud stream and broken his axletree; Gray goes

back; soon repairs axletree by a new one; on Platte River; rains as it

only can on that river, cold and almost sleet; nothing but a skin boat,

that could carry but two trunks and one lady at a time; all day swimming

by the side of the boat to get goods over; swim cattle, mules, and

horses all over safe to north side.

Overhaul and lighten our baggage; Rev. Mr. Dunbar for pilot, three men,

and two Indian boys, we hasten on to overtake fur company's caravan.

Second day, met one hundred Pawnee warriors on their way to Council

Bluff agency. Mr. Dunbar being the missionary of the Pawnees, and

understanding their language, we had no difficulty with them. Traveling

early and late, we came up to the fur company at the Pawnee village,

some two hours after their caravan had arrived and camped.

At this point the missionary menagerie was first exhibited, not that

they attempted to make any display, or posted any handbills, or charged

any fee for exhibiting, but the strange appearance of two white ladies

in a caravan consisting of rough American hunters, Canadian packers with

Indian women, with all the paraphernalia of a wild mountain expedition,

drew the attention of all. The mission party had with them some fine

cows, good horses and mules, and were tolerably well fitted out for

their expedition, except a superabundance of useless things, causing

much perplexity and hard labor to transport over the rough plains in

1836.

It will be borne in mind that at that early time there was no road,--not

even a trail or track, except that of the buffalo; and those made by

them were invariably from the river, or watering-places, into the hills

or bluffs. Their trails being generally deep, from long use by the

animal, made it quite severe and straining upon our teams, wagons, and

the nineteen carts the fur company carried their goods in that year. The

caravan altogether consisted of nineteen carts, with two mules to each,

one in the shafts and one ahead, one light Dearborn wagon, two mules and

two wagons belonging to an English nobleman, his titles all on, Sir

William Drummond, K. B., who had come to the United States to allow his

fortune to recuperate during his absence. He had been spending his

winters in New Orleans with the Southern bloods, and his bankers in

England complained that his income was not sufficient to meet his large

expenditures; he was advised to take a trip to the Rocky Mountains,

which would occupy him during the summer and sickly season, during which

time he could only spend what he had with him, and could have a fine

hunting excursion. This English nobleman with his party consisted of

himself and a young English blood. I did not learn whether he was of the

first, second, third, or fourth grade in the scale of English nobility;

be that as it may, Sir William D., K. B., messed and slept in the same

tent with this traveling companion of his, who, between them, had three

servants, two dogs, and four extra fine horses, to run and hunt the

buffalo. Occasionally, they would give chase to that swiftest of

mountain animals, the antelope, which, in most instances, would,

especially where the grass was short, leave them in the distance, when

Sir William and his companion would come charging back to the train,

swearing the antelope could outrun a streak of lightning, and offering

to bet a thousand pounds that if he had one of his English 'orses he

could catch 'em. The English nobleman, as a matter of course, was

treated with great respect by all in the caravan; while in the presence

of the ladies he assumed quite a dignified carriage, being a man (excuse

me, your honor), a lord of the British realm, on a hunting excursion in

North America, in the Rocky Mountains, in the year A.D. 1836. He was

about five feet nine inches high. His face had become thin from the free

use of New Orleans brandy, rendering his nose rather prominent, showing

indications of internal heat in bright red spots, and inclining a little

to the rum blossom, that would make its appearance from the sting of a

mosquito or sand-fly, which to his lordship was quite annoying. Though

his lordship was somewhat advanced in years, and, according to his own

account, had traveled extensively in the oriental countries, he did not

show in his conversation extensive mental improvement; his general

conversation and appearance was that of a man with strong prejudices,

and equally strong appetites, which he had freely indulged, with only

pecuniary restraint. His two wagons, one with two horses, the other with

four mules, with drivers, and a servant for cook and waiter, constituted

his train--as large as his means would permit on that trip. All of the

carts and wagons were covered with canvas to protect the goods from

storms. Sir William traveled under the _alias_ of Captain Stewart.

The order of march was as follows: Cattle and loose animals in advance

in the morning, coming up in rear at night; fur company and Captain

Stewart's teams in advance; mission party in rear till we reached Fort

Laramie. All went smoothly and in order. At the Pawnee village the fur

company was short of meat or bacon. Arrangements were made to slaughter

one of the mission cows, and replace it at Laramie. Two days from Pawnee

village the hunters brought into camp some bull buffalo meat; next day

cow buffalo meat in abundance. Not far from Scott's Bluff, passed some

hunters on their way down Platte River in boats; arrive at Fort Laramie,

just above the mouth of that river; cross the Platte in two dug-outs,

lashed together with sticks and poles, so as to carry the goods and

carts all over to the fort. At that establishment the company and

Captain Stewart leave all their wagons and carts except one, deeming it

impracticable to proceed further with them.

On account of the ladies, Dr. Whitman insisted on taking one of the

mission wagons along. The fur company concluded to try the experiment

with him, and took one of their carts along. Overhaul all the baggage,

select out all, that, with the knowledge any one had of the future wants

of the mission party, could be dispensed with; put the balance up in

packages of one hundred pounds each; for the top packs, fifty pounds;

for mules, two hundred and fifty pounds; for horses, in proportion to

strength. About the first of June, 1836, the caravan started from

Laramie. All the goods on pack animals, wagon and cart light, Gray in

charge of mission pack-train, with two men and one boy, two pack animals

each; Spalding of cows, loose animals, and ladies, with the two Indian

boys to assist in driving; Dr. Whitman in charge of the wagon train,

consisting of the fur company's cart and mission wagon; but one man in

the cart and one in the wagon. On we go; the first day from Laramie had

some difficulty in getting through a cotton-wood bottom on the river, on

account of fallen timber in the trail. Whitman came into the camp

puffing and blowing, in good spirits, all right side up, with only one

turn over with the wagon and two with the cart. The fur company being

interested in exploring a wagon route to Green River, next day gave the

Doctor two additional men to assist in exploring and locating the road,

and getting the wagon and cart over difficult places. Second day all

right; train moves on; hunters in advance; cattle usually traveling

slower than the train, were started in the morning in advance of the

train, which usually passed them about one hour before reaching camp at

night; at noon they usually all stop together. At the crossing of Platte

below Red Buttes, in the Black Hills, kill buffalo, took hides, made

willow frames for boats, sewed the hides together to cover the frames,

used tallow for pitch, dried the skin boats over a fire, the rain having

poured down all the time we were getting ready to cross. However, as

fortune always favors the brave, as the saying is, it did us this time,

for in the morning, when our boats were ready, it cleared up, the sun

came out bright and clear, so that we had a fine time getting all things

over. Next day on we moved, over the hills, through the valleys, around

and among the salt pits to a willow grove to camp.

With the company was a gentleman from St. Louis, a Major Pilcher. He

usually rode a fine white mule, and was dressed in the top of hunting or

mountain style, such as a fine buckskin coat trimmed with red cloth and

porcupine quills, fine red shirt, nice buckskin pants, and moccasins

tinged and nicely trimmed; he was, in fact, very much of a gentleman in

all his conversation and deportment. The major was also considerable of

a gallant (as I believe most titled gentlemen are). He was proceeding

around one of those clay salt pits, and explaining to the ladies their

nature and danger, when suddenly mule, major and all dropped out of

sight, except the mule's ears and the fringe on the major's coat.

Instantly several men were on hand with ropes, and assisted the major

and mule out of the pit. _Such a sight!_ you may imagine what you

please, I will not attempt to describe it. However, no particular harm

was done the major, only the thorough saturation of his fine suit of

buckskin, and mule, with that indescribably adhesive mud. He took it all

in good part, and joined in the jokes on the occasion. No other

remarkable incident occurred till we arrived at Rock Independence. On

the south end of that rock nearly all the prominent persons of the party

placed their names, and date of being there.

Later wagon trains and travelers have complained, and justly, of sage

brush and the difficulties of this route. Whitman and his four men

opened it as far as they could with a light wagon and a cart. To him

must be given the credit of the first practical experiment, though

Ashtley, Bonneville, and Bridger had taken wagons into the Rocky

Mountains and left them, and pronounced the experiment a failure, and a

wagon road impracticable. Whitman's perseverance demonstrated a great

fact--the practicability of a wagon road over the Rocky Mountains. You

that have rolled over those vast plains and slept in your Concord

coaches or Pullman palace cars, have never once imagined the toil and

labor of that old off-hand pioneer, as he mounted his horse in the

morning and rode all day in the cold and heat of the mountains and

plains, to prove that a wagon road was practicable to the waters of the

Columbia River. Even Fremont, seven years after, claims to be the

discoverer of the passes through which Whitman took his cart and wagon,

and kept up with the pack-train from day to day.

From Rock Independence the health of Mrs. Spalding seemed gradually to

decline. She was placed in the wagon as much as would relieve her, and

changed from wagon to saddle as she could bear, to the American

rendezvous on Green River.

From Rock Independence information was sent forward into the mountains

of the arrival of the caravan, and about the time and place they

expected to reach the rendezvous. This information reached not only the

American trapper and hunter in the mountains, but the Snake, Bannock,

Nez Perce, and Flathead tribes, and the traders of the Hudson's Bay

Company. Two days before we arrived at our rendezvous, some two hours

before we reached camp, the whole caravan was alarmed by the arrival of

some ten Indians and four or five white men, whose dress and appearance

could scarcely be distinguished from that of the Indians. As they came

in sight over the hills, they all gave a yell, such as hunters and

Indians only can give; whiz, whiz, came their balls over our heads, and

on they came, in less time than it will take you to read this account.

The alarm was but for a moment; our guide had seen a white cloth on one

of their guns, and said, "Don't be alarmed, they are friends," and sure

enough, in a moment here they were. It was difficult to tell which was

the most crazy, the horse or the rider; such hopping, hooting, running,

jumping, yelling, jumping sage brush, whirling around, for they could

not stop to reload their guns, but all of us as they came on gave them a

salute from ours, as they passed to the rear of our line and back again,

hardly stopping to give the hand to any one. On to camp we went.

At night, who should we find but old Takkensuitas and

Ish-hol-hol-hoats-hoats (Lawyer), with a letter from Mr. Parker, which

informed the party that he had arrived safely at Wallawalla, and that

the Indians had been kind to him, and from what he had seen and could

learn of them, they were well disposed toward all white men. Mr. Parker,

as his journal of that trip and observations will show, was a man of

intelligence, and a close observer of men and things.

He soon learned, on arriving at Wallawalla, that there was a bitter

anti-American feeling in the country, and that, notwithstanding he had

arrived in it uninvited, and without the aid of the _Honorable_ Hudson's

Bay Company, he was in it, nevertheless, as the guest of the Nez Perce

Indians. They had found him in the Rocky Mountains; they brought him to

Wallawalla; they had received him, treated him kindly, and proved to him

that they were not only friendly, but anxious to have the American

influence and civilization come among them. Rev. Jason Lee and party

were in the country. Abundance of unasked advice was given to him by

Hudson's Bay Company's men; his caution prevailed; he was to let Dr.

Whitman, or the mission party that might be sent across the mountains,

hear from him by the Indians. Feeling certain that any advice or

information he might attempt to communicate to his missionary friends

would in all probability be made use of to their detriment, and perhaps

destroy the mission itself, he did not deem it prudent to write or to

give any advice. Should any party come on before he could reach them,

his note was sufficient to inform them of the fact of his safe arrival

and the friendly treatment he had received of the Indians; further than

this he did not feel safe to communicate--not for want of confidence in

the Indians, but from what he saw and learned of the feelings of the

Hudson's Bay Company. Yet he felt that, notwithstanding they were

showing him outwardly every attention, yet they evidently did not wish

to see the American influence increase in any shape in the country.

Rev. Mr. Parker's letter, short and unsatisfactory as it was, caused

considerable expression of unpleasant feeling on the part of those who

considered they had a right to a more full and extended communication.

But Mr. Parker was at Vancouver, or somewhere else; they might and they

might not meet him; he may and he may not have written more fully.

At supper time old Takkensuitas (Rotten Belly) and

Ish-hol-hol-hoats-hoats were honored with a place at the missionary

board. With your permission, ladies and gentlemen, I will give you the

bill of fare on this memorable occasion. Place--by the side of a muddy

stream called Sandy, about thirty miles south of Wind River Mountain.

This mountain, you will remember, is about as near the highest point of

the North American continent as can be. This fact is established, not

from geographical or barometrical observations, but from the simple fact

that water runs from it by way of the Missouri, Colorado, and Columbia

rivers into the eastern, southern, and western oceans, and but a short

distance to the north of this mountain commences the waters of the

Saskatchewan River, running into Hudson's Bay and the northern ocean.

There are doubtless many other mountains whose peaks ascend higher into

the clouds, but none of them supply water to so vast an extent of

country, and none of them are so decidedly on top of the continent as

this one. Of course our little party is in a high altitude, and in sight

of this mountain, which may or may not have been ten thousand feet

higher to its snow-capped peaks. Date--about the 20th day of July, 1836.

Our table was the grass beside this muddy stream; cloth--an old broken

oil-cloth badly used up; plates--when the company started were called

tin, but from hard usage were iron in all shapes; cups--ditto;

knives--the common short-bladed wooden-handled butcher knife; forks--a

stick each cut to suit himself, or, if he preferred the primitive mode

of conveying his food to its proper destination, he was at liberty to

practice it; food extra on this occasion--a nice piece of venison, which

the Indians had presented to the ladies, a piece of broiled and roast

buffalo meat, roasted upon a stick before the fire, seasoned with a

little salt, with a full proportion of sand and dirt. Dr. Whitman was

inclined to discard the use of salt entirely; as to dirt and sand it was

a matter upon which he and Mr. Parker differed on the trip the year

previous, though Mrs. Whitman took sides with Mr. Parker against the

Doctor, and with the assistance of Mrs. Spalding, the Doctor was kept in

most cases within reasonable distance of comfortable cleanliness. On

this occasion tea, with sugar, was used; the supply of bread was

limited; we will not trouble the reader with an extra list of the

dessert. Of this feast these sons of the wilderness partook with

expressions of great satisfaction. The Lawyer, twenty-seven years after,

spoke of it as the time when his heart became one with the _Suapies_

(Americans).

CHAPTER XV.

Arrival at American rendezvous.--An Indian procession.--Indian

curiosity to see white women.--Captain N. Wyeth.--McCleod and T.

McKay.--Description of mountain men.--Their opinion of the

missionaries.

In two days' easy travel we arrived at the great American rendezvous,

held in an extensive valley in the forks formed by Horse Creek and Green

River, on account of the abundance of wood, grass, and water all through

the valley. Each party selected their own camp grounds, guarding their

own animals and goods, as each felt or anticipated the danger he might

be exposed to at the time. We will pass through this city of about

fifteen hundred inhabitants--composed of all classes and conditions of

men, and on this occasion two classes of women,--starting from a square

log pen 18 by 18, with no doors, except two logs that had been cut so as

to leave a space about four feet from the ground two feet wide and six

feet long, designed for an entrance, as also a place to hand out goods

and take in furs. It was covered with poles, brush on top of the poles;

in case of rain, which we had twice during our stay at the rendezvous,

the goods were covered with canvas, or tents thrown over them. Lumber

being scarce in that vicinity, floors, doors, as well as sash and glass,

were dispensed with. The spaces between the logs were sufficient to

admit all the light requisite to do business in this primitive store. At

a little distance from the store were the camps of the fur company, in

which might be seen the pack-saddles and equipage of the mules, in piles

to suit the taste and disposition of the men having them in charge. The

trading-hut was a little distance from the main branch of Green River,

so situated that the company's mules and horses could all be driven

between the store and the river, the tents and men on either side, the

store in front, forming a camp that could be defended against an attack

of the Indians, in case they should attempt any thing of the kind. Green

River, at the point where our city in the mountains is situated, is

running from the west due east. West of the fur company's camp or store

were most of the camps of the hunters and trappers; east of it, close to

the river, was the missionary camp, while to the south, from one to

three miles distant along Horse Creek, from its junction with Green

River, where the Snake and Bannock Indians were camped, to six miles up

that stream, were the camps of the Flatheads and Nez Perces. All these

tribes were at peace that year, and met at the American rendezvous. The

Indian camps were so arranged in the bends of the creek that they could

defend themselves and their horses in case of any attack from the

neighboring tribes, and also guard their horses while feeding in the

day-time. The whole city was a military camp; every little camp had its

own guards to protect its occupants and property from being stolen by

its neighbor. The arrow or the ball decided any dispute that might

occur. The only law known for horse-stealing was death to the thief, if

the owner or the guard could kill him in the act. If he succeeded in

escaping, the only remedy for the man who lost his horse was to buy, or

steal another and take his chances in escaping the arrow or ball of the

owner, or guard. It was quite fashionable in this city for all to go

well armed, as the best and quickest shot gained the case in dispute. Of

the number assembled, there must have been not far from one hundred

Americans,--hunters and trappers; about fifty French, belonging

principally to the caravan; some five traders; about twenty citizens, or

outsiders, including the mission party. The Snakes and Bannocks mustered

about one hundred and fifty warriors; the Nez Perces and Flatheads,

about two hundred. By arrangement among themselves they got up a grand

display for the benefit of their white visitors, which came off some six

days after our American caravan had arrived at the rendezvous.

The procession commenced at the east or lower end of the plain in the

vicinity of the Snake and Bannock camps. The Nez Perces and Flatheads,

passing from their camps down the Horse Creek, joined the Snake and

Bannock warriors, all dressed and painted in their gayest uniforms, each

having a company of warriors in war garb, that is, naked, except a

single cloth, and painted, carrying their war weapons, bearing their war

emblems and Indian implements of music, such as skins drawn over hoops

with rattles and trinkets to make a noise. From the fact that no scalps

were borne in the procession, I concluded this must be entirely a peace

performance, and gotten up for the occasion. When the cavalcade,

amounting to full five (some said six) hundred Indian warriors (though I

noticed quite a number of native belles covered with beads), commenced

coming up through the plain in sight of our camps, those of us who were

not informed as to the object or design of this demonstration began to

look at our weapons and calculate on a desperate fight. Captain Stewart,

our English nobleman, and Major Pilcher waited on the mission ladies and

politely informed them of the object of the display; they assured them

there would be no danger or harm, and remained at their tents while the

cavalcade passed. Mrs. Whitman's health was such that she could witness

most of the display. Mrs. Spalding was quite feeble, and kept her tent

most of the time. All passed off quietly, excepting the hooting and

yelling of the Indians appropriate to the occasion.

The display over, the mission camp around the tent was thronged. On

first hearing the war-whoop, the savage yell, and the sound of the

Indian war drum, all parties not in the secret of this surprise party,

or native reception for their missionaries, at once drove in their

animals, and prepared for the worst; hence the mission cows, horses, and

camp, were all together. Major Pilcher and Captain Stewart enjoyed the

surprise of the party, and were equally delighted with the effect and

surprise manifested by the Indians, as they approached the mission camp.

The wagon, and every thing about their camp, was examined. The Indians

would pass and repass the tent, to get a sight of the two women

belonging to the white men. Mrs. Spalding, feeble as she was, seemed to

be the favorite with the Indian women; possibly from that fact alone she

may have gained their sympathy to some extent. The Lawyer and

Takkensuitas were constant visitors at the tent. Their Indian wives were

with them, and showed a disposition to do all in their power to assist

the missionaries. Mrs. Spalding's rest from the fatigues of the journey

soon enabled her to commence a vocabulary of the Indian language. Mrs.

Whitman also commenced one with her, but she was often interrupted by

the attentions thought necessary to be paid to gentlemen callers. Excuse

me, whoever believes that thirty-three years since there were no

gentlemen on top of the Rocky Mountains. I can assure you that there

were, and that all the refined education and manners of the daughter of

Judge Prentiss, of Prattsburg, Steuben County, N. Y., found abundant

opportunity to exhibit the cardinal ornaments of a religious and

civilized country. No one, except an eye-witness, can appreciate or

fully understand the charm there was in those early days in the sight of

the form and white features of his mother. The rough veteran mountain

hunter would touch his hat in a manner absolutely ridiculous, and often

fail to express a designed compliment, which the mischief or good-humor

of Mrs. Whitman sometimes enjoyed as a good joke. In consequence of

these attentions or interruptions, she did not acquire the native

language as fast as Mrs. Spalding, who showed but little attention to

any one except the natives and their wives.

The Indian curiosity had not fully subsided before the company were

introduced to, and cordially greeted by, Captain Wyeth, who had been to

the lower Columbia on a trading expedition. He had conducted Rev. Jason

Lee and party to Fort Hall, where he had established a trading-post;

thence he had gone to the lower country, received his goods from the

brig _May Dacre_, made arrangements with the Hudson's Bay Company, sold

his goods and establishment at Fort Hall to the Hudson's Bay Company,

and was then on his way back to the States. Captain Wyeth, in all his

motions and features, showed the shrewd Yankee and the man of business.

He politely introduced the mission party to Messrs. John McLeod and

Thomas McKay, of the Hudson's Bay Company. After the usual etiquette of

introduction and common inquiries, Messrs. McLeod and McKay having

retired to their camps, Captain W. entered into a full explanation of

the whys and wherefores of Rev. Mr. Parker's short note, confirming the

observations and suspicions of Mr. Parker, in reference to the treatment

the missionaries might expect, giving a full statement of the feelings

and efforts of the Hudson's Bay Company to get rid of all American

influence, and especially traders. Turning, with a smile, upon the

ladies, but addressing the gentlemen, he said, "You gentlemen have your

wives along; if I do not greatly mistake the feelings of the gentlemen

of the Hudson's Bay Company, they will be anxious to have their

influence in teaching their own wives and children, and you will meet

with a different reception from any other American party that has gone

into the country." It would be useless to add in this sketch that the

advice of Captain W. was of incalculable value in shaping the policy and

conduct of the mission of the American Board in their necessary

transactions and intercourse with the Hudson's Bay Company. Captain W.

had fallen in with Rev. S. Parker, but could give no definite

information about him or his plans, except that he was on his return to

the United States, by way of the Sandwich Islands.

As we have never seen a description of these semi-civilized men, that in

youth had left their native countries, and found themselves thousands of

miles away, in the midst of the Rocky Mountains, surrounded on all sides

by wild, roving bands of savages, cut off from communication with

civilization, except by the annual return of the fur company's traders,

or occasional wandering to some distant trading-post, a thousand or five

hundred miles from the borders of any State or settlement, we will at

this time introduce to the reader several men as we found them at this

American rendezvous, most of them finding their way eventually into the

settlement of Oregon, and becoming active and prominent men in the

organization of the provisional government, as also good citizens. Among

these veteran Rocky Mountain hunters was a tall man, with long black

hair, smooth face, dark eyes (inclining to turn his head a little to one

side, as much as to say, "I can tell you all about it"), a

harum-scarum, don't-care sort of a man, full of "life and fun in the

mountains," as he expressed it. He came and paid his respects to the

ladies, and said he had been in the mountains several years; he had not

seen a white woman for so long he had almost forgotten how they looked.

He appeared quite fond of telling "yarns." In the conversation, Mrs.

Whitman asked him if he ever had any difficulty or fights with the

Indians. "That we did," said he. "One time I was with Bridger's camp; we

were traveling along that day, and the Blackfeet came upon us. I was

riding an old mule. The Indians were discovered some distance off, so

all the party put whip to their horses and started to get to a place

where we could defend ourselves. My old mule was determined not to move,

with all the beating I could give her, so I sung out to the boys to stop

and fight the Indians where we were; they kept on, however. Soon, my old

mule got sight of the Blackfeet coming; she pricked up her ears, and on

she went like a streak, passed the boys, and away we went. I sung out to

the boys, as I passed, 'Come on, boys, there is no use to stop and fight

the Indians here.'" Fun and firmness were the two prominent

characteristics of this young mountain hunter. He expressed a wish and a

determination to visit and settle in lower Oregon (as the Wallamet

Valley was then called). He had a native wife, and one son, just

beginning to speak a few words. The father seemed, on my first noticing

him, to be teaching this son of his to say "God d----n you," doubtless

considering this prayer the most important one to teach his son to

repeat, in the midst of the wild scenes with which he was surrounded.

Though, to his credit be it said, this same wild, youthful mountaineer

has become a good supporter of religious society, and has a respectable

family, in an interesting neighborhood, near Forest Grove, in Oregon.

We will call these mountain hunters by numbers, for convenience, as we

shall refer to them in our future political sketches, in which they

participated.

No. 2. A man of medium height, black hair, black whiskers, dark-brown

eyes, and very dark complexion; he was formerly from Kentucky. (I am not

positive.) He was quite fond of telling yarns; still, as he was not

considered very truthful, we will only give the story as we have it of

the manner in which he and the one we will give as No. 3 obtained their

titles. 2 and 3 were traveling together; 3 was from Cincinnati, Ohio.

They had reached Independence, Mo.; says 3 to 2, "Titles are very

necessary here in Missouri, what titles shall we take?" "Well," says 2,

"I will take _Major_." 3 says, "I will take _Doctor_." Very good. They

rode up to the best hotel in the place and called for lodgings.

2. "Well, Doctor, what shall we have for supper?"

3. "I don't care, Major, so as we get something to eat."

The Major and the Doctor enjoyed their supper and have borne their

titles to the present time. The Major has never been, from all I could

learn of him, a very truthful man or reliable citizen. He spent several

years in Oregon and in the mountains, and found his way back to

Missouri. The Doctor is now a resident of Idaho. The most remarkable

trait in his composition is story-telling, or yarns, and a disposition

to make friends of all political parties, or join all religious

sects--something of a good lord and good devil order. He appeared in

those early times to belong to that party that paid him the best. He was

first in the employ of the American Fur Company, but appeared to lend

his influence to the Hudson's Bay Company. He also had a native wife of

the Nez Perce tribe, and was considered by the Hudson's Bay Company a

useful man to divide the American influence in trade with the Indians in

the mountains, and equally useful to distract and divide the political

influence of the early settlers. By his connection with the natives in

marriage, the Hudson's Bay Company in trade, and good lord and good

devil principles, he could adapt himself to the Protestant or Catholic

religion, and in this manner become a kind of representative man,

something like _strong lye and aquafortis mixed_, and just about as

useful as such a mixture would be. He succeeded, by political

maneuvering, or as the sailors say, "boxing the compass," to fill a

place and draw a salary from Uncle Sam; carrying out the principles he

has acted upon in his whole life, his efforts have been to neutralize

what good others might do.

No. 4. A young man from Ohio, of a serious turn of mind; at least I

concluded this to be the case, from the fact that he asked of the ladies

if they had any books to sell, or that they could spare. A nice

pocket-bible was given him, for which he politely expressed his thanks,

after offering to pay for it. The pay, of course, was declined, as a few

bibles were brought along for distribution. This young man, in a few

years, followed the mission party and became a settler and a prominent

man in the provisional government.

No. 5. A wild, reckless, don't-care sort of a youth, with a Nez Perce

wife, so thoroughly attached to Indian ideas and customs that he has

felt it beneath his dignity to turn from the ancient habits of the

Indian to a "more recent invention" of religion and civilization. His

curiosity was a little excited, which induced him to pay his respects to

the missionaries, on account of their wives. He called on them, and

spoke of some day finding his way somewhere down about where the

missionaries might be located; as he had bought him a Nez Perce wife,

she might want to go and see her people, and he might make up his mind

to go and settle. This man, from his utter disregard for all moral and

civilized social relations, has coiled himself up in the tribe he

adopted, and spit out his venomous influence against all moral and civil

improvement, training his children so that the better portion of the

natives treat them with contempt. For a time he had considerable

influence in shaping government policy toward the tribe and securing his

own personal Indian position, to the injury of all other interests. I am

unable to say how he obtained his title of colonel, unless it was from

the influence he once pretended to have with the Indians, and a

disposition on the part of those of his countrymen to title those who

aspire to such honors.

No. 6. What the miners nowadays would call a "plain, honest farmer,"

with a native wife and one child. He called on the party, took a look at

their cattle, and some four years afterward, after going into Mexico and

Taos, found his way to the Wallamet as a settler, with a few head of

cattle, which he managed to get through. This man is a quiet and good

citizen, and has a respectable family of half-native children. The

accursed influence of slavery in his neighborhood has borne heavily upon

his children. Whether they will be able to rise above it and stand as

examples of good citizens remains for them to demonstrate.

No. 7. A short, thick-set man, with a Nez Perce wife; a good honest

farmer; has done credit to himself and family in giving them every

possible advantage for education and society, though the aquafortis

mixture has been strong in his neighborhood; his family are respected;

his Indian wife he considers as good as some of his neighbors', that

don't like her or her children. In this opinion all who are not

saturated with our _cultus_ mixture agree with him. His title in the

mountains was Squire, but I think it has been improved since he came to

the settlements by adding the E to it, he having been duly elected to

fill the office under the provisional, territorial, and State

government. I have learned, with much regret, that the Squire of the

Rocky Mountains, who had courage and strength to meet and overcome all

the dangers and trials of early times, has not the courage to resist the

approaches of false friends and bad whisky, which will ultimately bring

himself and his family to that certain destruction that follows the

debasing habit of using liquor in any shape.

No. 8. A fair, light-haired, light-complexioned, blue-eyed man, rather

above the medium height, with a Nez Perce wife, came about the camp, had

little or nothing to say. I am not quite certain that he had his native

wife at that time, still he had one when he came into the settlement.

He has a good farm, and if he avoids his false friends and the fatal

habits of his neighbors, he may have a good name, which will be of more

value to his children than his present social and vicious habits.

Doctor Marcus Whitman, they considered, on the whole, was a good sort of

a fellow; he was not so hide-bound but what he could talk with a common

man and get along easily if his wife did not succeed in "_stiffening_,"

starching him up; he would do first-rate, though there appeared

considerable doubt in their minds, whether, from her stern, commanding

manner, she would not eventually succeed in stiffening up the Doctor so

that he would be less agreeable. Mrs. Whitman, they thought, was a woman

of too much education and refinement to be thrown away on the Indians.

"She must have had considerable romance in her disposition to have

undertaken such an expedition with such a common, kind, good-hearted

fellow as the Doctor. As to Spalding, he is so green he will do to

spread out on a frog-pond; he may do to preach to Indians, but mountain

men would have to be fly-blown before he could come near them. Mrs.

Spalding is a first-rate woman; she has not got any starch in her; it is

strange she ever picked up such a greenhorn as she has for a husband;

she will do first-rate to teach the Indians, or anybody else; she has

got good common sense, and doesn't put on any frills. As to Gray, he is

young yet, is not quite so green as Spalding; he seems inclined to learn

a little; by the time he goes to the Columbia River and travels about

more, he will know a good deal more than he does now. He may do well in

his department if he 'keeps his eye skinned.'"

I suppose by this expression was meant a sharp look out for swindlers,

rogues, and thieves, to see that they do not lie, cheat, and steal,

every opportunity they may have, or at least that you do not allow them

to take your property under false pretenses. Be that as it may, the

general conclusion was, that, as this mission party had succeeded in

getting thus far on their journey, they might get still further, and

perhaps (most were certain) make a failure, either by being sent out of

the country by the Hudson's Bay Company, or destroyed by the Indians.

Good wishes and hopes that they might succeed were abundant from all, as

was plainly expressed, and a disposition, in case the mission succeeded

in establishing themselves, to find their way down into the Columbia

River Valley with their native families, and become settlers about the

mission stations. Lightly as these frank, open expressions of good

wishes and future ideas of the mountain hunter may appear, the

missionaries saw at once there was the germ of a future people to be

gathered in the Columbia River Valley, probably of a mixed race. These

men had all abandoned civilization and home for the wild hunter life in

the midst of the mountains. They had enjoyed its wild sports, felt its

fearful dangers and sufferings, and become, most of them, connected with

native women--a large proportion of them with the Nez Perce and Flathead

tribes. Their family, at least, could be benefited by education, and

taught the benefits of civilization and Christianity. The men had

expressed kind wishes, good feelings, and treated them kindly; why

should they not include this class of men and their families in their

efforts to benefit the Indians in the valleys of the Columbia River.

As before stated, the mission party had been introduced by Captain Wyeth

to Mr. John McLeod, a gentleman holding the rank of chief trader in the

Hudson's Bay Company. He had frequent interviews and conversations with

the mission party while at rendezvous, and as often as any of these

mountain men met him at the mission camp, he would leave without

ceremony. There appeared a mutual dislike, a sort of hatred between

them. This chief trader of the Hudson's Bay Company, in the

conversations had with him, informed the mission party that it was not

the wish of the company to encourage any of these mountain hunters and

trappers to go to the Columbia River to settle, or to have any thing to

do with them, assigning as a reason that they would cause trouble and

difficulties with the Indians. He also gave them to understand that

should they need manual labor, or men to assist them in putting up their

houses and making their improvements, the company would prefer to

furnish it, to encouraging these men in going into the country. This

intimation was distinctly conveyed to the party, with the advice and

intimations received from Captain Wyeth, who had seen and understood all

the policy of the Hudson's Bay Company, and had been compelled to sell

his improvements at Fort Hall to this same McLeod, and his goods

designed for the trade to Dr. McLaughlin, soon after their arrival in

the country. These facts and statements, with the decided manner of Mr.

McLeod, compelled the mission party to defer any effort for these

mountain men, but subsequently they advised the sending of a man to

travel with their camps.

CHAPTER XVI.

Missionaries travel in company with Hudson's Bay Company's

party.--The Lawyer's kindness.--Arrival at Fort Hall.--Description

of the country.--The Salmon Indians.--The Hudson's Bay Company's

tariff.

Letters all written to friends, and everybody supposed to have any

particular interest in the person or individual who wrote them; the

letters placed in the hands of Captain Wyeth; mission camp overhauled

and assorted; all goods supposed unnecessary, or that could be replaced,

such as irons for plows, blacksmith's tools, useless kettles, etc.,

etc., disposed of. (All articles left, the party were careful to learn,

could be had at Vancouver of the Hudson's Bay Company, or Methodist

Mission, at reasonable prices.) Tents struck; good-byes said; over the

party goes to Horse Creek, not far from the Nez Perce camp, where we

found that of McLeod and McKay. Soon after we reached camp, along comes

Dr. Whitman with his wagon, notwithstanding all parties and persons,

except the Indians, advised him to leave it. He was literally alone in

his determination to get his old wagon through on to the waters of the

Columbia, and to the mission station that might be established no one

knew where. The man that says Dr. Whitman is fickle-minded, knows

nothing of his character and less of his moral worth.

Next day, all camps, including those of the Flathead and Nez Perce

Indians, were "raised," as the expression is, and on we went; the

Hudson's Bay Company and mission camp, or caravan, together, Dr. Whitman

in charge of his wagon, with some Indians to help him. They seemed

rather to get the Doctor's ideas of this _chick-chick-shauile-kai-kash_

(iron rolling carriage), and hunted a road around the bad places, and

helped him along when he required their assistance. Our route was nearly

the same as the great overland route to Bear River and Soda Springs.

Two days before we reached Soda Springs one of the mission party became

quite unwell, and unable to sit upon his horse. He was left, at his own

request, on a little stream, while the caravan passed on some six miles

further to camp. After remaining alone and resting some two hours, The

Lawyer and an Indian companion of his came along, picked up the sick

man, put him upon a strong horse, got on behind him, and held him on

till they reached camp. Dr. Whitman gave him a prescription, which

relieved him, so that next day he was able to continue the journey with

the camp. This transaction has always been a mystery to the writer. The

place where the sick man was left was a beautiful stream, and a good

place for a camp for the whole caravan. The sick man was wholly unable

to proceed; did not ask the caravan to stop and bury him, but simply

informed them he could proceed no further; his strength was gone; they

could leave him to die alone if they chose. A word from McLeod would

have stopped the caravan. Should the mission party remain with him? He

said: "No; go on with the caravan and leave me; you will be compelled to

seek your own safety in continuing with the caravan; I am but an

individual; leave me to my fate." He requested a cup that he might get

some water from the stream, close to the side of which he wished them to

place him. Dr. Whitman remained with him as long as was deemed safe for

him, and passed on to overtake the caravan. The Lawyer and his companion

came along two or three hours afterward, picked up the dying or dead man

(for aught the caravan knew), and brought him into camp. My impression

of this transaction has always been that McLeod wished to get rid of

this young American, who was then in the service of the mission party.

"That d----d Indian, Lawyer," as the Hudson's Bay Company's men called

him, by his kindness of heart and determination not to let an American

die if he could help it, defeated the implied wish of these Hudson's Bay

Company's men in this case. The Lawyer says the sick man vomited all the

way into camp, and called for water, which his young man got for him.

From the Soda Springs the Indian camps went north into the mountains for

buffalo.

The Hudson's Bay Company and mission party continued their journey

through the spurs of the mountains over on to the waters of the Portneuf

to Fort Hall. It is due to Dr. Whitman to say that notwithstanding this

was the most difficult route we had to travel, yet he persevered with

his old wagon, without any particular assistance; from Soda Springs to

Fort Hall his labor was immense, yet he overcame every difficulty and

brought it safe through. I have thrice since traveled the same route,

and confess I can not see how he did it, notwithstanding I was with him,

and know he brought the wagon through.

Fort Hall, in 1836, was a stockade, made of cotton-wood logs, about

twelve feet long, set some two feet in the ground, with a piece of

timber pinned near the top, running entirely around the stockade, which

was about sixty feet square. The stores and quarters for the men were

built inside with poles, brush, grass, and dirt for covering, stamped

down so as to partially shed rain, and permit the guards to be upon the

tops of the quarters and see over the top of the stockade. It is

situated on an extensive level plain or flat, with spurs of the Rocky

Mountains on the east, at the distance of thirty miles, high ranges of

barren sage hills on the south, some eight miles distant. As you leave

the flat level bottom formed by the Snake and Portneuf rivers, all along

its banks it is skirted with a fine growth of cotton-wood, relieving the

landscape and forming a beautiful contrast to the high barren plains

beyond. To the west is the valley of the Snake River, from thirty to

sixty miles wide, a high, sandy, and barren sage plain. This valley is

bounded on the south by a low range of hills, running from northwest to

southeast. On the north side of Fort Hall is an extensive high plain;

this plain is, from Fort Hall, across it, full forty miles. The only

objects that meet the eye on this extensive plain are three high

basaltic buttes or mountains thrown up near its center. At the foot of

the one a little to the south and west of the two rounder and equally

prominent ones, is a fine spring of water. In 1837, the writer, in his

explorations of the country, was anxious to learn more than was then

known of the character of this great basin in the mountains, having the

year previous entered it by way of Soda Springs and Portneuf. This time

he came into it from the north by Codie's Defile, and concluded he would

take a straight course and pass between the two northeastern buttes, and

reach Snake River near Fort Hall. His Indian guide objected; still, as

we had good horses, and were traveling light, we took the precaution to

water our animals before entering this plain. We were twenty-six hours

on horseback, having stopped but six hours to rest; we tied our horses

to the sage brush, to prevent them from leaving us to hunt for water.

Not a drop did we find on our route till we reached Snake River,

thirty-two hours from the time we left running water on the north and

west sides of this plain. In our course we found nothing but barren,

basaltic rock, sand, and sage. It is possible, had we turned to the

right or left, we might have found water, but I saw nothing that gave

indications that water was near; on the contrary, I noticed that the

fine stream at which we watered our animals sank into the rocks, leaving

no marks of a channel to any great distance. In fact, my impression was,

after twelve hours' ride, that it was useless to spend our time and

strength to hunt for water, and kept our course. Jaded and fatigued as

our animals were, as we approached Snake River every nerve seemed strung

to the utmost; our animals became frantic and unmanageable; they rushed

forward at full speed and plunged into the first water they saw.

Fortunately for them and the riders, the water was only about three

feet deep; water appeared to be preferred to air; they plunged their

heads deep in and held their breaths till their thirst was relieved.

This plain is bounded on the north and east by spurs of the Rocky and

Bear River mountains; on the south and west by the high plains of

Portneuf and Snake River valleys. There is a range of mountains

commencing on the northwest of this plain, extending west and north

along Snake River, dividing the waters of the Snake and La Riviere aux

Bois (the wooded river.) This whole plain has the appearance of having

been one vast lake of lava, spread over the whole surrounding country,

appearing to have issued from the three basaltic mountains in the midst

of it. I noticed, as we passed between the two, which were probably not

more than ten miles apart, that we appeared to be on higher rock than in

any direction around us. From this fact I concluded that the three must

have been pouring out their volcanic lava at the same time and ceased

together, leaving the country comparatively level. The small amount of

soil found upon the surface, as well as the barrenness of the rock,

indicated no distant period of time when this volcanic plain had been

formed.

At Fort Hall we had another overhauling and lightening of baggage. The

Doctor was advised to take his wagon apart and pack it, if he calculated

to get it through the terrible canons and deep, bottomless creeks we

must pass in going down Snake Plains. Miles Goodyear, the boy we picked

up two days from Fort Leavenworth, who had been assigned to assist the

Doctor, was determined, if the Doctor took his wagon any further, to

leave the company. He was the only one that could be spared to assist in

this wild, and, as all considered, crazy undertaking. Miles was

furnished a couple of horses, and the best outfit the mission party

could give him for his services, and allowed to remain or go where he

might choose. In his conclusions, he was influenced by the stories he

heard about the treatment he might expect should he reach the lower

Columbia. His idea of liberty was unlimited. Restraint and obedience to

others was what he did not like at home; he would try his fortune in the

mountains; he did not care for missionaries, Hudson's Bay men, nor

Indians; he was determined to be his own man, and was allowed to remain

at Fort Hall. This loss of manual strength to the mission party

compelled the Doctor to curtail his wagon, so he made a cart on two of

the wheels, placed the axletree and the other two wheels on his cart,

and about the 1st of August, 1836, our camp was again in motion. As we

reached camp on Portneuf the first night, in passing a bunch of willows,

Mrs. Spalding's horse, a kind and perfectly gentle animal, was stung by

a wasp, causing him to spring to one side. Mrs. S. lost her balance;

her foot hung fast in the stirrup; the horse made but a single bound

from the sting of the wasp, and stopped still till Mrs. S. was relieved

from what appeared almost instant death. Next day we continued on down

the river till we reached Salmon Falls, on Snake River.

We found a large number of the Salmon and Digger Indians at their

fishing stations. Their curiosity was excited, and overcame all the

fears that had been attributed to them by former travelers. All of them

came about the camp, and appeared quite friendly, furnishing to the

party all the fresh and dried salmon they wanted, at the most reasonable

rates, say a fine fresh salmon for two fish-hooks; four for a common

butcher-knife; ten dried ones for a shirt; in fact, receiving only such

pay or presents for their fish and roots, as the Hudson's Bay Company's

traders saw fit, or would _allow_ the missionary party to give them. It

will be remembered that, in the conversation with Captain Wyeth, the

party had been cautioned as to dealing with the Indians, or in any way

interfering with the Indian trade, or tariff, as the Hudson's Bay

Company gentlemen call the prices they were in the habit of giving to

the Indians, for any article of property they might have to dispose of,

or that the company might want. If the Indian would part with it at all,

he must receive the price or the article they chose to give him, not as

an equivalent for his article, but as a condescension on the part of the

trader, in allowing him the honor of making the exchange. The Indian's

property or article, whatever it might be, was of no consequence to the

trader, but the article he gave or furnished to him was of great value.

The Indian knew no other system of trade; it was that or nothing; hence

the wealth of this arrogant and overgrown company, claiming exclusive

trading privileges, as also the right to occupy the country in such a

manner, and for such purposes as they chose. As a matter of course, the

mission party were not in a condition to vary or change this system of

trade; neither were they allowed to encourage the Indians in the

expectation of any future change, except as to the religious

instructions they were at liberty to impart to them.

The gentlemen of the Hudson's Bay Company were frank with the mission in

giving them their tariff: For a salmon at Salmon Falls, two awls or two

small fish-hooks; one large hook for two salmon; for a knife, four

salmon; for one load of powder and a charge of shot, or a single ball,

one salmon. At Wallawalla the tariff was nearly double, say two balls

and powder for one large-sized salmon; a three-point blanket, a check

shirt, a knife, five or ten balls and powder, from half a foot to three

feet of trail-rope tobacco, the price of a good horse. In short, there

was but one single object the Indian could live for; that was to

contribute his little mite of productive labor to enrich the Honorable

Hudson's Bay Company, and to assist them, when required, to relieve the

country of intruders. That they were in a state of absolute subjection

to the control of the company no one that traveled in it at that early

day can doubt for a moment. Speak of improving the condition of the

Indians to gentlemen of the company, they would insist that it only made

them more insolent, demand higher prices for their produce, and be less

inclined to hunt for the furs necessary to supply the goods furnished

for their use. The idea of improving the condition of the Indian, and

raising him in the scale of civilization, and by that means increase his

natural wants, and encourage him with a fair compensation for his labor,

was no part of their chartered privileges. They found the Indian as he

was; they would leave him no better. The country and all in it was

theirs; they could not allow any interference with their trade. "If you

missionaries wish to teach them your religion, we have no particular

objection, so long as you confine yourselves to such religious

instruction; as to trade, gentlemen, we will not object to your

receiving from the Indians what you may require for your own personal

use and subsistence, provided you do not pay them more for the article

you buy of them than the company does. We will give you our tariff, that

you may be governed by it in your dealings with the Indians. You will

readily perceive, gentlemen, that it is necessary for us to insist on

these conditions, in order to protect our own interests, and secure our

accustomed profits."

CHAPTER XVII.

An explanation.--Instructions of company.--Their

tyranny.--Continuation of journey.--Fording rivers.--Arrival at

Boise.--Dr. Whitman compelled to leave his wagon.

It may be asked why the writer gives this explanation of trade and

intercourse with the Indians and missionaries before they have reached

the field of their future labors? For the simple reason that the party,

and the writer in particular, commenced their education in the Rocky

Mountains. They learned that in the country to which they were going

there was an overgrown, unscrupulous, and exacting monopoly that would

prevent any interference in their trade, or intercourse with the

Indians. This information was received through the American fur traders,

and from Captain Wyeth, who was leaving the country; and from Mr. John

McLeod, then in charge of our traveling caravan. It is true, we had only

reached Salmon Falls, on Snake River, and we only wished to buy of the

miserable, naked, filthy objects before us, a few fresh salmon, which

they were catching in apparent abundance; and as is the case with most

American travelers, we had many articles that would be valuable to the

Indian, and beneficial to us to get rid of. But this overgrown company's

interest comes in. "You must not be liberal, or even just, to these

miserable human or savage beings; if you are, it will spoil our trade

with them; we can not control them if they learn the value of our

goods."

This supreme selfishness, this spirit of oppression, was applied not

only to the Digger Indians on the barren Snake plains and the salmon

fisheries of the Columbia River, but to the miserable discharged, and,

in most cases, disabled, Canadian-French. This policy the Hudson's Bay

Company practiced upon their own servants, and, as far as was possible,

upon all the early settlers of the country. In proof of this, hear what

Messrs. Ewing Young and Carmichael say of them on the thirteenth day of

January, 1837, just three months after our mission party had arrived,

and had written to their friends and patrons in the United States

glowing accounts of the kind treatment they had received from this same

Hudson's Bay Company. How far the Methodist Mission joined in the

attempt to coerce Mr. Young and compel him to place himself under their

control, I am unable to say. The Hudson's Bay Company, I know, from the

statement of Dr. McLaughlin himself, had an abundance of liquors. I

also know they were in the habit of furnishing them freely to the

Indians, as they thought the interest of their trade required. Mr.

Young's letter is in answer to a request of the Methodist Mission,

signed by J. and D. Lee, C. Shepard, and P. L. Edwards, not to erect a

distillers on his land claim in Yamhill County (Nealem Valley). The

Methodist Mission was made use of on this occasion, under the threat of

the Hudson's Bay Company, that in case Mr. Young put up his distillery

the Hudson's Bay Company would freely distribute their liquors, and at

once destroy all moral restraint, and more than probable the mission

itself. Lee and party offered to indemnify Mr. Young for his loss in

stopping his distillery project. The Hudson's Bay Company held by this

means the exclusive liquor trade, while the mission were compelled to

use their influence and means to prevent and buy off any enterprise that

conflicted with their interests. Mr. Young says, in his reply:--

"Gentlemen, having taken into consideration your request to

relinquish our enterprise in manufacturing ardent spirits, we

therefore do agree to stop our proceedings for the present: but,

gentlemen, the reasons for first beginning such an enterprise were

the _innumerable difficulties_ placed in our way by, and the

_tyrannizing oppression_ of, the Hudson's Bay Company, here under

the absolute authority of Dr. McLaughlin, who has treated us with

more disdain than any American's feelings could support; but,

gentlemen, it is not consistent with our feelings to receive any

recompense whatever for our expenditures, but we are thankful to the

society for their offer."

The writer of the above short paragraph has long since closed his

labors, which, with his little property, have done more substantial

benefit to Oregon than the Hudson's Bay Company, that attempted to drive

him from the country, which I will prove to the satisfaction of any

unprejudiced mind as we proceed, I am fully aware of the great number of

pensioned satellites that have fawned for Hudson's Bay Company pap, and

would swear no injustice was ever done to a single American, giving this

hypocritical, double-dealing smooth-swindling, called honorable,

Hudson's Bay Company credit for what they never did, and really for

stealing credit for good deeds done by others. The company insisted that

the mission party should, as a condition of being permitted to remain in

the country, comply with their ideas of Indian trade and justice in

dealing with the natives. The utmost care and attention was given to

impress this all-important fact upon the minds of these first

missionaries. They were told: "Gentlemen, your own pecuniary interests

require it; the good--_yes, the good_--of the natives you came to teach,

requires that you should observe our rules in trade." And here, I have

no doubt, lies the great secret of the partial failure of all the

Protestant missions. But, thank God, the country is relieved of a curse,

like that of slavery in the Southern States. An overgrown monopoly, in

using its influence with Catholicism to destroy Protestantism in Oregon

and the American settlements, has destroyed itself. Priestcraft and

Romanism, combined with ignorance and savagism, under the direction of

the Honorable Hudson's Bay Company traders, is a kind of mixture which

Mr. Ewing Young says "is more than any American citizen's feelings could

support;" yet for six years it was submitted to, and the country

increased, not so much in wealth, but in stout-hearted men and women,

who had dared every thing, and endured many living deaths, to secure

homes, and save a vast and rich country to the American Republic. Was

the government too liberal in giving these pioneers three hundred and

twenty acres of land, when, by their toil and patient endurance they had

suffered every thing this arrogant, unscrupulous, overgrown monopoly

could inflict, by calling to its aid superstition and priestcraft, in

the worst possible form, to subdue and drive them from the country?

Is there an American on this coast who doubts the fact of the tyrannical

course of the company? Listen to what is said of them in 1857, '58, in

their absolute government of Vancouver Island and British Columbia, by a

resident. He says:--

"In my unsophisticated ignorance, I foolishly imagined I was

entering a colony governed by British institutions; but I was

quickly undeceived. It was far worse than a Venetian oligarchy; a

squawtocracy of skin traders, ruled by men whose lives have been

spent in the wilderness in social communion with Indian savages,

their present daily occupation being the sale of tea, sugar, whisky,

and the usual _et caeteras_ of a grocery, which (taking advantage of

an increased population) they sold at the small advance of five

hundred per cent.; by men, who, to keep up the _entente cordiale_

with the red-skins, scrupled not (and the iniquitous practice is

still continued) to supply them with arms and ammunition, well

knowing that the same would be used in murderous warfare. I found

these 'small fry' claiming, under some antediluvian grant, not only

Vancouver Island, but a tract of country extending from the Pacific

to the Atlantic Ocean, from British Columbia to Hudson's Bay--a

territory of larger area than all Europe. The onward march of

civilization was checked; all avenues to the mineral regions were

closed by excessive, unauthorized, and illegal taxation; and a

country abounding with a fair share of Nature's richest productions,

and which might now be teeming with a hardy and industrious

population, was crushed and blasted by a set of unprincipled

autocrats, whose selfish interests, idle caprices, and unscrupulous

conduct, sought to gratify their petty ambition by trampling on the

dearest rights of their fellow-men. In Victoria and British Columbia

the town lots, the suburban farms, and the water frontage were

theirs,--the rocks in the bay, and the rocks on the earth; the trees

in the streets, which served as ornaments to the town, were cut down

by their orders and sold for fire-wood; with equal right

(presumption or unscrupulousness is the appropriate term) they

claimed the trees and dead timber of the forests, the waters of the

bay, and the fresh water on the shores; all, all was theirs;--nay, I

have seen the water running from the mountain springs denied to

allay the parched thirst of the poor wretches whom the _auri sacra

fames_ had allured to these inhospitable shores. They viewed with a

jealous eye all intruders into their unknown kingdom, and every

impediment was thrown in the way of improving or developing the

resources of the colony. The coal mines were theirs, and this

necessary article of fuel in a northern climate was held by them at

thirty dollars per ton. The sole and exclusive right to trade was

theirs, and the claim rigidly enforced. The gold fields were theirs

likewise, and a tax of five dollars on every man, and eight dollars

on every canoe or boat, was levied and collected at the mouth of the

canon before either were allowed to enter the sacred portals of

British Columbia. This amount had to be paid hundreds of miles from

the place where gold was said to exist, whether the party ever dug

an ounce or not. They looked upon all new arrivals with ill-subdued

jealousy and suspicion, and distrusted them as a praetorian band of

robbers coming to despoil them of their ill-gotten wealth."

Was this the case in 1858? Show me the man who denies it, and I will

show you a man devoid of moral perception, destitute of the principle of

right dealing between man and man; yet this same Hudson's Bay Company

claim credit for saving the thousands of men they had robbed of their

hard cash, in not allowing a few sacks of old flour and a quantity of

damaged bacon to be sold to exceed one hundred per cent. above prime

cost. "Their goods were very reasonable," says the apologist; "their

trade was honorable." Has any one ever before attempted to claim

honorable dealing for companies pursuing invariably the same selfish and

avaricious course? This company is not satisfied with the privilege they

have had of robbing the natives of this coast, their French and

half-native servants, the American settlers, and their own countrymen,

while dependent upon them; but now, when they can no longer rob and

steal from half a continent, they come to our government at Washington

and make a demand for five millions of dollars for giving up this

barefaced open robbery of a whole country they never had the shadow of

a right to. It is possible the honorable commissioners may admit this

arrogant and unjust claim. If they do,--one single farthing of it,--they

deserve the curses due to the company who have robbed the native

inhabitants of all their labor, their own servants they brought to it,

the country of all they could get from it that was of any value to them,

and the nation upon whom they call for any amount, be it great or small.

I have not time, and it would be out of place, to say more upon this

subject, at this rime, in the historical sketches we propose to give. Be

assured we do not write without knowing what we say, and being prepared

to prove our statements with facts that have come under our own

observation while in the country. We will leave the Hudson's Bay Company

and return to our mission party.

After getting a full supply of salmon for a tin whistle, or its

equivalent, a smell of trail-rope tobacco, we came to the ford at the

three islands in Snake River, crossed all safe, except a short swim for

Dr. Whitman and his cart on coming out on the north side or right bank

of the river. As nothing serious occurred, we passed on to camp. The

next day, in passing along the foot hills of the range of mountains

separating the waters of the Snake River and La Riviere aux Bois, we

came to the warm springs, in which we boiled a piece of salmon. Then we

struck the main Boise River, as it comes out of the mountain, not far

below the present location of Boise City; thence, about ten miles down

the river, and into the bend, where we found a miserable pen of a place,

at that time called Fort Boise. It consisted of cotton-wood poles and

crooked sticks set in a trench, and pretended to be fastened near the

top. The houses or quarters were also of poles, open; in fact, the whole

concern could hardly be called a passable corral, or pen for horses and

cattle. I think, from appearances, the fort had been used to corral or

catch horses in. We were informed that it was established in opposition

to Fort Hall, to prevent the Indians, as much as possible, from giving

their trade to Captain Wyeth, and that the company expected, if they

kept it up, to remove it near the mouth of Boise River.

At this place, McLeod and McKay, and all the Johnny Crapauds of the

company, united in the opinion that it was impossible to get the

Doctor's cart any further without taking it all apart and bending the

iron tires on the wheels, and packing it in par-fleshes (the dried hide

of the buffalo, used as an outside covering for packs), and in that way

we might get it through, if the animals we packed it upon did not fall

with it from the precipices over which we must pass. _Impossible_ to get

it through any other way. After several consultations, and some very

decided expressions against any further attempt to take the wagon

further, a compromise was made, that, after the party had reached their

permanent location, the Doctor or Mr. Gray would return with the

Hudson's Bay Company's caravan and get the wagon and bring it through.

To this proposition the Doctor consented. The wagon was left, to the

great advantage of the Hudson's Bay Company, in removing their timber

and material to build their new fort, as was contemplated, that and the

following seasons.

All our goods were placed upon the tallest horses we had, and led

across. Mrs. Spalding and Mrs. Whitman were ferried over on a bulrush

raft, made by the Indians for crossing. The tops of the rushes were tied

with grass ropes, and spread and so arranged that, by lying quite flat

upon the rushes and sticks they were conveyed over in safety. Portions

of our clothing and goods, as was expected, came in contact with the

water, and some delay caused to dry and repack. This attended to, the

party proceeded on the present wagon trail till they reached the Grand

Ronde; thence they ascended the mountain on the west side of the main

river, passed over into a deep canon, through thick timber, ascended the

mountain, and came out on to the Umatilla, not far from the present

wagon route.

As the party began to descend from the western slope of the Blue

Mountains, the view was surpassingly grand. Before us lay the great

valley of the Columbia; on the west, and in full view, Mount Hood rose

amid the lofty range of the Cascade Mountains, ninety miles distant. To

the south of Mount Hood stood Mount Adams, and to the north, Mount

Rainier; while, with the assistance of Mr. McKay, we could trace the

course of the Columbia, and determine the location of Wallawalla. It was

quite late in the evening before we reached camp on the Umatilla, being

delayed by our cattle, their feet having become worn and tender in

passing over the sharp rocks, there being but little signs of a trail

where we passed over the Blue Mountains in 1836.

CHAPTER XVIII.

Arrival at Fort Wallawalla.--Reception.--The fort in 1836.--Voyage

down the Columbia River.--Portage at Celilo.--At Dalles.--A

storm.--The Flatheads.--Portage at the Cascades.

Next day Mr. McLeod left the train in charge of Mr. McKay, and started

for the fort, having obtained a fresh horse from the Cayuse Indians. The

party, with Hudson's Bay Company's furs and mission cattle, traveled

slowly, and in two days and a half reached old Fort Wallawalla, on the

Columbia River,--on the second day of September, 1836, a little over

four months from the time they left Missouri. Traveling by time from two

to three miles per hour, making it two thousand two hundred and fifty

miles.

Their reception must have been witnessed to be fully realized. The gates

of the fort were thrown open, the ladies assisted from their horses, and

every demonstration of joy and respect manifested. The party were soon

led into an apartment, the best the establishment had to offer. Their

horses and mules were unloaded and cared for; the cattle were not

neglected. It appeared we had arrived among the best of friends instead

of total strangers, and were being welcomed home in the most cordial

manner. We found the gentleman in charge, Mr. P. C. Pambrun, a

French-Canadian by birth, all that we could wish, and more than we

expected.

Mr. J. K. Townsend, the naturalist, we found at Wallawalla. He had been

sent across the Rocky Mountains, in company with Dr. Nutall, a

geologist, by a society in Philadelphia, in 1834, in company with

Captain Wyeth. He had remained in the country to complete his collection

of specimens of plants and birds, and was awaiting the return of the

Hudson's Bay Company's ship, to reach the Sandwich Islands, on his

homeward course, having failed to get an escort to connect with Captain

Wyeth, and return by way of the Rocky Mountains. From Mr. Townsend the

mission party received much useful information relating to the course

they should pursue in their intercourse with the Hudson's Bay Company

and the Indians. He appeared to take a deep interest in the objects of

the mission, confirming, from his own observation, the information

already received, cautioning the party not to do any thing with the

Indians that would interfere with the Hudson's Bay Company's trade.

Repeating almost _verbatim_ Captain Wyeth's words, "The company will be

glad to have you in the country, and your influence to improve their

servants, and their native wives and children. As to the Indians you

have come to teach, they do not want them to be any more enlightened.

The company now have absolute control over them, and that is all they

require. As to Mr. Pambrun, at this place, he is a kind, good-hearted

gentleman, and will do any thing he can for you. He has already received

his orders in anticipation of your arrival, and will obey them

implicitly; should the company learn from him, or any other source, that

you are here and do not comply with their regulations and treatment of

the Indians, they will cut off your supplies, and leave you to perish

among the Indians you are here to benefit. The company have made

arrangements, and expect you to visit Vancouver, their principal depot

in the country, before you select your location."

Mr. Townsend had gathered from the gentlemen of the Hudson's Bay

Company, during the year he had been in the country, a good knowledge of

their policy, and of their manner of treatment and trade with the

Indians. He had also learned from conversations with Rev. Samuel Parker

and the various members of the company, their views and feelings, not

only toward American traders, but of the missionary occupation of the

country by the Americans. The mission party of 1836 learned from Mr.

McLeod that the Hudson's Bay Company had sent for a chaplain, to be

located at Vancouver, and from Mr. Townsend that he had arrived.

It will be borne in mind that this honorable company, on the arrival of

Rev. J. Lee and party to look after the civil and religious welfare of

the Indians, examined their old charter, and found that one of its

requirements was to _Christianize_ as well as trade with the natives of

this vast country. They found that the English church service must be

read at their posts on the Sabbath. To conform to this regulation, a

chaplain was sent for. He came, with his wife; and not receiving the

submission and attention from the chivalry of the country he demanded,

became thoroughly disgusted, and returned to England (I think) on the

same ship he came in. As we proceed, we will develop whys and

wherefores.

Old Fort Wallawalla, in 1836, when the mission party arrived, was a

tolerably substantial stockade, built of drift-wood taken from the

Columbia River, of an oblong form, with two log bastions raised, one on

the southwest corner, commanding the river-front and southern space

beyond the stockade; the other bastion was on the northeast corner,

commanding the north end, and east side of the fort. In each of these

bastions were kept two small cannon, with a good supply of small-arms.

These bastions were always well guarded when any danger was suspected

from the Indians. The sage brush, willow, and grease-wood had been cut

and cleared away for a considerable distance around, to prevent any

Indians getting near the fort without being discovered. Inside the

stockade were the houses, store, and quarters for the men, with a space

sufficiently large to corral about one hundred horses. The houses and

quarters were built by laying down sills, placing posts at from eight to

twelve feet apart, with tenons on the top, and the bottom grooved in the

sides, and for corner-posts, so as to slip each piece of timber, having

also a tenon upon each end, into the grooves of the posts, forming a

solid wall of from four to six inches thick, usually about seven feet

high from floor to ceiling, or timbers overhead. The roofs were of split

cedar, flattened and placed upon the ridge pole and plate-like rafters,

close together; then grass or straw was put on the split pieces, covered

with mud and dirt, and packed to keep the straw from blowing off. The

roofs were less than one-fourth pitch, and of course subject to leakage

when it rained. For floors, split puncheons or planks were used in the

chief trader's quarters. In the corner of the room was a comfortable

fireplace, made of mud in place of brick. The room was lighted with six

panes of glass, seven inches by nine, set in strips of wood, split with

a common knife, and shaped so as to hold the glass in place of a sash.

The doors were also of split lumber, rough hewn, wrought-iron hinges,

and wooden latches; the furniture consisted of three benches, two

stools, and one chair (something like a barber's chair, without the

scrolls and cushions); a bed in one corner of the room upon some split

boards for bottom; a rough table of the same material roughly planed.

This, with a few old cutlasses, shot-pouches, and tobacco sacks (such as

were manufactured by the Indians about the post), constituted the room

and furniture occupied by P. C. Pambrun, Esq., of the Honorable Hudson's

Bay Company. Into this room the mission party were invited, and

introduced to Mrs. Pambrun and two young children-misses. The kind and

cordial reception of Mr. Pambrun was such that all felt cheerful and

relieved in this rude specimen of half-native, half-French dwelling. The

cloth was soon spread upon the table, and the cook brought in the choice

game of the prairies well cooked, with a small supply of Irish potatoes

and small Canadian yellow corn. This was a feast, as well as a great

change from dried and pounded buffalo meat "straight," as the miners

say, upon which we had subsisted since we left the rendezvous, except

the occasional fresh bits we could get along the route. Dinner being

disposed of, some fine melons were served, which Mr. Pambrun had

succeeded in raising in his little melon patch, in the bends of the

Wallawalla River, about two miles from the fort. The supply of melons

was quite limited, a single one of each kind for the party. Mr. Townsend

on this occasion yielded his share to the ladies, and insisted, as he

had been at the fort and partaken of them on previous occasions, they

should have his share. Dinner over, melons disposed of, fort, stores,

and quarters examined, arrangements were made for sleeping in the

various sheds and bastions of the fort. Most of the gentlemen preferred

the open air and tent to the accommodations of the fort. Rooms were

provided for the two ladies and their husbands, Dr. Whitman and Mr.

Spalding.

Next morning early, Messrs. McLeod and Townsend started for Vancouver in

a light boat, with the understanding that Mr. Pambrun, with the

company's furs, and the mission party, were to follow in a few days. Mr.

McKay was to remain in charge of the fort. All things were arranged to

Mr. Pambrun's satisfaction; two boats or barges were made ready, the

furs and party all aboard, with seven men to each barge, six to row and

one to steer, with a big paddle instead of a helm, or an oar; we glided

swiftly down the Columbia River, the scenery of which is not surpassed

in grandeur by any river in the world. Fire, earth, and water have

combined to make one grand display with melted lava, turning it out in

all imaginable and unimaginable shapes and forms on a most gigantic

scale. In other countries, these hills thrown up would be called

mountains, but here we call them high rolling plains, interspersed with

a few snow-capped peaks, some fifteen and some seventeen thousand feet

high. The river is running through these plains, wandering around among

the rocks with its gentle current of from four to eight knots per hour;

at the rapids increasing its velocity and gyrations around and among the

rocks in a manner interesting and exciting to the traveler, who at one

moment finds his boat head on at full speed making for a big rock; anon

he comes along, and by an extra exertion with his pole shoves off his

boat to receive a full supply of water from the rolling swell, as the

water rushes over the rock he has but just escaped being dashed to

pieces against. As to danger in such places, it is all folly to think of

any; so on we go to repeat the same performance over and over till we

reach the falls, at what is now called Celilo, where we find about

twenty-five feet perpendicular fall.

Our boats were discharged of all their contents, about one-fourth of a

mile above the main fall, on the right bank of the river. Then the cargo

was packed upon the Indians' backs to the landing below the falls, the

Indian performing this part of the labor for from two to six inches of

trail-rope tobacco. A few were paid from two to ten charges of powder

and ball, or shot, depending upon the number of trips they made and the

amount they carried. The boats were let down with lines as near the fall

as was considered safe, hauled out of the water, turned bottom up, and

as many Indians as could get under them, say some twenty-five to each

boat, lifted them upon their shoulders and carried them to the water

below. For this service they each received two dried leaves of tobacco,

which would make about six common pipefuls. The Indian, however, with

other dried leaves, would make his two leaves of tobacco last some time.

This portage over, and all on board, we again glided swiftly along, ran

through what is called the Little Dalles, and soon reached the narrowest

place in the Columbia, where the water rushes through sharp projecting

rocks, causing it to turn and whirl and rush in every conceivable shape

for about three-fourths of a mile, till it finds a large circular basin

below, into which it runs and makes one grand turn round and passes

smoothly out at right angles and down in a deep smooth current, widening

as it enters the lofty range of the Cascade Mountains. The river was

deemed a little too high, by our Iroquois pilot, to run the Big Dalles

at that time, although, in January following, the writer, in company

with another party, did run them with no more apparent danger than we

experienced on the same trip at what is called John Day's Rapids. At the

Dalles our party made another portage, paying our Indians as at Celilo

Falls.

The Indians' curiosity to look at the white women caused us a little

delay at the falls, and also at the Dalles; in fact, numbers of them

followed our boats in their canoes to the Dalles, to look at these two

strange beings who had nothing to carry but their own persons, and were

dressed so differently from the men.

We proceeded down the river for a few miles and met the Hudson's Bay

Company's express canoe, in charge of Mr. Hovey, on its way to Lachine,

going across the continent; stopped and exchanged greetings for a few

minutes and passed on to camp just above Dog River. Next morning made an

early start to reach La Cascade to make the portage there before night.

We had proceeded but about one hour, with a gentle breeze from the east,

sails all set, and in fine spirits, admiring the sublimely grand

scenery, when, looking down the river, the ladies inquired what made the

water look so white. In a moment our boatmen took in sail, and laid to

their oars with all their might to reach land and get under shelter,

which we did, but not till we had received considerable wetting, and

experienced the first shock of a severe wind-storm, such as can be

gotten up on the shortest possible notice in the midst of the Cascade

Mountains. Our camp was just below White Salmon River. The storm was so

severe that all our baggage, furs, and even boats had to be taken out of

the water to prevent them from being dashed to pieces on the shore. For

three days and nights we lay in this miserable camp watching the storm

as it howled on the waves and through this mountain range. Stormy as it

was, a few Indians found our camp and crawled over the points of rocks

to get sight of our party.

Among the Indians of the coast and lower Columbia none but such as are

of noble birth are allowed to flatten their skulls. This is accomplished

by taking an infant and placing it upon a board corresponding in length

and breadth to the size of the child, which is placed upon it and lashed

fast in a sort of a sack, to hold its limbs and body in one position.

The head is also confined with strings and lashing, allowing scarcely

any motion for the head. From the head of the board, upon which the

infant is made fast, is a small piece of board lashed to the back piece,

extending down nearly over the eyes, with strings attached so as to

prevent the forehead from extending beyond the eyes, giving the head and

face a broad and flat shape. The native infants of the blood royal were

kept in these presses from three to four months, or longer, as the

infant could bear, or as the aspirations of the parent prompted. For the

last fifteen years I have not seen a native infant promoted to these

royal honors. My impression is that the example of the white mother in

the treatment of her infant has had more influence in removing this

cruel practice than any other cause. As a general thing, the tribes that

have followed the practice of flattening the skull are inferior in

intellect, less stirring and enterprising in their habits, and far more

degraded in their morals than other tribes. To this cause probably more

than any other may be traced the effect of vice among them. The tribes

below the Cascade Mountains were the first that had any intercourse with

the whites. The diseases never feared or shunned by the abandoned and

profligate youth and sailor were introduced among them. The certain and

legitimate effect soon showed itself all along the coast. So prevalent

was vice and immorality among the natives, that not one escaped. Their

blood became tainted, their bodies loathsome and foul, their

communication corrupt continually. The flattened head of the royal

families, and the round head of the slave, was no protection from vice

and immoral intercourse among the sexes; hence, when diseases of a

different nature, and such as among the more civilized white race are

easily treated and cured, came among them, they fell like rotten sheep.

If a remnant is left, I have often felt that the reacting curse of vice

will pursue our advanced civilization for the certain destruction that

has befallen the miserable tribes that but a few years since peopled

this whole coast. It is true that the missionaries came to the country

before many white settlers came. It is also true that they soon learned

the causes that would sweep the Indians from the land, and in their

feeble efforts to check and remove the causes, they were met by the

unlimited and unbridled passions of all in the country, and all who came

to it for a number of years subsequent, with a combined influence to

destroy that of the missionaries in correcting or checking this evil.

Like alcohol and its friends, it had no virtue or conscience, hence the

little moral influence brought by the first missionaries was like

pouring water upon glass: it only washed the sediment from the surface

while the heart remained untouched. Most of the missionaries could only

be witnesses of facts that they had little or no power to correct or

prevent; many of them lacked the moral courage necessary to combat

successfully the influences with which they were surrounded, and every

action, word, or expression was canvassed and turned against them or the

cause they represented.

The reader will excuse this little digression into moral facts, as he

will bear in mind that we were in a most disagreeable camp on the

Columbia River, between the Cascades and the Dalles, and for the first

time were introduced to real live Flatheads and the process of making

them such. The men, also, or boatmen, amused themselves in getting the

members of the royal family who visited our camp drunk as Chinamen (on

opium), by filling their pipes with pure trail-rope tobacco.

On the fourth morning after the storm stopped us, we were again on our

way. Arrived at the Cascades and made a portage of the goods over,

around, and among the rocks, till we reached the basin below the main

shoot or rapids. The boats were let down by lines and hauled out to

repair leakage from bruises received on the rocks in their descent.

Damage repaired, all embarked again, and ran down to Cape Horn and

camped; next day we reached the saw-mill and camped early. All hands

must wash up and get ready to reach the fort in the morning. From the

saw-mill an Indian was sent on ahead to give notice at the fort of the

arrival of the party. Our captain, as the Americans would call Mr.

Pambrun, who had charge of the boats, was slow in getting ready to

start. Breakfast over, all dressed in their best clothes, the party

proceeded on down the river. In coming round a bend of the upper end of

the plain upon which the fort stands, we came in full view of two fine

ships dressed in complete regalia from stem to stern, with the St.

George cross waving gracefully from the staff in the fort. Our party

inquired innocently enough the cause of this display. Captain Pambrun

evaded a direct answer. In a short time, as the boats neared the shore,

two tall, well-formed, neatly-dressed gentlemen waved a welcome, and in

a moment all were on shore. Rev. Mr. Spalding and lady were introduced,

followed by Dr. Whitman and lady, to the two gentlemen. One, whose hair

was then nearly white, stepped forward and gave his arm to Mrs. Whitman.

The other, a tall, black-haired, black-eyed man, with rather slim body,

a light sallow complexion and smooth face, gave his arm to Mrs.

Spalding. By this time Mr. McLeod had made his appearance, and bade the

party a hearty welcome and accompanied them into the fort. We began to

suspect the cause of so much display. All safely arrived in the fort, we

were led up-stairs, in front of the big square hewed-timber house, and

into a room on the right of the hall, where the ladies were seated, as

also some six gentlemen, besides the tall white-headed one. The writer,

standing in the hall, was noticed by Mr. McLeod, who came out and

invited him into the quarters of the clerks. We will leave our ladies in

conversation with the two fine-looking gentlemen that received them on

arriving at the water's edge, while we take a look at the fort, as it

appeared on September 12, 1836.

CHAPTER XIX.

Fort Vancouver in 1836.--An extra table.--Conditions on which

cattle were supplied to settlers.--Official papers.--Three

organizations.

Fort Vancouver was a stockade, built with fir-logs about ten inches in

diameter, set some four feet in the ground, and about twenty feet above,

secured by pieces of timber pinned on the inside, running diagonally

around the entire stockade, which at that time covered or inclosed about

two acres of ground. The old fort, as it was called, was so much decayed

that the new one was then being built, and portions of the old one

replaced. The storehouses were all built of hewn timber, about six

inches thick, and covered with sawed boards one foot wide and one inch

thick, with grooves in the edges of the boards, placed up and down upon

the roof, in place of shingles; of course, in case of a knot-hole or a

crack, it was a leaky concern. All the houses were covered with boards

in a similar manner in the new quarters. The partitions were all upright

boards planed, and the cracks battened; floors were mostly rough boards,

except the office and the governor's house, which were planed. The

parsonage was what might be called of the balloon order, covered like

the rest, with a big mud and stone chimney in the center. The partitions

and floors were rough boards. There were but two rooms, the one used for

dining-room and kitchen, the other for bedroom and parlor. The doors and

gates of the fort, or stockade, were all locked from the inside, and a

guard stationed over the gate. In front of the governor's house was a

half semicircle double stairway, leading to the main hall up a flight of

some ten steps. In the center of the semicircle was one large 24-pound

cannon, mounted on a ship's carriage, and on either side was a small

cannon, or mortar gun, with balls piled in order about them, all

pointing to the main gate entrance; latterly, to protect the fort from

the savages that had commenced coming over the Rocky Mountains, a

bastion was built, said to be for saluting her Majesty's ships when they

might arrive, or depart from the country.

At 12 M. the fort bell rang; clerks and gentlemen all met at the common

dinner-table, which was well supplied with potatoes, salmon, wild fowl,

and usually with venison and bread. Dinner over, most of the gentlemen

passed a compliment in a glass of wine, or brandy, if preferred; all

then retired to the social hall, a room in the clerks' quarters, where

they indulged in a stiff pipe of tobacco, sometimes filling the room as

full as it could hold with smoke. At 1 P.M. the bell rang again, when

all went to business.

The party had no sooner arrived than the carpenter was ordered to make

an extra table, which was located in the governor's office, in the room

where we left them on first bringing them into the house. This extra

table was presided over by the governor, or the next highest officers of

the fort; usually one or two of the head clerks or gentlemen traders

were, by special invitation, invited to dine with the ladies, or,

rather, at the ladies' table. The governor's wife was not sufficiently

accomplished, at first, to take a seat at the ladies' table. I never saw

her in the common dining-hall; neither was the mother of the chief

clerk's children permitted this honor at first. However, as Mrs. Whitman

and Mrs. Spalding soon learned the fort regulations, as also the family

connection there was in the establishment, they very soon introduced

themselves to the two principal mothers they found in the governor's

house, one belonging to the governor, and the other to the chief clerk,

and made themselves acquainted with the young misses; and, in a short

time, in opposition to the wish of the governor and his chief clerk,

brought them both to the ladies' table. They also brought the youngest

daughter of the governor to the table, and took considerable pains to

teach the young misses, and make themselves generally useful; so that,

at the end of two weeks, when arrangements had been made for the party

to return to Wallawalla to commence their missionary labors, the

governor and chief clerk would not allow the ladies to depart, till the

gentlemen had gone up and selected their stations and built their

houses, so that they could be comfortable for winter. Captain Wyeth and

Mr. Townsend were correct in their ideas of the reception of this party.

The utmost cordiality was manifested, the kindest attention paid, and

such articles as could be made about the establishment, that the party

wanted, were supplied. The goods were all to be furnished at _one

hundred per cent. on London prices_, drafts to be drawn on the American

Board, payable in London at sight. They were cashed by the Board at

thirty-seven cents premium on London drafts, costing the mission two

dollars and seventy-four cents for every dollar's worth of goods they

received; freight and charges from Fort Vancouver to Wallawalla were

added. These goods were received and paid for, not as a business

transaction with the Hudson's Bay Company, by any means, but as a

_gracious gift_; or, to quote the governor and chief clerk, "You

gentlemen _must_ consider yourselves under great obligation to the

Hudson's Bay Company, as we are only here to trade with the natives. In

your future transactions you will make out your orders, and we will

forward them to London to be filled at their rates, and with this

understanding."

While at Vancouver, Dr. Whitman concluded that some more cattle than the

mission had were necessary to facilitate the labor in breaking up the

prairie for a spring crop; and a few cows might be useful to assist in

getting a start in cattle. The proposition was made to the Hudson's Bay

Company, to know upon what terms they could get them. "Certainly," said

Dr. McLaughlin, "you can have what cattle you want on the conditions we

furnish them to the company's servants and the settlers in the

Wallamet." "What are those conditions?" said Dr. Whitman. "Why, in case

of work cattle, you can take them from our band; we can not, of course,

spare you those we are working, but the cattle you take, you break in,

and when the company requires them you return them to the company." "And

what are your terms in letting your cows?" said Dr. Whitman. "Why, we

let them have the cows for the use of the milk; they return the cow and

its increase to the company." "And how is it in case the animal is lost

or gets killed?" "You gentlemen will have no difficulty on that account;

you have some cattle; you can replace them from your own band."

Dr. Whitman seemed a little incredulous as to the conditions upon which

cattle could be had of the company, and inquired if such were the

conditions they furnished them to their servants and the settlers. Dr.

McLaughlin replied emphatically, it was. We learned in this connection

that there was not a cow in the country, except those of the American

Board, that was not owned by the Hudson's Bay Company. The same was the

case with all the beeves and work cattle. The mission party concluded

they would not mortgage their own cattle for the use of the Hudson's Bay

Company's; hence dropped the cattle question for the time being.

While at Vancouver, it was deemed necessary for a copy of the official

papers of the mission party to be made out, and forwarded to the

Sandwich Islands, to the American and British consuls, and one to the

commercial agent of the Hudson's Bay Company, with an order from Dr.

McLaughlin, to the agent of the Hudson's Bay Company, to forward any

supplies or goods designed for the mission of the American Board. These

documents were made out, and duly signed, by Rev. Mr. Spalding and Dr.

Whitman. The question arose whether the name of the secular agent of the

mission ought not also to be attached to the documents, and was decided

in the affirmative. Gray was sent for; he entered the office with his

hat under his arm, as per custom in entering the audience chamber where

official business was transacted, examined hastily the documents,

attached his name, and retired. The incident was noticed by Dr.

McLaughlin, and while the mission party were absent, locating and

building their stations, Dr. McLaughlin inquired of Mrs. Whitman who the

young man was that Mr. Spalding and her husband had to sign a copy of

the public documents sent to the Sandwich Islands. Mrs. Whitman replied,

"Why, that is Mr. Gray, our associate, and secular agent of the

mission." The inquiries about Mr. Gray were dropped till the ladies

reached their stations, and Mr. Gray was advised, when he visited

Vancouver again, to present his credentials, and show the Hudson's Bay

Company his connection with the mission. Accordingly, when Mr. Gray

visited Vancouver, in January, 1837, he presented his credentials, and

was received in a manner contrasting very strongly with that of his

former reception; still, the lesson he had learned was not a useless

one. He saw plainly the condition of all the settlers, or any one in the

country that had no official position or title; he was looked upon as a

vagabond, and entitled to no place or encouragement, only as he

submitted to the absolute control of the Hudson's Bay Company, or one of

the missions. There was nothing but master and servant in the country,

and this honorable company were determined that no other class should be

permitted to be in it. To the disgrace of most of the missionaries, this

state of absolute dependence and submission to the Hudson's Bay Company,

or themselves, was submitted to, and encouraged. At least, no one but

Rev. Jason Lee, of the Methodist Mission, fully comprehended the precise

condition of an outsider. This will be shown as we proceed. We were made

a party to a special contract, in 1837, touching this question.

Then we had three distinct organizations in the country: The first, and

the most important in wealth and influence, was the Hudson's Bay

Company's traders; the second, the Methodist Mission, with their ideas

and efforts to Christianize the savages, and to do what they could to

convert the gentlemen of the Hudson's Bay Company from the error of

their ways; third, the mission of the American Board, to accomplish the

same object. The fact of these two missions being in the country, both

having the same object to accomplish, elicited a discussion as to the

proper location for both to operate in. It was not deemed advisable to

locate in the same tribe, as the field was large enough for both. The

Cowlitz and Puget Sound district was proposed, but not favored by the

Hudson's Bay Company; Mr. Pambrun kept the claims of the Nez Perces and

Cayuses before the party. His interests and arguments prevailed.

CHAPTER XX.

Settlers in 1836.--Wallamet Cattle Company.--What good have the

missionaries done?--Rev. J. Lee and party.--The Hudson's Bay

Company recommend the Wallamet.--Missionaries not dependent on the

company.--Rev. S. Parker arrives at Vancouver.

There were in the country, in the winter of 1836, besides those

connected with the Hudson's Bay Company and the missions, about fifteen

men, all told. The two missions numbered seven men and two women, making

the American population about twenty-five persons. To bring the

outsiders from the Hudson's Bay Company and the two missions into

subjection, and to keep them under proper control, it was necessary to

use all the influence the Methodist Mission had. They, as a matter of

interest and policy, furnished to such as showed a meek and humble

disposition, labor, and such means as they could spare from their

stores, and encouraged them to marry the native women they might have,

or be disposed to take, and become settlers about the mission. Such as

were not disposed to submit to the government of the mission, or the

Hudson's Bay Company, like Mr. E. Young, Carmichael, and Killmer, were

"_left out in the cold_." They could get no supplies, and no employment.

They were literally outcasts from society, and considered as outlaws and

intruders in the country. All seemed anxious to get rid of them.

McCarty, the companion of Mr. Young from California to Oregon, had

fallen out with him on the way, as Young was bringing to the country a

band of California horses (brood mares). McCarty, it seems, to be

avenged on Young, reported to Dr. McLaughlin and the mission that Young

had stolen his band of horses (though it has since been stated upon good

authority that such was not the case); still McCarty was (I understand)

a member of the class-meeting, on probation. His statements were

received as truth, and Young suffered. Young was a stirring, ambitious

man; he had spent some time in the Rocky Mountains, and in Santa Fe and

California, and the little property he could get he had invested in

horses, and brought them to Oregon. This fact, with the malicious

reports circulated about him, made him an object of suspicion and

contempt on the part of the Hudson's Bay Company and the mission. We

find that Mr. Lee treated Mr. Young as an honest man, and,

consequently, fell under the displeasure of Dr. McLaughlin and the

Hudson's Bay Company. _With Mr. Young, Mr. Lee succeeded_ in getting up

the first cattle company, and gave the first blow toward breaking up the

despotism and power of the company. Mr. Young, as Mr. Lee informed us,

was the only man in the country he could rely upon, in carrying out his

plan to supply the settlement with cattle. He was aware of the stories

in circulation about him, and of the want of confidence in him in the

mission and among the French-Canadians and Hudson's Bay Company. To

obviate this difficulty, he suggested that Mr. P. L. Edwards, a member

of the mission, should go as treasurer of the company, and Mr. Young as

captain. This brought harmony into the arrangement, and a ready

subscription to the stock of the Wallamet Cattle Company, all being

anxious to obtain cattle. But few of the settlers had any means at

command. Many of the discharged servants of the Hudson's Bay Company had

credit on their books. There were outside men enough in the country

willing to volunteer to go for the cattle, and receive their pay in

cattle when they arrived with the band in Oregon. This brought the

matter directly to the Hudson's Bay Company, and to Dr. McLaughlin. Rev.

Jason Lee received the orders of the company's servants, went to

Vancouver, and learned from the clerks in the office the amounts due the

drawers, then went to the Doctor, and insisted that certain amounts

should be paid on those orders.

The Doctor very reluctantly consented to allow the money or drafts to be

paid. This amount, with all the mission and settlers could raise, would

still have been too small to justify the party in starting, but W. A.

Slacum, Esq., of the United States navy, being on a visit to the

country, Mr. Lee stated the condition of matters to him. Mr. Slacum at

once subscribed the requisite stock, and advanced all the money the

mission wished on their stock, taking mission drafts on their Board, and

gave a free passage to California for the whole party. (As the

missionaries would say, "Bless God for brother Slacum's providential

arrival among us.") Uncle Sam had the right man in the right place that

time. It was but a little that he did; yet that little, what mighty

results have grown out of it!

On the 19th of January, 1837, six days after Mr. Young had given up his

projected distillery, he is on board Mr. Slacum's brig _Lariat_, lying

off the mouth of the Wallamet River, and on his way to California with a

company of stout-hearted men, eight (I think) in all, not to steal

horses or cheat the miserable savages, and equally miserable settlers,

out of their little productive labor, but to bring a band of cattle to

benefit the whole country. In this connection, I could not do justice

to all without quoting a paragraph which I find in Rev. G. Hines'

history of the Oregon missions. He says:--

"Mr. Slacum's vessel left the Columbia River about the first of

February, and arrived safely in the bay of San Francisco, on the

coast of California. The cattle company proceeded immediately to

purchase a large band of cattle and a number of horses, with which

they started for Oregon. In crossing a range of mountains (Rogue

River Mountains), they were attacked by the rascally Indians, and a

number of their cattle were killed, but they at length succeeded in

driving back their foe and saving the remainder. _Contrary to the

predictions and wishes of the members of the Hudson's Bay Company_,

who INDIRECTLY OPPOSED them at the outset, they arrived in safety in

the Wallamet Valley with six hundred head of cattle, and distributed

them among the settlers, according to the provisions of the compact.

This successful enterprise, which laid the foundation for a rapid

accumulation of wealth by the settlers, was mainly accomplished

through the energy and perseverance of Rev. Jason Lee."

WHAT GOOD HAVE THE MISSIONARIES DONE IN THE COUNTRY? I do not know how

Mr. Hines arrived at the conclusion that the Hudson's Bay Company

"_indirectly opposed_" this cattle expedition. I know they did it

_directly_, and it was only through the influence of Rev. J. Lee, and

Mr. Slacum, of the United States navy, that they could have succeeded at

all. Mr. Lee, in his conversation with Dr. McLaughlin, told that

gentleman directly that it was of no use for the company to _oppose_ the

_expedition_ any more; the party was made up, and the men were on the

way, and the cattle would come as per engagement, unless the men were

lost at sea. The Hudson's Bay Company yielded the point only on the

failure of the Rogue River Indians to destroy the expedition. Mr. Slacum

placed it beyond their control to stop it. The courage of the men was

superior to the company's Indian allies. The cattle came, and no thanks

to any of the Hudson's Bay Company's generosity, patronage, or power.

They did all they dared to do, openly and secretly, to prevent the

bringing of that band of cattle into the country; and, determining to

monopolize the country as far as possible, they at once entered upon the

PUGET SOUND AGRICULTURAL COMPANY, under the auspices of the Hudson's Bay

Company and the English government.

Do you ask me how I know these things? Simply by being at Vancouver the

day the brig dropped down the Columbia River, and listening to the

discussion excited on the subject, and to the proposition and plan of

the Puget Sound Company among the gentlemen concerned in getting it up.

The mission of the American Board had no stock in the cattle company of

the Wallamet, not venturing to incur the displeasure of the Hudson's Bay

Company by expressing an opinion any way upon it. The writer was picking

up items and preparing for a trip to New York overland, with one of the

Hudson's Bay Company's traders, Mr. Francis (or Frank) Ermatinger. While

in New York, Cincinnati, and other places, he stated the fact that the

Methodist missionaries had fallen under the displeasure of the Hudson's

Bay Company in entering too freely into trade and speculation in cattle

in the country. Truth and justice to them require that I enter fully

into their transactions as men and missionaries.

Rev. J. Lee, it will be remembered, was the first man to answer the call

of the Indian to come to his country. The Methodist Board had been

formed, and J. Lee accepted their invitation and patronage. In this

expedition he gathered his associates, and at the same time made

arrangements for future supplies to arrive by sea, coming around Cape

Horn. Captain Wyeth was in Boston, getting up a trading expedition, and

chartering a vessel for the mouth of the Columbia River, the _May

Dacre_. On board Captain Lambert's brig Captain Wyeth and the Methodist

Board shipped their goods for the two expeditions. The goods on the way,

it became necessary for the future objects of the mission to have a few

horses to carry on the improvements necessary to a civilized life. Lee

and associates start across the continent. Missouri is the most western

limit of civilization. They reach it, purchase their outfit, and, in

company with Captain Wyeth, reach Fort Hall; here they fall in with

Thomas McKay and our English nobleman, Captain Stewart. Captain Wyeth

stopped to build his fort, while McKay, Stewart, Lee, Dr. Nutall,

Townsend, and parties all made their way to Wallawalla, on the Columbia

River. The supreme selfishness of the Hudson's Bay Company seems here to

begin to develop itself. Lee and party were made to believe that the

Flathead tribe, who had sent their messengers for teachers, were not

only a small, but a very distant tribe, and very disadvantageously

situated for the establishment and support of a missionary among them.

These statements determined them to proceed to the lower Columbia, to

find a better location to commence operations. Leaving their horses at

Wallawalla, in charge of one of their party, they proceeded down the

Columbia in one of the Hudson's Bay Company's boats, being eleven days

in reaching the fort, and one hundred and fifty-two days on the way from

Missouri. They were kindly received by the gentlemen of the fort, and in

two days were on the hunt for a location.

The party that arrived just two years later, with two ladies, were not

allowed to leave the fort to look for locations till they had remained

twelve days, and been invited to ride all over the farm, and visit the

ships, and eat melons and apples (being always cautioned to save all the

seeds for planting).

Lee and party were frank to make known to the company their object, and

plans of future operations. Questions of trade and morality were

comparatively new with the company. As religious teachers and Christian

men they had no suspicions of any interference in trade. Mr. Lee hailed

from Canada, and so did Dr. McLaughlin and a large number of the

servants of the company.

"Mr. Lee is the man we want to instruct our retired servants in

religious matters. Mr. Shepard will be an excellent man to take

charge of our little private school; we have commenced with a Mr. S.

H. Smith, who has found his way into this country, in company with

Captain Wyeth, an opposition fur trader and salmon catcher. We do

not know much about him, but if you will allow Mr. Shepard to take

charge of our school till you can make other arrangements, and you

require his services, we will make it all right."

This arrangement placed the labor of selecting locations and the

necessary explorations upon our friend Jason Lee. All being smooth and

cordial with the company, Lee proceeds to French Prairie and up the

river till he reaches a point ten miles below Salem, about two miles

above Jarvie's old place, and makes his first location. From all the

information he could gather, this was the most central point to reach

the greatest number of Indians and allow the largest number of French

and half-native population to collect around the station. In this

expedition he occupied about ten days. The whole country was before

them--a wilderness two thousand six hundred miles broad, extending from

the gulf of California on the south, to the Russian settlements on the

north, with a few scattering stations among the border Indians along the

western territories of Missouri, and the great unknown, unexplored west,

which the American Board, in a book published in 1862, page 380, says,

"brought to light no field for a great and successful mission," showing

that, for twenty-five years, they have neglected to give this country

the attention its present position and importance demanded, and also a

total neglect on their part to select and sustain proper men in this

vast missionary field. They are willing now to plead ignorance, by

saying, "Rev. Samuel Parker's exploring tour beyond the Rocky Mountains

in 1836 and 1837 (but two years after the Rev. J. Lee came to it)

brought to light _no field for a great and successful mission_," and

console themselves by asserting a popular idea as having originated from

Mr. Parker's exploration, "a practicable route for a _railroad_ from

the Mississippi to the Pacific." Mr. Parker never originated or thought

of the practicability of the route till after Dr. Whitman had left his

wagon at Fort Boise, and demonstrated the fact of a practicable wagon

route. Then Mr. Parker, to give his work or journal a wider circulation,

talked about a railroad. The American Board, I am sorry to feel and

think, are good at attempting to catch at straws when important

missionary objects have been faithfully placed before them.

Let us return to Mr. Lee. On Saturday, September 27, 1834, he was in

council with Dr. McLaughlin, at Vancouver. The result of his

observations were fully canvassed; the condition and prospects of the

Indians and half-natives, Canadian-French, straggling sailors and

hunters that might find their way into the country, were all called

before this council. The call from the Flathead Indians and the Nez

Perces was not forgotten. The Wallamet Valley had the best advocate in

Dr. John McLaughlin. He "strongly recommended it, as did the other

gentlemen of Vancouver, as the most eligible place for the establishment

of the center of their operations." This located that mission under the

direct supervision and inspection of the Hudson's Bay Company, and, at

the same time, placed the American settlement south of the Columbia

River.

Mr. Lee, the next day, was invited to preach in the fort. All shades of

colors and sects attended this first preaching in the wilderness of

Oregon. The effect in three months was the baptizing of four adults and

seventeen children.

The Protestant missions were not dependent on the Hudson's Bay Company

for supplies any more than the Sandwich Islands were, or the American

Fur Company. If such were the fact, that they were dependent upon the

Hudson's Bay Company, the missionaries themselves and the Boards that

sent them to Oregon must have been a set of foolish men, not competent

to conduct the commonest affairs of life. The idea that seven men and

two women should be sent to a distant wilderness and savage country, and

no provisions made for their subsistence and future supplies, is one

originated without a soul, a lie to produce effect, a slander upon

common honesty and common-sense Christianity. Whitman's party left in

the Rocky Mountains a better set of tools than could be found in

Vancouver. They brought seeds of all kinds. They had no occasion to ask

of the Hudson's Bay Company a single seed for farming purposes, a single

thing in establishing their mission,--only as they had disposed of

things at the suggestion of McLeod and McKay as unnecessary to pack them

further. Arrangements were made to forward around Cape Horn, as soon as

was deemed necessary, such articles and supplies as might be required.

Rev. Jason Lee and party did not arrive in the country (as those who

have all along attempted to insinuate and make a stranger to the facts

believe, and in 1865 claim the sum of $3,822,036.67 for stealing credit

due to others, and preventing the good others might have done to the

natives in advancing them in the scale of civilization) destitute and

dependent upon the Hudson's Bay Company for supplies. On the contrary,

by the time they had selected their station, the goods on the brig _May

Dacre_ had arrived, and were ready to be landed at the lower mouth of

the Wallamet River. These goods, whether suitable or not, were all

received and conveyed to the station selected by Mr. Lee by the 6th of

October. The rainy season soon commenced; they had no shelter for

themselves or their goods. All old Oregonians who have not been seduced

and brought up by the Hudson's Bay Company can comprehend the condition

they were in. Rev. Jason Lee, like Dr. Whitman with his old wagon, had

undertaken a work he meant to accomplish. His religion was practical.

Work, labor, preach, and practice his own precepts, and demonstrate the

truth of his own doctrines. Religion and labor were synonymous with him,

and well did the noble Shepard, though but a lay member of the mission

and the church, labor and sustain him. These two men were really the

soul and life of the mission, as Dr. Whitman and Mrs. Spalding were of

the American Board. During the first winter, 1834-5, they were wholly

occupied in building their houses and preparing for the cultivation of

the land for their own subsistence. There was no alternative; it was

work or starve. Rev. Jason Lee set the example. He held the plow, with

an Indian boy to drive, in commencing his farming operations. The first

year they produced enough for home consumption in wheat, peas, oats, and

barley, and abundance of potatoes, with a few barrels of salt salmon.

The superintendent of the mission put up at the Wallamet Falls late in

the season of 1834. They had a supply of their own for the first year.

It is true they did not have superfine flour to eat, but they had plenty

of pounded and boiled wheat, and a change to pea and barley soup, with

oats for the chickens they had received from the vessel.