Description of the Indians, Aborigines of Guiana—Their
Food—Arms—Ornaments—Employments—Diversions—Passions—Religion—Marriages—Funerals,
&c.—Of the Caribbee Indians in particular—Their Trade with the
Europeans.
NARRATIVE OF AN EXPEDITION TO SURINAM.
CHAP. I.
Introduction.—Revolt among the Negroes in Dutch Guiana—An
Expedition sets out from the Texel—Short Account of the Voyage—The
Fleet arrives in the River Surinam—Reception of the Troops in that
Colony—Sketch of the Inhabitants, &c.
The exploring of foreign countries having of late years, and
particularly since the recent discoveries of the immortal Captain Cook,
so generally been the object of persons both in private and public
situations; and the histories of their labours and pursuits being so
interesting to the curiosity of the public, I have ventured to offer
such observations as I have had an opportunity of making in a very
singular part of the globe, on which few Englishmen have been thrown,
either by accident or curiosity. The colony of Surinam, in Dutch
Guiana, so far as it is inhabited and cultivated by Europeans near the
sea-coast, has indeed been known for many years past. But the deep
inundations, with the impenetrable thickness of the woods, have been
such constant discouragements and obstructions to discovery, that but
very little true information concerning that country has as yet been
obtained, except what relates to such objects of commerce as are common
to most of the tropical settlements. This publication, therefore, is
chiefly intended to particularize such circumstances and events as the
necessity of penetrating into the interior parts of the country have
enabled me to make, and forced on my observation.
The feeling part of my readers, I must hope, will receive with some
indulgence a work proceeding from an officer, who, from his early
youth, was debarred in acquiring perfection, either as a writer or a
painter, by his military and maritime profession. I nevertheless humbly
flatter myself that whatever may be found wanting in style and
elegance, is in some degree compensated by that fidelity and
correctness, which can alone be the work of a pen and pencil employed
on the spot. With respect to a few quaint expressions, and even oaths,
as spoken by common soldiers, sailors, &c. that sometimes unavoidably
occur in the narrative of this wonderful expedition, I must humbly
request the world not to be startled at them, not only because the
shades of black and white enliven the picture, but because I am
determined to write truth only, and expose vice and folly in their
native colours.—Come then, my friends—
“Together let us beat this ample field,
Try what the open, what the covert yield;
The latent tracts, the giddy heights, explore
Of all who blindly creep, or sightless soar:
Eye Nature’s walks, shoot Folly as it flies,
And catch the manners living as they rise;
Laugh where we must, be candid where we can;
But vindicate the ways of God to man.”
Pope.
I will now boldly launch out on the difficult task.—As the nature,
however, of these transactions can only be understood by a reference to
the occasion which called me thither, I feel myself under the necessity
of still premising a few words upon that subject.
Every part of the world, where domestic slavery is established, may be
occasionally liable to insurrection and disquiet, more especially where
the slaves constitute the majority of the inhabitants; but the colony
of Surinam, in Dutch Guiana, has been peculiarly unfortunate in this
respect. Whether from the shelter which is afforded to the fugitives by
the immense forests which overspread the most considerable part of this
country, or whether the government of this settlement be radically
defective, it is a certain fact, that its European settlers are
constantly exposed to the most violent ravages, and the most desperate
outrage. Of these circumstances this is not however the place for a
minute detail. Let it suffice therefore for the present, only to
observe, that these repeated revolts and insurrections demanded at
length the most vigorous measures for the restoration of a general
peace; and that the accounts transmitted to Holland, in the year 1772,
that a considerable body of armed people of this description had
assembled in the forests, and became extremely formidable to the
colony, determined their High Mightinesses the States of the United
Provinces to send out a sufficient maritime force to oppose the
insurgents, and, if possible, to quell the insurrection.
The British navy had ever been my choice and ambition, in which I was
well recommended; but the small hopes of preferment I had naturally to
expect in time of peace, and my paternal estate being lost just after
my birth by accidental misfortunes, induced me to relinquish the hopes
of advancement in the sea service, and to accept an ensign’s
commission, presented me without purchase, in one of the Scots brigade
regiments in the pay of Holland, where Sir Joseph York (late Lord
Dover) at that period was ambassador from the British court; before
which nobleman I had the honour to take the usual oaths of abjuration
and allegiance to my King and Country, as registered at the British
war-office.—This point I have also thought it right to premise, as a
duty owing to myself, to shew the world in general that it was
necessity not choice that compelled me to enter into a foreign service;
though perhaps a more ancient and distinguished corps does not exist
than the above brigade has proved to be, both in this island and on the
continent, for above two hundred years.
At the time of the above insurrection I was Lieutenant in the
Honourable General John Stuart’s regiment; when, impressed by the hopes
of traversing the sea, my favourite element, and in some measure
gratifying my curiosity, in exploring a part of the world not generally
known; still more by the prospect of that preferment which might be
consequent on so dangerous an expedition; I instantly solicited
admission into a corps of volunteers which was preparing to sail for
Guiana, and had the honour, by his Serene Highness William V. Prince of
Orange, to be advanced to the rank of Captain by brevet [1], under
Colonel Louïs Henry Fourgeoud, a Swiss gentleman, from the Alpine
Mountains, who was appointed our commander in chief.
Having taken the oaths of fidelity on the 12th of November to the new
corps, and prepared what was necessary for the voyage, I bade farewell
to my old regiment, and immediately sailed to the island of Texel,
where several of our gentlemen were already assembled; and where, on
going ashore, I had nearly perished by the boat’s shipping a sea, and
sinking in the surf.
The island of Wieringen was however the spot of general rendezvous:
here Colonel Fourgeoud arriving on the 7th of December, the volunteers
were all assembled, to the number of five hundred fine young men; and
on the morning of the 8th we were formed into seven companies, and
embodied as a regiment of marines. Besides the Boreas and
Westellingwerf men-of-war, commanded by Captains Van de Velde and
Crass, three new frigate-built transports were put in commission,
carrying ensign, jack, and pennant, and armed with from ten to sixteen
guns, as sloops of war; on board these vessels we embarked the same
afternoon under a general salute, then took the command, and did the
duty as in the navy.
Our departure was not however immediately consequent on our
embarkation. We lay wind-bound in the Texel roads for many days, during
which time one of our young officers, a Mr. Hesseling, was
unfortunately seized with the small-pox: this gentleman, in order to
prevent his infecting the ship’s company, was ordered on shore to a
town on the land’s end, called the Helder, where I conducted him in a
pinnace, and where we left him behind us; but on my return, the surgeon
declaring he saw the symptoms of the same disorder on myself, I was
also immediately ordered to the island of Texel. Having passed a most
anxious quarantine in this place, I had the good fortune however to
escape the loathsome malady, and to the Doctor’s surprize appeared once
more on board perfectly well, just before the signal gun was fired for
the fleet to weigh anchor. This circumstance cannot but induce me to
wish that those in particular who are destined for a military or a
naval life would avail themselves of the art of inoculation, in order
to avoid a painful anxiety to themselves, and a most dangerous
infection to their fellow-creatures.
On Christmas-day our small fleet put to sea, at eight o’clock, A. M.
with a fresh breeze from E. N. E. in company with above one hundred
vessels bound for different parts of the globe, and the most beautiful
clear weather. Having safely got without the soundings, and saluted
each other with nine guns, we kept our course down channel, and soon
passed the North Foreland, the Isle of Wight, and Portland Point; but
here the Westellingwerf, having sprung a leak, was obliged to part
company, and run into Plymouth for repair.
The wind now freshened as we approached the Bay of Biscay, where the
mate of the vessel directed my particular attention to a kind of
sea-swallow, commonly distinguished by the name of the Storm-bird [2],
from its supposed property of foretelling an impending tempest. The
colour of this bird is a very deep blue approaching to black, and
enlivened by some variegated tints; its size is about that of a large
martin or swallow; it is web-footed; the bill is very long and sharp,
and the wings of an extraordinary length, which enable it to fly very
fast, and for a considerable time, skimming with incredible velocity
around the horizon: it subsists entirely upon fish, which is probably
the cause of its being sensible of the first indications of whatever
may prevent its usual supply of food: it then flies along with extreme
swiftness, in order to avoid the storm; but if overtaken by it, drops
its wings, and floats upon the surface of the waves.
On the following day, January 2d, 1773, the predictions of the
storm-bird were verified: a heavy gale sprung up from N. N. E. by
which, off Cape Finisterre, the Boreas and Vigilance were separated
from us. We kept our course during the night with double reefed
topsails, and all the hatches laid, which made our men in general very
sick. Here I ought not to forget that by way of experiment we had slung
the hammocks athwart ships, and not as usual fore and aft; which method
we found however to be both so roomy and convenient, that it has been
since adopted by several other vessels.
On the morning of the 4th we spied a stout ship to windward in the
offing, bearing streight down upon us. Conjecturing she might be an
Algerine pirate from the African coast, and now but two ships out of
five, we prepared to engage her; she however soon proved to be the
Boreas man-of-war, which had parted company on the 2d. From this date
the men were daily exercised at the great guns, and by firing at a
target suspended from the yard-arm.
On the 14th, in the morning-watch, we passed the Tropic, when the usual
ceremony of ducking the fresh-water sailors was ransomed by tipping the
foremast men with some silver. About this time the Boreas most
unluckily lost one of her best seamen, the boatswain’s mate, whose hand
slipping by the wet, he pitched from the fore-yard-arm into the sea.
His presence of mind in calling to the captain, as he floated
alongside, “Be not alarmed for me, sir,” in the confidence of meeting
with relief, attracted peculiar compassion, and even caused some
murmuring, as no assistance was offered him; in consequence of which,
after swimming a considerable time within view, the unfortunate young
man went to the bottom.
We now were got in the tract of the trade winds, which blowing
continually east, and the weather becoming from day to day more
temperate, made the voyage exceedingly pleasant; more so by the many
dolphins or dorados, which beautiful fish seem to take peculiar delight
in sporting around the vessels. The real dolphin, which is of the
cetaceous kind, was anciently celebrated in poetic story on account of
its philanthropy and other supposed virtues: but to the dorado or
dolphin of the moderns, this character is far from being applicable,
this fish being extremely voracious and destructive, and is known to
follow the ships, and exhibit his sports and gambols, not from
attachment to mankind, but from the more selfish motive of procuring
food, particularly on the eve of an approaching storm, of which he
appears perfectly sensible. The circumstance which chiefly entitles the
dorado to our attention is, the unrivalled and dazzling brilliancy of
its colours in the water, the whole of its back being enamelled with
spots between azure blue and a reflecting light sea-green, on a very
dark ground, which appears as bespangled all over with jewels, and
forms a most beautiful contrast to the belly, which is of a whitish
cast; the fins and tail are of a golden dye: the length of this animal
is from five to six feet, and its form tapers from the head towards the
tail, which is divided, and terminates not unlike the shape of a
crescent. The head is round, and preceded by a kind of snout; the jaws
are armed with several sharp teeth, and the eyes are remarkably large.
The scales of the dorado are uncommonly small, and it is furnished with
a fin, which runs along its back from the one extremity to the other.
Our progress was now daily marked by increasing warm weather, which
released me from the confinement of a disagreeable cabin crowded with
officers, most of whom had never been to sea, and enabled me to pursue
my favourite amusements, whether of reading above deck, or exercise in
the rigging. Thus circumstanced I, on the 17th, had the happiness of
rendering a most important service to one of our young officers, a Mr.
du Moulin, who by a sudden roll of the vessel was actually thrown over
the gunwale; at that moment happening to stand without-board in the
main-chains, I fortunately grasped hold of him in his fall, which saved
him, as he could not swim, from inevitable death.
The entrance into warmer regions gave occasion to an observation
perhaps not generally known, which (though uncouth) must be of great
importance to sailors; namely, that between the Tropics, while vermin
may remain in the head, none can possibly continue to exist in the
bedding, cloaths, linen, &c. Having humbly apologized for the above
remark to my delicate readers, I will endeavour to describe a curious
animal with which these seas abound, and which appears to sail on the
surface of the waves with a side-wind, while by the sailors it is
vulgarly called a Portuguese man-of-war, and is probably either the
Nautilus or the Argonauta of Linnæus. This wonderful creature, when
above water, assumes the shape of an expanded fan, decorated with a
beautiful red border, while the lower extremity is fixed to a shell as
thin as paper, or rather a kind of boat, which is sunk below or raised
above the surface of the sea, and guided in any direction, at the
pleasure of the animal, by means of six tentacula or limbs, which it
uses as oars. When these creatures are touched by the hand, they
occasion, like the sea blubber or jelly fish, a painful tinkling
sensation, which continues for several minutes.
The two following days it blew very fresh, and heavy seas washed over
the vessel; during which, while helping to put a reef in the
main-top-sail for a little exercise, I lost every one of my keys, which
dropped from the yardarm into the sea. This trifling accident I should
never have related, had it not proved a very great inconvenience, by
debarring me from coming at my private property, particularly since the
whole ship’s company, officers included, lived on salt provision alone,
a pig and a couple of lean sheep excepted, whose legs had been broken
by the rolling and pitching of the vessel. This manner of living on
salt-beef, pork, and peas, like common sailors, was introduced by our
commander in chief, in order to enure us (he said) to such food as we
were likely to be alone supplied with in the woods of Surinam; and from
the generous motive of regaling his American friends with European
refreshments—such as live sheep, hogs, fowls, ducks, bacon hams,
bullocks tongues, preserved vegetables, pickles, spices, &c. all of
which were provided by the town of Amsterdam in profusion. But good
intentions do not always meet with their rewards; since the worms,
without any one’s permission, laid hold of the greatest part of the
dead stock for themselves; who were, for a punishment, together with
their plunder, thrown overboard into the ocean. Let me add, that
instead of plate, our meals were frequently served up in small wooden
tubs of not the most cleanly appearance, and only once a day; which
negligence, however, I am willing to impute to Monsieur Laurant, the
colonel’s French valet-de-chambre. In short, the scurvy and other
loathsome disorders began to make their appearance; dejection and
low-spirits took place throughout the ship, while I complained aloud,
and from that moment date the good-will which Colonel Fourgeoud
manifested towards me in particular, as will be seen throughout the
expedition. It is with pain that I relate this passage—but no
consideration shall prevent me from bringing to light particular
foibles, as it will ever give me the greatest pleasure to render virtue
conspicuous.
About the 20th of January, we observed great numbers of flying fish,
the exocœtus volitans of Linnæus, which is about the size of a herring.
The back of this animal is flat, and of an olive-brown colour; the
sides and belly of a resplendent silvery white; the mouth small; the
eyes large; the tail bifurcated; and the scales hard, smooth, and
silvery. Upon occasion the pectoral fins are used as wings by this
fish, yet no longer than while they continue wet, for as soon as the
moisture is dried, the animal drops back into the sea. The surface of
these fins is of a golden hue, beautifully variegated near the edges
with spots of azure blue: their length is equal to that of the body of
the fish; and its flight, which is undertaken in order to avoid the
pursuit of the dorado, and other large fish, is always straight
forward, and of short duration, on account of the necessity of
repeatedly wetting its wings [3]. These animals are frequently found on
board vessels, and sticking in the shrouds, which is probably to be
ascribed, not, according to the opinion of some, to their seeking a
refuge there from the attacks of fish or sea-birds, but simply to their
flight being obstructed by an object, which, as they always fly in a
direct line, they have not the power to avoid. The fate of this animal
seems peculiarly severe, at it is the prey both of the scaly and
feathered creation, and frequently meets its doom in that element to
which but a moment before it had committed itself for protection.
Becoming extremely low-spirited towards the close of our voyage, I now
had recourse to daily sea-bathing, and to a chearing glass of claret,
two ankers of which had been provided for each officer, independantly
of his own stock. These means proved efficacious, and I found myself in
a few days perfectly recovered from my complaint. On the 30th the
weather became hazy, when the ships brought-to and hove the lead in
thirteen fathom foul water. The following day we passed several large
black rocks to windward, called the Constables, and cast anchor near
the Euripice, or Devil’s Islands, off the coast of South America. The
Euripice Islands are situated about twenty-four miles from the French
settlement of Cayenne, bearing N. N. W. in north latitude, five degrees
twenty minutes, and consist of a ridge of small uninhabited and very
dangerous rocks for shipping. Here the current runs constantly from the
S. E. to the N. W. at the rate of sixty English miles in twenty-four
hours: consequently every vessel which happens to pass the mouth of the
river Surinam must make a considerable circuit in order to regain the
possibility of entering that river.
While we remained in this situation, we observed the narwhal, or
sea-unicorn, and one or two large turtles, floating past the ship’s
side. The former of these is a large fish, and very distinguishable by
a long spiral excrescence on its nose, like a tapering twisted rope.
The one we saw at this time (though some are said to be forty or fifty)
appeared but six or eight feet in length, and its horn about four,
which weapon is dreadfully offensive to many fishes, especially to the
whale; and when polished (either in hardness or whiteness) is
considered not to be inferior to ivory. The narwhal, which is of the
cetaceous kind, and consequently viviparous, is more frequently found
in cold than warm climates. The female is said to be unprovided with
that protuberance so remarkable in the male. It appears that some
authors have confounded this animal with the sword-fish, to which
however it does not prove to have the very smallest resemblance.
Another animal, which is called the saw-fish, carries also an offensive
weapon. The projecting bone of this is three or four feet long, flat,
and both sides armed with strong sharp-pointed spikes, which give it
somewhat the form of a saw; this saw, which is covered over with the
same rough, slimy, darkish-coloured skin that covers the whole animal,
begins to spread itself near the eyes, and thus continues spreading
till it forms the head of a flattish triangular appearance, close to
which are the two pectoral fins. Above the eyes are two large holes,
which I apprehend to be the organs of hearing, and not, as some
suppose, intended by nature for the purpose of spouting water. Almost
directly under them is the mouth, which is something in the form of an
half-moon, apparently without teeth, and between that and the under
part of the spiked saw are the nostrils. The body of the saw-fish is
not much larger than the head, with two strong dorsal fins, the one
near the middle, the other near the tail, which is partly bifurcated,
and raised perpendicular, the largest part upwards, without rays. The
back is covered over with a dark slimy skin; the whole forming a very
hideous appearance. This fish fights with the largest whales, till the
sea all around is died with blood, seldom quitting its adversary till
it has vanquished and killed it. I have seen this monster out of the
water, and its whole length measured about fourteen feet.
The turtles are divided into two species, and are generally
distinguished in Surinam by the names of calapee or green turtle, and
carett. The former of these sometimes weighs four hundred pounds, and
has a flattish shell; but the carett is inferior both in size and
quality, except with respect to its shell, which is more valuable, and
of a more convex form. Both the calapee and carett deposit their eggs,
which are very excellent food, in the sand, where they are hatched by
the heat of the sun. The manner of taking these animals is by turning
them on their backs with a hand-spike when they are discovered on
shore, and leaving them in this situation till a convenient opportunity
occurs for carrying them away; for such is the heaviness of their
structure, or so languid are their powers, that they are utterly unable
to turn themselves, and effect their escape. They are publickly exposed
to sale by the butchers in Surinam, like the shambles meat in the
European markets, and are esteemed the most delicate food between the
months of February and May.
On the morning of the 1st of February we now once more went under way,
and kept course in shore till the evening, when we came to an anchor
off the mouth of the river Marawina; this river has occasioned the loss
of many ships, by seamen fatally mistaking it for the river Surinam, to
which its entry bears indeed a very great resemblance. What renders the
first so dangerous, are the numerous rocks, small islands, and
quick-sands with which it is crouded; besides its being so shallow at
high-water mark (and even with spring-tides) that all ships of any
considerable burthen immediately run a-ground, and go to pieces.
On the 2d, having got our anchor a-peak by daybreak, we again set sail,
keeping course along the coast; when having doubled Braam’s Point with
a light breeze, under top and top-gallant sails, we finally entered the
beautiful river Surinam; and at three o’clock, P.M. dropped anchor
before the new fortress called Amsterdam; and here we were extremely
happy to meet with our friends in the Vigilance, which vessel (as I
have mentioned) had parted company with us in a gale of wind on the 2d
of January, off Cape Finisterre, and arrived two days before us in this
river.
Our ships crews now were in the highest flow of spirits, seeing
themselves surrounded by the most delightful verdure, while the river
seemed alive by the many boats and barges passing and re-passing to see
us, while groups of naked boys and girls were promiscuously playing and
flouncing, like so many Tritons and Mermaids, in the water. The scene
was new to all, and nothing was heard but music, singing, and cheering
on deck, as well as in the rigging, from the ideas of happiness which
each individual now promised himself in this luxuriant flourishing
spot, while between decks the heat was become insupportable: but how
miserably these poor fellows were mistaken in their reckoning shall
soon be seen.
I must indeed acknowledge that nothing could equal the delicious
sensations with which we seemed intoxicated by the fragrance of the
lemons, limes, oranges, and flowers, wafted over from the adjoining
plantations that line the banks of all the rivers in this ever-blooming
settlement, and of which charming fruit, &c. large clusters were sent
on board our ships by Colonel de Ponchera of the colonial troops; this
gentleman, being the commandant of Fort Amsterdam, also saluted the
vessels with nine guns from the batteries, while with an equal number
we returned him the compliment from the ships. A long-boat, with one of
our captains, was afterwards dispatched to Paramaribo, to announce to
the governor the arrival of the troops in the colony.
During our stay in this place the companies frequently walked on shore,
and I accompanied them in their excursions; but the pleasure I had
flattered myself with, from exchanging the confinement of a ship for
the liberty of ranging over a delicious country, was damped by the
first object which presented itself after my landing. This was a young
female slave, whose only covering was a rag tied round her loins,
which, like her skin, was lacerated in several places by the stroke of
the whip. The crime which had been committed by this miserable victim
of tyranny, was the non-performance of a task to which she was
apparently unequal, for which she was sentenced to receive two hundred
lashes, and to drag, during some months, a chain several yards in
length, one end of which was locked round her ancle, and to the other
was affixed a weight of at least a hundred pounds. Strongly affected
with this shocking circumstance, I took a draft of the unhappy
sufferer, and retained a dreadful idea of the inhumanity of the
planters towards these miserable subjects to their power.
The grass in this part of the country was very long and coarse, and
afforded a harbour to two species of very disagreeable insects, termed
Pattat and Scrapat lice by the colonists, which settled on every part
of our persons. The former of these is so small as to be scarcely
visible; the latter is something larger, and formed like a crab, and
both agree in adhering closely to the skin, and occasioning an
intolerable itching. These insects abound most during the rainy season,
when the best means of avoiding their attacks is supposed to be by
walking barefoot, as they are believed to fasten more easily, and
consequently in greater numbers, upon the cloaths, whence however they
very speedily find their way to the skin. We did not get rid of our
disagreeable companions till our return to the ship, when we washed the
affected parts with the juice of limes or lemons, which considerably
alleviated our troublesome sensations.
On the 3d of March we received a visit from several officers of the
Society, or West India Company’s troops, accompanied by a number of
other gentlemen, to welcome our arrival in the colony. Nor were they
satisfied with paying us merely a compliment in words, but regaled us
with a large quantity of excellent fruits and other refreshments. They
came in very elegant barges or tent-boats, adorned with flags, and
attended by small bands of music. The vessels were rowed by six or
eight negroes, who were entirely without cloaths, except a small stripe
of check or other linen cloth, which was passed between their thighs,
and fastened before and behind to a thin cotton string tied round their
loins. As the colonists generally make choice of their handsomest
slaves for this office, and to attend them at table, &c. the rowers,
who were healthy, young, and vigorous, looked extremely well, and their
being naked gave us a full opportunity of observing their skin, which
was shining, and nearly as black as ebony. This scene was however
contrasted by the arrival of two canoes filled with emaciated starving
wretches, who clamorously solicited relief from the soldiers, and were
ready to fight for the possession of a bone.
The day following our Commander in Chief was visited by a Mr. Rynsdorp,
who introduced to him two black soldiers, manumized slaves, who
composed part of a corps of three hundred which had been lately formed.
These men were exhibited by Mr. Rynsdorp as specimens of that valiant
body, which but a short time before had most gallantly distinguished
itself by the protection it had afforded to the colony.
Whilst we still remained at anchor before the fortress Amsterdam, I
received a polite invitation from one Mr. Lolkens, a planter, to whom I
had been recommended, to accept the use of his house and table on our
arrival at Paramaribo, the capital of the colony.
On the 8th we once more went under way, and after the usual ceremonies
on both sides on leaving the fortress, sail’d up the river Surinam with
drums beating, colours flying, and a guard of marines drawn up on the
quarterdeck of each vessel. Having at length reached Paramaribo, we
finally came to an anchor within pistol-shot off the shore, receiving a
salute of eleven guns from the citadel Zealandia, which was returned by
all the ships of our small fleet.
After being confined nearly the whole of sixty-three days within the
limits of a small vessel, and upon an element to which few of the
troops had been accustomed, it would not be easy to describe the
pleasure we experienced on finding ourselves once more on land, and
surrounded by a thousand agreeable circumstances.
The town appeared uncommonly neat and pleasing, the shipping extremely
beautiful, the adjacent woods adorned with the most luxuriant verdure,
the air perfumed with the utmost fragrance, and the whole scene gilded
by the rays of an unclouded sun. We did not however take leave of our
wooden habitation at this time, but the next day were formally
disembarked with a general appearance of rejoicing; all the ships in
the roads being in full dress, and the guns keeping up an incessant
fire till the whole of the troops were landed.
All the inhabitants of Paramaribo were collected to behold this
splendid scene, nor were the expectations they had formed disappointed.
The corps consisted of nearly five hundred young men; (for we had been
so fortunate as only to lose one during the voyage) the oldest of whom
was scarcely more than thirty, and the whole party neatly cloathed in
their new uniforms, and in caps ornamented with twigs of
orange-blossom. We paraded on a large green plain between the town and
the citadel, opposite to the Governor’s palace; during the course of
which ceremonies several soldiers fainted from the excessive heat. The
troops then marched into quarters prepared for their reception, whilst
the officers were regaled with a dinner by the Governor, which would
have derived a considerable relish from its succeeding the salt
provisions, to which we had so long been confined, had any contrast
been necessary to heighten our opinion of its elegance. But the
choicest delicacies of America and Europe were united in this repast,
and served up in silver. A great variety of the richest wines were
poured out with profusion; the desert was composed of the most
delicious fruits, and the company were attended by a considerable
number of extremely handsome negro and mulatto maids, all naked from
the waist upwards, according to the custom of the country; but the
other parts of their persons arrayed in the finest India chintzes, and
the whole adorned with golden chains, medals, beads, bracelets, and
sweet-smelling flowers.
After partaking of this superb entertainment till about seven o’clock,
I set out in search of the house of Mr. Lolkens, the hospitable
gentleman who had so obligingly invited me to make it my own. I soon
discovered the place, but my reception was so ludicrous that I cannot
forbear relating the particulars. On knocking at the door, it was
opened by a young female negro, of a masculine appearance, whose whole
dress consisted of a single petticoat, and who held a lighted
tobacco-pipe in one hand, and a burning candle in the other, which she
brought close to my face, in order to reconnoitre me. I enquired if her
master was at home, to which she replied, but in a language totally
unintelligible to me. I then mentioned his name, on which she burst
into an immoderate fit of laughter, displaying two rows of very
beautiful teeth; and at the same time, laying hold of the
breast-buttons of my coat, she made me a signal to follow her. I was
much at a loss how to act, but went in, and was ushered by the girl
into a very neat apartment, whither she brought some excellent fruit,
and a bottle of Madeira wine, which she placed upon the table. She
then, in the best manner she was able, informed me that her masera,
with the rest of his family, was gone to spend a few days at his
plantation, and that she was left behind to receive an English Captain,
whom she supposed to be me. I signified that I was, and filled her out
a tumbler of wine, which I had the utmost difficulty to persuade her to
accept; for such is the degrading light in which these unhappy beings
are considered, that it is accounted a high degree of presumption in
them to eat or drink in the presence of an European. I contrived for
some time to carry on something like a conversation with this woman,
but was soon glad to put an end to it by recurring to my bottle.
Tired with the employments of the day, I longed for some rest, and made
a signal to my attendant that I wanted to sleep: but my motion was
strangely misconstrued; for she immediately seized me by the neck, and
imprinted on my lips a most ardent kiss. Heartily provoked at this
unexpected, and (from one of her colour) unwelcome salutation, I
disentangled myself from her embraces, and angrily flung into the
apartment allotted for my place of rest. But here I was again pursued
by my black tormentor, who, in opposition to all I could say, insisted
upon pulling off my shoes and stockings, and in a moment disencumbered
me of that part of my apparel. I was extremely chagrined at her
conduct, though this is an office commonly performed by the slaves in
Surinam to all ranks and sexes without exception. Nor ought any one to
conceive that this apparently extraordinary conduct resulted from any
peculiarity of disposition in the girl; her behaviour was only such as
would have been practised by the generality of female negro slaves, and
what will be found, by all who visit the West India settlements, to be
characteristic of the whole dark sisterhood.
Finding in the morning that my friend the planter was not returned, I
took leave of his mansion, and very hospitable servant; and after
visiting the soldiers in their new abodes, was conducted by the
quarter-master to a neat habitation appropriated to my use. I found the
house entirely unfurnished, though not destitute of inhabitants; for,
leaving my Captain’s commission, which was of parchment, in the window,
the first night, I had the mortification to find in the morning that it
was devoured by the rats.
Having taken possession of my habitation, my next wish was to furnish
it properly; but all cares of this nature were rendered unnecessary by
the generous hospitality of the inhabitants; the ladies supplied me
with tables, chairs, glasses, and even plate and china, in great
abundance; and the gentlemen loaded me with presents of Madeira wine,
porter, cyder, rum and sugar, besides a quantity of the most exquisite
fruits. Amongst the latter I was particularly struck with the shaddock
and awara; the former of these, which is of a very agreeable flavour,
between a sweet and an acid, is produced from a tree supposed to be
transplanted from the coast of Guinea [4], by a Captain Shaddock, whose
name it still retains throughout the English West India islands, but is
called pompelmoose in Surinam. This fruit appears to be of the orange
species, but is as large as the head of a child of eight or ten years
old; the skin is extremely thick, of a bitterish taste, and a pale
yellow or citron colour. There are two species of the shaddock, of
which the pulp of the one is white, and that of the other a beautiful
pale red, which may be safely eaten in considerable quantities: indeed
it is esteemed by the natives, who are in general remarkably fond of
it, as very salubrious.
The awara, or avoira, which is less remarkable for the excellence of
its flavour than its beautiful appearance, grows upon a species of
palm-tree, and is of an oval form, about the size of an Orlean plumb,
and of a rich deep orange colour, nearly approaching to red. It is much
esteemed by the negroes, who exercise their ingenuity in forming rings
out of the stones, which they decorate with cyphers, initial letters,
and other devices, then dispose of them to the Europeans, who mount
them in gold. These stones are large, extremely hard, and as black as
jet or ebony, but the pulp which surrounds them is very thin.
This day, on examining into the state of our remaining live stock, such
as hogs, sheep, ducks, geese, fowls, and turkies, we found them nearly
as many in number as when we first sailed from Holland: these were all
sent to the colonel’s poultry-yard at the head-quarters, while we had
the additional mortification of seeing above sixty large kegs with
preserved vegetables, &c. and just as many fine Westphalia hams (being
perfectly rotten) thrown into the river Surinam to feed the sharks.
I now observed, on the second morning after our landing, that my face,
my breast, and hands were entirely spotted over like the skin of a
leopard, occasioned by myriads of gnats or musquitoes, which flying in
clouds, had kept me company during the night, though the fatigue from
my voyage, and the oppressive heat of the climate, had sunk me into so
profound a sleep, that I was insensible of their stings, till I
perceived the effects. These insects are inconceivably numerous here
during the rainy season, and particularly on the banks of creeks or
rivers. None are secured from their attacks, but they peculiarly infest
strangers in preference to the natives; and wherever they insert their
proboscis, and remain unmolested, they suck the blood till they are
scarcely able to fly. Every puncture they make is succeeded by a large
blotch, or rather tumour, accompanied with an itching, which is almost
intolerable. The presence of the musquitoes is indicated by their
buzzing noise, which alone is sufficient to make one sweat, and which
is so very disagreeable to those who have suffered from their stings,
as to have obtained for them the name of the Devil’s Trumpeters. They
are indeed inconceivably troublesome in every respect. The candles are
no sooner lighted in an evening, than they are stuck full of them; all
kinds of food and drink are exposed to their disagreeable visits, from
which even the mouth and eyes are not exempted.
The best cure for their stings is an application of the juice of lemons
or limes, mixed with water, which is also a tolerable preservative
against their attacks. Immediately before shutting the windows, the
inhabitants commonly burn tobacco in their apartments, the smoke of
which occasions the insects to fly about the room, when the negro girls
unreservedly throw off their petticoats, which is the whole of their
covering, and running naked about the chamber, chase the gnats
therewith out at the windows, or destroy them. The more delicate or
luxurious amongst the natives still employ their slaves in fanning them
during the whole night, excepting such as have green gauze doors to
their beds or pavilions; but the generality of the people in Surinam
sleep in roomy cotton hammocks, which are covered with a very large
thin sheet, suspended from a tight line immediately over them,
something like the awning of a ship, which serves in some measure to
keep off these troublesome insects, and the want of which had exposed
me to be thus stung all over.
There are also in Surinam a still larger species of gnats or
musquitoes, called mawkers, the stings of which are extremely painful
indeed; but as they are much less numerous than the former, they are
not nearly so troublesome to the inhabitants, and are consequently less
remarked.——But to proceed:
On the morning of the 22d, an elderly negro-woman, with a black girl
about fourteen, entering my apartment, it would be difficult to express
my astonishment when she gravely presented me her daughter, to become
what she was pleased to term my wife. I had so little gallantry,
however, as to reject the offer with a loud laugh; but at the same time
accompanied the refusal with a small but welcome present, with which
they appeared perfectly satisfied, and departed with every possible
demonstration of gratitude and respect. The girls here, who voluntarily
enter into these connections, are sometimes mulattoes, sometimes
Indians, and often negroes. They all exult in the circumstance of
living with an European, whom in general they serve with the utmost
tenderness and fidelity, and tacitly reprove those numerous fair-ones
who break through ties more sacred and solemn. Young women of this
description cannot indeed be married, or connected in any other way, as
most of them are born or trained up in a state of slavery; and so
little is the practice condemned, that while they continue faithful and
constant to the partner by whom they are chosen, they are countenanced
and encouraged by their nearest relations and friends, who call this a
lawful marriage, nay, even the clergy avail themselves of this custom
without restraint; witness the Rev. Mr. S—dh—s, Mr. T—ll—t, &c. Many of
the sable-coloured beauties will however follow their own penchant
without any restraint whatever, refusing with contempt the golden
bribes of some, while on others they bestow their favours for a dram or
a broken tobacco-pipe, if not for nothing.
The hospitality I had experienced on our first arrival in the colony
was not confined to that time only: I had a general invitation to
visit, besides his excellency the governor, and Colonel Texier, the
commandant, in more than twenty respectable families, whenever it
suited my convenience; so that, though the officers of our corps had
formed a regimental mess, I had seldom the honour of their company. One
gentleman, a Mr. Kennedy, in particular, carried his politeness so far,
as not only to offer me the use of his carriage, saddle-horses, and
table, but even to present me with a fine negro boy, named Quaco, to
carry my umbrella as long as I remained in Surinam. The other gentlemen
of the regiment also met with great civilities, and the whole colony
seemed anxious to testify their respect, by vying with each other in a
constant round of festivity. Balls, concerts card-assemblies, and every
species of amusement in their power, were constantly contrived for our
entertainment. The spirit of conviviality next reached on board the
men-of-war, where we entertained the ladies with cold suppers and
dancing upon the quarter-deck, under an awning, till six in the
morning, generally concluding the frolic by a cavalcade, or an airing
in their carriages. This constant routine of dissipation, which was
rendered still more pernicious by the enervating effects of an
intensely hot climate, where one is in a perpetual state of
perspiration, already threatened to become fatal to two or three of our
officers. Warned by their example, I retired from all public companies,
sensible that by such means I could alone preserve my health, in a
country which has such a tendency to debilitate the human frame, that
an European, however cautious to avoid excesses, has always reason to
apprehend its dreadful effects.
Dissipation and luxury appear to be congenial to the inhabitants of
this climate, and great numbers must annually fall victims to their
very destructive influence. Their fatal consequences are indeed too
visible in the men, who have indulged themselves in intemperance and
other sensual gratifications, and who appear withered and enervated in
the extreme; nor do the generality of the Creole females exhibit a more
alluring appearance; they are languid, their complexions are sallow,
and the skin even of the young ladies is frequently shrivelled. This is
however not the case with all; and I have been acquainted with some
who, preserving a glow of health and freshness in their lovely
countenance, were entitled to contend for the prize of beauty with the
fairest European. But, alas! the numbers of this last description are
so small, that the colonists in their amours most usually prefer the
Indian negro and mulatto girls, particularly on account of their
remarkable cleanliness, health, and vivacity. For the excesses of the
husbands in this respect, and the marked neglect which they meet from
them, the Creole ladies most commonly, at a very early period, appear
in mourning weeds, with the agreeable privilege however of making
another choice, in the hopes of a better partner; nor are they long
without another mate. Such indeed is the superior longevity of the fair
females of Surinam, compared to that of the males (owing chiefly, as I
said, to their excesses of all sorts) that I have frequently known
wives who have buried four husbands, but never met a man in this
country who had survived two wives.
The ladies do not, however, always bear with the most becoming patience
the slights and insults they thus meet with, in the expectation of a
sudden release, but mostly persecute their successful sable rivals
(even on suspicion) with implacable hatred and the most unrelenting
barbarity; while they chastise their partners not only with a shew of
ineffable contempt, but with giving in public the most unequivocal
marks of preference towards those gentlemen who newly arrive from
Europe; which occasioned the trite proverb and observation in the
colony, that the Tropical ladies and the musquitoes have an instinctive
preference for a newly-landed European: this partiality is indeed so
very extreme, and the proofs of it so very apparent and nauseous, that
some command of temper is necessary to prevent the disgust which such
behaviour must naturally excite, particularly where the object is not
very inviting; nay, it was even publicly reported at Paramaribo, that
two of these Tropical Amazons had fought a duel for the sake of one of
our officers.
I must now mention a word or two of the Governor and Colonel Fourgeoud;
when I will endeavour to put an end to this long chapter: for,
notwithstanding the polite reception our whole corps had met with ever
since we first landed in the colony, it was evident to perceive that
mutual coolness which subsisted between him and our commander in chief,
who indeed gave the first public cause of animosity, on the very day of
our debarkation, by drawing up his regiment with their backs toward the
governor’s palace.
It is easy to conceive that the disgust which so early and so
reciprocally manifested itself between the above two gentlemen, who
were both of them our commanders, but totally independent of each
other, could not but make our stay at Paramaribo extremely disagreeable
to all the officers in our regiment, as well as those of the Society
corps: the consequence of which was, that having resided but a few
weeks in the colony, it was thought proper by the governor to acquaint
Colonel Fourgeoud, that, “as the rebel negroes seemed no further
disposed to disturb the tranquillity of the settlement, its own troops,
and the corps of black rangers, were deemed sufficient for its defence;
in consequence of which, Colonel Fourgeoud, with his marines, no longer
being wanted, was at liberty to return to Europe whenever he thought
proper.”
Various were the feelings of pleasure and reluctance with which our
gentlemen received this news: preparations were, however, made for our
departure; but in a few days these were again suspended by the
inhabitants, who clamorously insisted on our staying; when the wooding
and watering the vessels was provisionally stopped, but the ships still
kept in commission on speculation. It was during this interval of
leisure and uncertainty that I seriously thought of employing myself in
writing a short history of the colony, and of drawing such objects as I
thought most suitable to compleat my little plan. In these designs,
besides consulting the best authors on the subject, I had the honour to
be materially assisted by his excellency the governor, who not only
favoured me with several manuscripts, but daily furnished me with such
a succession of animals, shrubs, &c. as I was desirous of being
acquainted with:—thus, independant of that coolness which was so
evident between these two veteran officers, I made it my earnest study
and endeavour, if possible, to keep friends with both parties; and,
independant of that duty which I owed Colonel Fourgeoud, as my
commander in chief, to treat the governor of the colony with that
respect which I thought was due to his dignity, his rank, and his
conduct; and in which motive (though not by all) I was steadily
supported by the most respectable officers in the corps.
I will now endeavour to fulfil the task I have undertaken; and commence
with a general description of this WONDERFUL COUNTRY.
CHAP. II.
General Description of Guiana—of the Colony of Surinam in
particular—Accounts of its earliest Discovery—is possessed by the
English—by the Dutch—Murder of the Governor, Lord Somelsdyk—The
Settlement taken by the French, and ransomed.
The discovery of Guiana, by some called “the Wild Coast,” has been long
(though with uncertainty) attributed to the Spanish commander Vasco
Nunes, who, in the year 1504, after discovering Cuba to be an island,
landed on the continent of South America, penetrated as far as between
the rivers Oroonoko and Amazon, and comprehended that country in the
extensive tract of land, to which, in contradiction to Cuba and the
adjacent islands, he gave the name of Terra Firma.
This country, the length of which is about 1220, and the breadth about
680 geographical miles, is situated between eight degrees twenty
minutes north, and three degrees south latitude, and between fifty and
seventy degrees twenty minutes west longitude from the meridian of
London, in the N. E. part of South America. Its boundaries are marked
by the rivers Viapary or Oroonoko on the N. W. and by the Maranon or
river Amazon on the S. E.—The N. E. is washed by the Atlantic Ocean;
and the river Negris, or Black river, terminates its extent on the S.
W. which form it into a kind of island, and separate it from New
Grenada, Peru, and the Brazils.
Though situated, like Guinea, under the Torrid Zone, the heats in
Guiana are much more supportable than those on that part of the African
coast. The scorching rays of the sun are in Guiana daily tempered by
cooling breezes from the sea; while in Guinea the intense heat is
increased by the wind blowing continually over the land, and in its
passage traversing numerous sandy desarts. The easterly or trade winds,
which generally blow between the Tropics, are extremely refreshing to
the coast of Guiana, between the hours of eight or ten in the morning,
and six o’clock in the evening, when they cease to operate, and a
zephyr is scarcely ever heard to whisper during the night. These winds
are succeeded by thick fogs, and vapours exhaled from the earth, which
render the nights in this country not only very chilly, but extremely
damp and unhealthy. The length of the days and nights in Guiana never
varies much more than forty minutes during the course of the year, as
the sun always rises about six in the morning, and sets at the same
hour in the evening.
The rainy and dry seasons which divide the year, as cold and warm
weather divide it in Europe, may be termed the winter and summer of
this country. There is however one remarkable difference between the
European seasons and those in Guiana, which is, that Guiana has
annually two winters and two summers, which are distinguished from each
other by the appellation of the greater and the smaller, not because
the rains are less violent in the two latter seasons, or the heat less
intense, but from an opinion which has prevailed, that their period of
duration is but about half as long as that of the former. This
distinction however appears to be more imaginary than real, as far as
respects the rainy seasons; for as these downfalls of water only take
place when the sun is vertical, which it is near the line twice a year,
and for an equal portion of time, the continuance of the rains will
probably be equal in both seasons.
The difference between the dry seasons indeed may be accounted for from
the greater commencing in Surinam at the time when the sun is about to
cross the equator in its course to the tropic of Capricorn, often in
October, when a continual drought and scorching heat begin to take
place, till its return in March. This is succeeded by violent
uninterrupted rains till June, during which time the sun has travelled
to the tropic of Cancer, and a short season of parching heat again
takes place, till about July, which is once more followed by incessant
rains till October, and thus the revolution of the different seasons is
completed [5].
The continuance of the rains during the time when the sun is vertical
in this climate, is necessary to the existence of animal and vegetable
life, which without these seasonable refreshments must languish and
expire under the fervid influence of its rays. But though I have
mentioned stated periods for the variations of the seasons in Guiana,
yet it is necessary to remark that these changes are not uniformly
produced at the same time, but, like the European seasons, occasionally
vary. The changes are always accompanied by tremendous claps of
thunder, and very vivid flashes of lightning, which continue during
several weeks, and are frequently fatal both to the cattle and
inhabitants of this country.
Some parts of Guiana present a barren and mountainous aspect, but in
general the soil is abundantly fruitful, the earth during the whole of
the year adorned with continual verdure, the trees loaded at the same
time with blossoms and ripe fruit, and the whole presenting to the view
the delightful union of spring and summer. This general appearance of
fertility, particularly in Surinam, may be ascribed not only to the
rains and warmth in this climate, but also to its low and marshy
situation, which prevents the intense heats from destroying vegetation,
and from the extreme richness of the soil, particularly in those parts
which are cultivated by European industry. It must indeed be confessed,
that such situations are far from being favourable to health; but the
spirit of gain is a very powerful principle, and the certainty of
present profit will generally be considered as a weighty counterpoise
to those evils which, if ever encountered, appear at a considerable
distance; and as they are sometimes escaped, may be always esteemed as
uncertain.
The uncultivated parts of Guiana are covered with immense forests,
rocks, and mountains; some of the latter enriched with a great variety
of mineral substances; and the whole country is intersected by very
deep marshes or swamps, and by extensive heaths or savannas. The stream
along the coast flows continually towards the north-west; and the whole
shore is rendered almost inaccessible from its being covered with
dangerous banks, quicksands, bogs, and rocks, with prodigious bushes,
and a large quantity of brushwood, which are so closely interwoven as
to be impenetrable.
The Spanish, Portugueze, and Dutch, are the only nations which possess
settlements in this part of Terra Firma, excepting the small colony of
Cayenne, belonging to the French, which is situated between the river
Marawina and Cape Orange. The dominions in Guiana, subject to Spain,
are situated on the banks of the Oronoque, and those of Portugal extend
along the shores of the river Amazon. The Dutch settlements, which
spread along the coasts of the Atlantic ocean, and reach from Cape
Nassau to the river Marawina, are Essequibo, Demerary, Berbice, and
Surinam [6]; the last of which is the most extensive and valuable, and
that portion of the Dutch possessions to which the succeeding account
will be chiefly confined. This industrious nation endeavoured, in the
year 1657, to establish a small colony on the banks of the river
Poumeron, but in 1666 this settlement was demolished by the English.
Nor were they more successful in one which they founded in 1677, on the
river Wiapoko or Oyapocko, which was immediately invaded and destroyed
by the French.
The Dutch consider the beautiful and once flourishing colony of Surinam
as extending over the whole of that territory which is encircled on the
west by the river Kanre or Cange, about forty miles from the Corantine,
and on the east by the river Sinamaree. But these limits are disputed
by the French, who confine the boundary of Surinam to the banks of the
Marawina, upon which they station a military force.
The principal rivers that belong to this settlement are the river
Surinam, from which the colony takes its name, the Corantine, the
Copename, the Seramica, and the Marawina. Of those rivers the first
only is navigable, the rest, not excepting the Marawina, being, though
very long and broad, so shallow, and so extremely crouded with rocks
and small islands, that they are of little consequence to Europeans,
nor are their banks inhabited except by some of the Indians or natives
of the country. The river Surinam, whose mouth is situated in about six
degrees north latitude, is, at its entrance, nearly the breadth of four
English miles, and in depth from sixteen to eighteen feet at low-water
mark, the tide rising and falling above twelve feet; this breadth and
depth is continued from its mouth upwards to the distance of eight or
ten miles, when it divides itself into two branches, winding to the S.
S. E. for the length of upwards of 120 miles. All this extent is
navigable for small craft, but beyond this distance the river proceeds
directly south; sometimes in its course surrounding small islands, and
sometimes forming small cataracts. The source of this beautiful river
has never yet been discovered by Europeans. All large vessels, after
entering the Surinam, ought to keep rather near the east shore; the
opposite side being very full of shoals, as far as the town of
Paramaribo, which is about eighteen miles from its mouth. The other
branch, into which this large river is divided, is named Comawina, and
keeps due east for about sixteen miles, with a depth of about three or
four fathom at high-water mark; but as the tide makes a difference of
twelve feet, it is not considered as navigable for any ships of
burthen, though its breadth may be computed at about two miles. At the
distance of sixteen miles, the river Comawina is again divided into two
branches, one of which bears the same name to the S. E. for a length of
above fifty miles, and that of Cottica to the E. S. E. for more than
forty miles, when this last takes a meandring course to the S. S. W.
for the distance of twenty-four or thirty miles. Into all these rivers,
the courses of which are not straight but serpentine, are discharged a
number of very large creeks or rivulets, the banks of which are
inhabited by Europeans, and cultivated with sugar, cocoa, cotton, and
indigo plantations, which form the most delightful prospects that can
be imagined to those who travel by water, the universal mode of
journeying in this country, as the soil is in general ill adapted for
the construction of roads; and in some places the woods, &c. are
absolutely impenetrable, a small path of communication between
Paramaribo and the river Seramica being the only passable road that I
know of in the settlement. The rivers whose banks are uncultivated,
such as the Corantine, Copename, Seramica, and Marawina, afford but
little matter for description: it is therefore only necessary to
remark, that they are generally from two to four miles in breadth,
exceedingly shallow, and crowded with quicksands, small islands, and
rocks, which form a number of beautiful cascades. In the river Marawina
is frequently found a curious stone or pebble, which is known by the
name of the Marawina diamond, and which being polished, bears a very
near resemblance to that most valuable gem, and is consequently often
set in rings, &c. &c. In all the above rivers, without exception, the
water rises and falls for more than sixty miles from the mouth,
occasioned by the stoppage of the freshes by the tide; yet fresh water
may generally be met with about twenty-four or thirty miles from the
mouths of these rivers for watering the ships. The water of the river
Surinam is accounted the most excellent, and is brought by the sailors
from as far as the Jew Savannah, which is above forty miles from the
town of Paramaribo. The circumstance most injurious to ships in these
rivers is, that their bottoms are often affected by a kind of
water-worm, the ravages of which are the most effectually prevented by
frequently careening the vessels, in order that they may be properly
cleaned, scraped, caulked, and payed. For that purpose the coal-tar,
invented by the Earl of Dundonald, (for which a patent of twelve years
was granted to him) is greatly preferable to any other material which
can be applied for this use.
It is high or low water nearly every six hours and half; the spring
tides rise regularly twice a month, when the river swells to a
considerable degree, which, from various circumstances, is often of
infinite benefit to the planters.
It may be perhaps expected, in this place, that I should add a few
words concerning the defence of the above rivers, though that is a
subject which I purpose to treat more at large on another occasion. On
the east side of the mouth of the river Surinam is a small promontory,
called Braam’s Point, which I think originally had been named Pram’s,
or Parham’s Point, after Francis Lord Willoughby of Parham, to whom
this settlement was granted by King Charles the Second in 1662, and
which spot is supposed to be the first on which Lord Willoughby landed
in 1652, ten years before he obtained the charter from his sovereign.
This point is not fortified; but about eight miles upwards are two
redoubts, one on each side of the river, called Leyden and Purmerent,
and a little higher up is the new fortress called Amsterdam, built on
the point of land which separates the two rivers, Surinam and Comewina,
from each other; and whose fire, crossing with that of the two
redoubts, protects the entry of both these rivers.
Near the town of Paramaribo, and about six or seven miles from the
fortress Amsterdam, is the citadel which bears the name of Fort
Zealandia, protecting the town and all the shipping in the roads; and
about sixteen miles from Fort Amsterdam, on Rio Comewina, is a fortress
called Somelsdyk, which commands the two opposite shores, viz. those of
Rio Comewina and Rio Cottica. Besides these, there are military posts
on the Corantine, the Seramica, and Marawina. Next to these is a strong
guard at the mouth of the Mott Creek, about thirty miles below the
river Surinam, where a fire-beacon or light-house is erected on the
coast, to warn the ships bound for the river that they are past the
mouth of the dangerous Marawina. This guard also fires a few guns, to
apprize the colony when ships are within view and steering for the
coast. Along the higher parts of the rivers Surinam, Comewina, and
Cottica, advanced guards are also continually kept, to protect the
inhabitants from inland invasions by the Indians or fugitive negroes.
In these fortifications consists the principal defence of this
settlement; besides a small armed bark or guarda-costa, which cruises
between the river Marawina and Berbice, to give intelligence in case of
any threatening danger to the colony.
I had almost forgotten to mention, that a path fortified with military
posts had been projected, and was actually begun, from the upper parts
of the river Comawina to the river Seramica; but the plan did not
succeed, and the line, which is called the orange-path, is at present
in the state of a wilderness.
Having thus described the surface of the country in general, with its
boundaries, rivers, &c. I shall proceed to an account of the earliest
discoveries and most remarkable revolutions of this once flourishing
colony, which escaped being visited by the gallant Admiral Rodney in
the last war.—That part of Terra Firma, which is called Guiana, or the
Wild Coast, and in which lies the colony of Surinam, is said by some to
have been first found out by the justly celebrated Christopher
Columbus, in the year 1498, whence he was sent home in chains; though
others contend that it was not discovered till the year 1504, by Vasco
Nunes, a Spaniard, as was stated in the beginning of this Chapter.
In 1595 it was visited by Sir Walter Raleigh, under Queen Elizabeth,
who also sailed up the river Oronoque above 600 miles, in search of the
supposed El Dorado, and in hopes of discovering the gold-mines, of
which he had the most lively expectations, from samples of a marcasite,
which the Spaniards call Madre de Oro [7]. In 1634, a Captain Marshall,
with about sixty English, were discovered in Surinam employed in
planting tobacco, according to the relation of David Piterse de Vries,
a Dutchman, who conversed with them upon the spot. In 1640, Surinam was
inhabited by the French, who were obliged to leave it soon after, on
account of the frequent invasions which they justly suffered from the
Caribbean Indians, for having, like their neighbours the Spaniards,
treated them with the most barbarous cruelties. In the year 1650, this
colony being vacant, Francis Lord Willoughby of Parham, by King Charles
the Second’s permission, sent thither one vessel, equipped by himself,
to take possession of it in the name of his royal master; a little
after which he dispatched three vessels more, one of them carrying
twenty guns. All these were well received by the Indians or inhabitants
of the country, with whom they entered into friendly treaties, and a
kind of negociation. Two years after this Lord Willoughby went over
himself, and leaving several good and wholesome laws and regulations
for the government and defence of the colony, returned to England,
whence he continued to supply the settlement at his own expence with
men and ammunition. On the second day of June, 1662, the colony of
Surinam was granted by charter of Charles the Second to Francis Lord
Willoughby, and at that lord’s desire to be divided with Lawrence Hide,
second son of Edward Earl of Clarendon, for them and their descendants
for ever: the original record of this charter is to be found in the
chapel of the Rolls. In 1664, the English captured the New Netherlands,
since called New-York, from the Dutch.
In the year 1665, Surinam was successfully cultivated, mostly by
planting tobacco. They had also raised above forty fine sugar
plantations, and erected a strong fortress of hewn stone for their
defence. It is proper however to remark, that some suppose these
improvements were effected by the Portuguese, though at what period is
uncertain; while the French strenuously dispute the point, and insist
that they were the work of Monsieur Ponsert de Bretigny, when France
had possession of that country. However this may be, the fortress is
situated about sixteen or eighteen miles from the mouth of the river
Surinam, and these industrious settlers found themselves perfectly
happy in a small town which they had built under the walls. Their
felicity was not of long duration; for in the wars between Charles the
Second and the United Provinces, the Dutch having been driven in 1661
from the Brazils by the Portuguese, took the colony of Surinam from the
English in 1667, under the command of a Captain Abraham Criuvon, who
was dispatched for that purpose by the province of Zealand, with three
ships of war and 300 marines. The English commander, William Biam, lost
the settlement of Surinam by surprize, when above 600 of the best men
in the colony were at work on the sugar plantations. This neglect
appears from the trifling loss of the Dutch, who in storming the
citadel had but one man killed. They immediately planted the Prince of
Orange’s flag on the ramparts, and gave now to this fortress the name
of Zealandia, and that of New Middleburge to the town of Paramaribo,
after making the inhabitants, amongst other contributions, pay one
hundred thousand pounds weight of sugar, and sending a number of them
to the island of Tobago. This event took place in February, and in July
following the peace was concluded at Breda. But, most unluckily for the
new possessors of Surinam, it was concluded unknown to the English
commodore, Sir John Harman, who in October that same year, having first
taken Cayenne from the French, entered the river with a strong fleet of
seven ships of war, two bomb-ketches, &c. and retook the colony from
the Dutch, killing on this occasion above fifty of their men, and
destroying nine pieces of cannon in Fort Zealandia. The new inhabitants
were now in their turn laid under contribution, and the Dutch garrison
were transported as prisoners to the island of Barbadoes.
At the discovery, in Surinam, that the peace had been concluded in
Europe between the contending powers, before Commodore Harman retook
the colony from the Dutch, considerable tumult and disorder took place
among the inhabitants, who knew not whom they ought to acknowledge as
their lawful sovereign. At length, by an order of King Charles, the
settlement was ceded to the Dutch, in 1669, when twelve hundred of the
old inhabitants, English and negroes together, left it, and went to
settle on the island of Jamaica. At the close of the succeeding war, it
was agreed by the treaty of Westminster that Surinam should be the
property of the Dutch for ever, in exchange for the province of
New-York, which accordingly took place in the year 1674; and after this
period the colony of Surinam was never more in the possession of Great
Britain. In 1678, a Mr. Heynsius was governor of the colony, and a
Captain. Lightenburgh commander of the troops.
The Dutch for the first few years enjoyed little satisfaction in their
new possessions, as they were daily harrassed by the invasions of the
Carribbean Indians, to whom they were much more obnoxious than the
English had been: indeed they carried their resentment so far as to
murder several of the Dutch settlers. In addition to this, the province
of Zealand, to which the colony properly belonged, being perpetually at
variance with the other United Provinces concerning the sovereignty of
this settlement, and not being of themselves able to support the great
expence which was requisite for its preservation and defence, at last
resolved to sell the whole to the Dutch West India Company; which they
did in the year 1682, for the sum of £.23,636 sterling, including all
the warlike stores, ammunition, &c. amongst which were fifty pieces of
cannon. At the same time they obtained a charter from their high
mightinesses the States General, exempting them from duty for ten
years. A few months after this, however, the West India Company,
notwithstanding the above charter of indemnification, finding the other
necessary expences of the settlement also too great for them, again
transferred two-thirds of the colony of Surinam, the one to the town of
Amsterdam, the other to the house of Somelsdyk, at the same price for
which they had bought it, and these three together formed a society, to
whom (still under the sanction of their high mightinesses) was some
time afterwards intrusted, by a resolution of the States General, the
sole and entire direction of the affairs of this country.
Such was the situation of Surinam, and in this manner all matters were
finally settled, when Cornelius Van Aarsen, lord of Somelsdyk (as being
one of the proprietors) went over with three hundred men, with whom he
also took some felons sentenced for transportation. At his arrival, in
1684, he took the command as governor general of the colony. He then
created a court of policy, to assist in the administration of justice;
with the members of which, as well as with the inhabitants, he lived in
a state of continual dissension. The consequence was, that they sent
several complaints against him to Europe, notwithstanding he had made a
favourable peace with the Caribbee, Warowa, and Arawakka Indians, as
well as with a few run-away negroes, who had been settled at Rio
Copename since the English left the colony.
This unfortunate gentleman’s reign, however, lasted but a short space,
viz. till the year 1688, when on the same day both the governor and
deputy governor, Mr. Verboom, were murdered by their own soldiers,
owing, as was alledged, to their having not only forced the men to work
like negroes in digging canals, &c. but also obliged them to subsist on
very bad and short allowance, which drove them to this act of
desperation [8].—I am sorry to say this treatment is too frequently the
case in the settlements, as I shall afterwards have occasion to prove.
Such indeed was the confidence of these assassins, that they offered to
give in their defence, and assign their reasons for committing this act
of cruelty.
As the particulars of the assassination are not uninteresting, I shall
beg leave to trespass upon the reader’s patience by a brief recital of
the transaction.
The governor was walking under a grove of orange-trees, near his own
house, with Mr. Verboom, when unexpectedly ten or twelve armed soldiers
(seemingly drunk) accosted them, and immediately insisted on less work
and better subsistence. The governor drawing his sword to force them
back, was instantaneously shot through the body in many places, and
died upon the spot; his companion, on the other hand, received but one
wound, and did not expire till the ninth day after. This done, the
rioters, accompanied by several accomplices, marched in triumph to Fort
Zealandia, which they took without resistance, and made themselves
masters of the gunpowder and victualling magazines. After this, the
garrison having joined them, they formed a ring, and chose out from
among them a commander in chief, and several other officers to whom
they all swore to be faithful, as also to each other, to the last drop
of their blood. What is very remarkable, is, that their new chief, the
very same afternoon, ordered the body of the massacred governor,
Somelsdyk, to be interred in Fort Zealandia with decency and military
honours; and even the great guns were fired from the walls, and three
rounds with small arms by the rebels.
The magistrates and other inhabitants of Surinam now beheld themselves
in a most unpleasant situation, and were obliged even to enter into a
capitulation with the insurgents in the fort, the principal articles of
which were, that the latter should evacuate Fort Zealandia, for which
they were to receive a few hundred pounds; that they were then to be
permitted to embark on board the transport ship Salamander, to quit the
colony without molestation, and to set sail for what part of the world
they should prefer: they accordingly, to the amount of above one
hundred, were sent on board; but no sooner did they prepare to weigh
anchor for their departure, than the ship was boarded by several small
vessels, privately armed and manned for the purpose. The rebels were
compelled to surrender at discretion, and a few days after were tried
for murder and rebellion; when eleven of the ringleaders were executed,
three of them were broke alive upon the rack, and eight were hanged on
the gallows in irons. The rest obtained their pardon; but being no
longer to be depended on, were gradually discharged from the colonial
service, when others could be procured to replace them.
In the following year the widow of Somelsdyk offered to transfer her
portion in this settlement to King William the Third, but to no
purpose; while a Mr. Scherpenhuysen was sent over to Surinam from
Holland, with a fresh supply of men and ammunition, to take the command
in the room of the late Lord of Somelsdyk, as governor of the colony.
Mr. Scherpenhayzoen, at his arrival, finding every thing in the utmost
confusion, in order to apply the speediest means of redress,
established a court of justice, which differed from that formed by his
predecessor, Governor Somelsdyk, in this particular, that the former is
invested with the management of all military and criminal affairs, and
the latter with that of all civil processes and pecuniary matters. Both
of these courts still remain, and of both the governor is always
president.
This gentleman was also very diligent in establishing many good laws
and institutions; and had just begun to put the colony in a proper
state of defence (of which at this time it stood greatly in need)
against its domestic and foreign enemies, when war was declared between
France and the United Provinces; and the same year the settlement of
Surinam was attacked by Admiral Ducasse with a strong fleet, which,
however, Governor Scherpenhayzon very courageously beat off, after they
had begun to cannonade Fort Zealandia.
In 1692 Jeronimus Clifford, an Englishman, was condemned to be hanged
(which sentence was changed to seven years imprisonment in the fortress
Somelsdyk) on pretence of having insulted a magistrate who had arrested
him for debt. On application, however, from the court of Great Britain,
he was set at liberty in 1695, by desire of the King, when he made a
demand on the colony of 20,000 guineas, for damages and false
imprisonment; which being refused, his heirs have continued to claim it
since 1700 to so late as 1762, but hitherto without obtaining any
satisfaction.
During the succeeding war which happened in 1712, the French Commodore
Jaques Cassard, met with the same reception from Governor De Gooyer,
which Ducasse had experienced from Scherpenhayzon before Zealandia; but
four months after he returned with better success, and laid the colony
under contribution for a sum of about 56,618l. sterling. It was on the
10th of October that he entered the river of Surinam, with six or eight
ships of war, accompanied by a number of small vessels, in which fleet
were embarked 3000 men. The largest ships were Le Neptune of 74, on
board which he himself commanded
Le Temeraire of 60 guns
Le Rubis - 56
La Vestale - 48
La Parfaite - 48
La Meduse - 36
The 11th Cassard sent a long-boat with a white flag, and an officer to
treat with the inhabitants for contributions, which, if they refused to
pay, he threatened to bombard the town of Paramaribo [9]. The boat,
however, was obliged to return on board without any satisfactory
answer. The river Surinam, just before Fort Zealandia, being above a
mile in breadth, the Meduse and several flat-bottomed vessels with
French troops, being favoured by a very dark night, found means to sail
up beyond Paramaribo without being observed by the Dutch, with an
intention to plunder the sugar and coffee plantations that are situated
above that town: but on the 15th, the besieged prepared two large
flat-bottomed barges filled with combustible matters, such as old junk,
tar-barrels, &c. and anchored them on the other side of the river,
directly opposite to the town, to which fire being applied, both were
set in a blaze, and discovered the smallest boats of the enemy as they
tried to get up the river through the darkness of the night. Thus
discovered, few escaped without damage from the guns of the fort, and
those of the trading vessels that lay in the roads, who sunk some of
the flat-bottomed boats, a great part of the crews of which were
drowned. This stratagem, however, did not prevent Cassard’s people, who
had hasted forward, from pillaging and setting on fire the plantations;
while he himself, having at last anchored before the town of
Paramaribo, threw above thirty shells into it, and kept up a close
cannonade both upon that and Fort Zealandia, till the 20th of October,
when he sent a second message with one of his captains to the Dutch,
demanding of them finally, whether they would capitulate and pay
contribution, which, if they now dared to refuse, he threatened fire
and destruction to the whole settlement.
The Dutch finding their ruin inevitable if they persisted, demanded
three days cessation of hostilities to deliberate, which being granted,
they at last complied with commodore Cassard’s demands; and accordingly
on the 27th, a treaty of twenty-four articles being settled between
them, they paid the demanded contribution of 56,618l. sterling to the
French, principally in sugar, negro slaves, &c. having but little gold
or silver in the colony. This was no sooner accomplished, than the
commodore weighed anchor, on the 6th of December, 1712, and with his
whole fleet left the settlement of Surinam.
CHAP. III.
First Revolt of the Negroes; Causes thereof—Distracted State of the
Colony—Forced Peace concluded with the Rebels—Mutiny of Sailors,
Soldiers, &c.
No sooner was this unfortunate colony delivered from its external and
avowed enemies, than it was attacked by internal foes of a more fierce
and desperate nature.
The Carribbean and other Indians had, indeed, in former times, often
disturbed this settlement; but, as I have already mentioned, a peace
being established with them, after the arrival of Governor Somelsdyk in
this colony, they have inviolably adhered to it ever since, living in
the greatest harmony and friendship with the Europeans.
The revolted negro slaves are the enemies of whom I now propose to
speak, who for some time diffused a general terror over this
settlement, and threatened its total loss to the states of Holland.
From the earliest remembrance some fugitive negroes have taken refuge
in the woods of Surinam; but these were of very small consideration
till about the year 1726, or 1728, when their hostile numbers were much
increased, and they had acquired lances and firelocks, which they had
pillaged from the estates. By the accession of these arms, in addition
to their usual weapons, bows and arrows, they were enabled to commit
continual outrages and depredations upon the coffee and sugar
plantations, as well from a spirit of revenge for the inhuman treatment
which they had formerly received from their masters, as with a view of
carrying away plunder, and principally gunpowder and ball, hatchets,
&c. in order to provide for their future subsistence and defence.
These negroes were in general settled in the upper parts of the river
Copename and Seramica, from the latter of which they take the name of
the Seramica rebels, in distinction from the other gangs which have
since revolted.
Several detachments of military and plantation people were sent against
them, but were of very small effect in reducing them to obedience by
promises, or extirpating them by force of arms.
In 1730, a most shocking and barbarous execution of eleven of the
unhappy negro captives was resolved upon, in the expectation that it
might terrify their companions, and induce them to submit. One man was
hanged alive upon a gibbet, by an iron hook stuck through his ribs; two
others were chained to stakes, and burnt to death by a slow fire. Six
women were broken alive upon the rack, and two girls were decapitated.
Such was their resolution under these tortures, that they endured them
without even uttering a sigh.—
“Some Afric chief will rise, who scorning chains,
Racks, tortures, flames, excruciating pains,
Will lead his injur’d friends to bloody fight,
And in the flooded carnage take delight;
Then dear repay us in some vengeful war,
And give us blood for blood, and fear for fear.”
And so it actually was in this instance, for this inhuman massacre
produced an effect very contrary to what had been expected. Indeed it
so much enraged the Seramica rebels, that for several years they became
dreadful to the colonists; who no longer being able to support the
expences and fatigues of sallying out against them in the woods, in
addition to the great losses which they so frequently sustained by
their invasions, of which they lived in continual terror, at last
resolved to treat for peace with their sable enemies.
Governor Mauricius, who was at this period at the head of the colony,
now sent out a strong detachment to the rebel settlement at the
Seramica river, for the purpose of effecting, if possible, a peace so
ardently desired. This detachment, after some skirmishing with the
straggling rebel parties, at last arrived at their head quarters, where
they demanded and obtained a parley. A treaty of peace, consisting of
ten or twelve articles, was actually concluded between the different
parties in the year 1749, similar to that which had been made by the
English in the year 1739, with the rebels in the island of Jamaica.—The
chief of the Seramica rebels was a Creole negro, called Captain Adoe,
who upon this occasion received from the governor, as a present, a fine
large cane, with a silver pummel, on which were engraven the arms of
Surinam, as a mark of their independence, and a preliminary to the
other presents that were to be sent out the year following as
stipulated by treaty, particularly arms and ammunition, on the
performance of which the peace was to be finally concluded. Adoe
presented in return a handsome bow, with a complete case of arrows,
which had been manufactured by his own hands, as a token that during
that time all enmity should cease on his side.
This affair gave great satisfaction to many and indeed to most of the
inhabitants of Surinam, who now flattered themselves that their effects
were perfectly secure; while others regarded this treaty as a very
hazardous resource, and even as a step to the inevitable ruin of the
colony.
I must confess indeed, that, notwithstanding the good intentions of
Governor Mauricius, nothing appears to be more dangerous than making a
forced friendship with people, who by the most abject slavery and ill
usage are provoked to break their chains, and shake off their yoke in
pursuit of revenge and liberty, and who by the trust which is placed in
them have it in their power to become from day to day more formidable.
The insurrection having risen to such a height, the colonists ought
perhaps to have continued to oppose it, while they were possessed of
the power of opposition, not indeed from a motive of cruelty, but for
the political good of so fine a settlement.
If it appeared that cruelty and ill treatment had driven these poor
creatures to these extremities, policy, not less than humanity, ought
to have dictated to the colonists a different conduct in future; but it
may be asked, Whether it is possible to keep the African negroes in
habits of obedience and industry without the strictest and often the
severest discipline?—No. But I ask again, Why is it necessary to
inflict such inhuman tortures, according to the humour and caprice of
an unfeeling master, or a still more unprincipled overseer? Why should
their reasonable complaints be never heard by a magistrate who has it
in his power to redress them? Is it because this magistrate is a
planter, and that he is interested in the arbitrary government of this
unhappy race?—This is too evident.—It would, however, be great
injustice if I were not to bear witness that I have not unfrequently
seen the plantation slaves treated with the utmost humanity, where the
hand of the master was seldom lifted, but to caress them; and where the
eye of the slave sparkled with gratitude and affection.
Let us now proceed, and see what were the fruits of making peace with
the Seramica rebels.
In 1750, which was the year after, the promised presents were
dispatched to Captain Adoe; but the detachment that carried them were
attacked on their march, and the whole of the corps murdered on the
spot by a desperate negro, called Zam Zam, who not having been
consulted concerning the treaty of peace, had afterwards put himself at
the head of a strong party, and now carried off the whole stock of the
detachment, consisting of arms, ammunition, checked linens, canvas
cloth, hatchets, saws, and other carpenter’s tools; besides salt beef,
pork, spirits, &c. and kept them as his own private property. Adoe, on
the other hand, not receiving the presents at the time he expected, too
hastily concluding he was only to be amused with expectation till a
reinforcement of troops should arrive from Europe to subdue him,
renewed his incursions: by this accident therefore the peace was
immediately broken; cruelties and ravages increased more than before,
and death and destruction once more raged throughout the colony.
In 1751, this settlement was in the utmost distress and confusion;
when, in compliance with a request of the inhabitants, presented to the
States General, Baron Spoke was sent to Surinam, with six hundred fresh
troops drafted from the different regiments in the Dutch service, and
on their arrival the members of the court were ordered to send Governor
Mauricius to Europe, to account for his proceedings; who never returned
to the colony, having in 1753 asked and obtained his dismission, after
having been honourably acquitted. Baron Spoke, who during the absence
of Mauricius was appointed to officiate as governor, found every thing
in the greatest disorder, disunion having even arisen between the
inhabitants and their rulers, to which it was highly necessary to apply
the speediest means of redress. This application was indeed made by the
Baron, but he died the year after, and a general distraction again took
place.
In 1757, the aspect of affairs daily becoming worse, (during the
administration of a Mr. Cromelyn, who now was governor of this colony)
a new revolt broke out in the Tempaty Creek amongst the negroes, owing
to the treatment which they received from their masters. This fresh
insurrection indeed soon became of the most serious consequence. The
new rebels joined themselves to sixteen hundred of the old fugitive
negroes already settled in eight different villages near Tempaty Creek,
and after repeated battles and skirmishes, the enemy being mostly well
armed, and in their resistance generally successful, the colonists saw
themselves once more reduced to sue for peace with their own slaves,
near Tempaty Creek, as they had done in the year 1749 with the rebels
of Seramica.
During this last revolt, a Captain Mayer, of the Society Troops, being
tried for cowardice by a court martial, and found guilty, was ordered
to be shot through the head; he was accordingly led to the place of
execution, where, after every preparation for completing the sentence,
he was pardoned by the Governor, who not only shewed him every
civility, but actually preferred him to the rank of major.
To evince the absurdity of that prejudice, which considers human
creatures as brutes, merely because they differ from ourselves in
colour, I must beg leave to mention a few of the principal ceremonies
that attended the ratification of this peace.
The first thing proposed by the colonists was a parley, which was
agreed to by the rebels; when the last not only desired, but absolutely
insisted, that the Dutch should send them yearly, amongst a great
variety of other articles, a quantity of good fire-arms and ammunition,
as specified in a long list, expressed in broken English, by a negro
whose name was Boston, and who was one of their captains.
Governor Cromelyn next sent two commissioners, Mr. Sober and Mr.
Abercrombie, who marched through the woods, escorted by a few military,
&c. to carry some presents to the rebels, previous to the ratification
of the peace, for which they now were commissioned finally to treat.
At the arrival of the above gentlemen in the rebel camp, at the Jocka
Creek, about fifteen miles east of the Tempaty Creek, they were
introduced to a very handsome negro, called Araby, who was their chief,
and born in the forests amongst the last sixteen hundred that I have
just mentioned. He received them very politely, and taking them by the
hand, desired they would sit down by his side upon the green; at the
same time assuring them they need not be under any apprehensions of
evil, since from their coming in so good a cause, not one intended, or
even dared to hurt them.
When the above-mentioned Captain Boston, however, perceived that they
had brought a parcel of trinkets, such as knives, scissars, combs, and
small looking-glasses, and forgotten the principal articles in
question, viz. gunpowder, fire-arms, and ammunition, he resolutely
approached the commissioners, and demanded, in a thundering voice,
whether the Europeans imagined that the negroes could live on combs and
looking-glasses; adding, that one of each was quite sufficient to let
them all see their faces, while a single gallon of Man Sanny, viz.
gunpowder, would have been accepted as a proof of their confidence; but
since that had been omitted, he should never consent to their return to
their countrymen, till every article of the list should be dispatched
to them, and consequently the treaty fulfilled.
This expostulation occasioned the interference of a negro captain,
called Quaco, who declared that these gentlemen were only the
messengers of their governor and court; and as they could not be
answerable for their master’s proceedings, they should certainly return
to the settlement without injury or insult, and no person, not even he,
Captain Boston, should dare to oppose them.
The chief of the rebels then ordered silence, and desired Mr.
Abercrombie to make up a list himself, of such articles as he, Araby,
should specify; which that gentleman having done, and promised to
deliver, the rebels not only gave him and his companions leave
peaceably to return with it to town, but allowed their governor and
court a whole year to deliberate whether they were to chuse peace or
war, unanimously swearing that during that interval all animosity
should cease on their side; after which, having entertained them in the
best manner their situation in the woods afforded, they wished them a
happy journey to Paramaribo.
One of the rebel officers, on this occasion, represented to the
commissioners how deplorable it was that the Europeans, who pretended
to be a civilized nation, should be so much the occasion of their own
ruin by their inhuman cruelties towards their slaves. “We desire you,”
continued the negro, “to tell your governor and your court, that in
case they want to raise no new gangs of rebels, they ought to take care
that the planters keep a more watchful eye over their own property, and
not to trust them so frequently in the hands of drunken managers and
overseers, who by wrongfully and severely chastising the negroes,
debauching their wives and children, neglecting the sick, &c. are the
ruin of the colony, and wilfully drive to the woods such numbers of
stout active people, who by their sweat earn your subsistence, without
whose hands your colony must drop to nothing; and to whom at last, in
this disgraceful manner, you are glad to come and sue for friendship.”
Mr. Abercrombie now begged that he might be accompanied by one or two
of their principal officers to Paramaribo, where he promised they
should be well treated; but the chief, Araby, answered him with a
smile, that it was time enough a year after, when the peace should be
thoroughly concluded; that then even his youngest son should be at
their service, to receive his education among them, while for his
subsistence, and even for that of his dependants, he should take the
sole care upon himself, without ever giving the Christians the smallest
trouble.
After this, the commissioners left the rebels, and the whole detachment
arrived safe at Paramaribo.
The year of deliberation being ended, the governor and court sent out
two fresh commissioners to the negro camp, to bring the so much
wished-for peace to a thorough conclusion; which, after much debate,
and many ceremonies on both sides, was at last finally agreed upon.
Presents were promised to be sent by the Christians, agreeable to the
wishes of the negroes; while these last, as a proof of their affection
to the Europeans, insisted that each of the commissioners should,
during their remaining stay in the rebel camp, take for his constant
companion, one of their handsomest young women.—They treated them also
liberally with game, fish, fruit, and the choicest productions of the
forest, and entertained them, without intermission, with music,
dancing, and repeated volleys.
At the return of the commissioners, the stipulated presents were sent
to the negroes at the Jocka Creek, and, what is remarkable, under the
care of the identical Mr. Mayer, who had formerly not dared to fight
against them, and escorted by six hundred men, soldiers and slaves. The
pusillanimity of this gentleman, however, appeared again on this
occasion, and he had nearly undone the whole business by departing from
his orders, delivering all the presents to the rebels without receiving
the hostages in return. Fortunately Araby kept his word, and sent down
four of his best officers as pledges to Paramaribo. By this the peace
was perfectly accomplished, and a treaty of twelve or fourteen articles
was signed by the white commissioners, and sixteen of Araby’s black
captains, in 1761; which ceremony took place on the plantation Ouca, in
the river Surinam, where all the parties met, this being the spot of
rendezvous appointed for the purpose, after four different embassies
had been sent from the Europeans to the negroes.
Signing this treaty alone, however, was still not considered as
sufficient by the rebel chief Araby and his people. They immediately
bound themselves by an oath, and insisted on the commissioners doing
the same, after the manner which is practised by themselves, not
trusting entirely, they alledged, to that made use of by the
Christians, which they had seen them too frequently violate. It must
indeed be confessed, that the negroes themselves are uncommonly
tenacious of these solemn engagements, as I never heard of an instance,
during all the time I resided in the colony, of one of them violating
his oath.
The solemnity made use of on this day, consisted in each party’s
letting a few drops of blood with a lancet or penknife from the arm,
into a callibash or cup of clear spring water, in which were also mixed
a few particles of dry earth, and of this all present were obliged to
drink, without exception, which they call drinking each other’s blood,
having first shed a few drops upon the ground by way of libation; when
their gadoman or priest, with up-cast eyes and out-stretched arms, took
heaven and earth to witness, and with a most audible voice and in a
most awful manner, invoked the curse of the Almighty on those who
should first break through this sacred treaty made between them, from
that moment forward to all eternity. To this solemn imprecation the
multitude answered Da so! which signifies in their language Amen [10].
“Then loudly thus, before th’ attentive bands,
He calls the gods, and spreads his lifted hands:
O first and greatest Power, whom all obey,
Who high on Ida’s holy mountain sway;
Eternal Jove! and yon bright orb, that roll
From east to west, and view from pole to pole!
Thou mother Earth! and all ye living Floods!
Infernal Furies, and Tartarean gods,
Who rule the dead, and horrid woes prepare
For perjur’d kings, and all who falsely swear!
Hear and be witness.” — — —
“From the same urn they drink the mingled wine,
And add libations to the pow’rs divine.
While thus their pray’rs united mount the sky,
Hear, mighty Jove! and hear, ye gods on high!
And may their blood, who first the league confound,
Shed like this wine, distain the thirsty ground!”
Homer’s Iliad.
The solemnity being ended, the chief Araby and each of his captains (to
be distinguished from the inferior negroes, as the Seramican chief Adoe
had been before in 1749) was presented with a fine large cane and
silver pummel, on which was also engraven the arms of the colony.
The above-mentioned negroes are called Oucas, after the name of the
plantation where the peace articles were signed; and by that name they
are since distinguished from those of Seramica, whom I have already
described.
At this time the charter was renewed to the West India Company by their
High Mightinesses, for the term of thirty years longer (as it had been
before in 1670, 1700, and 1730) in consideration of a loan of about
five million sterling, at the rate of six per cent.
This same year peace was also a second time concluded with the Seramica
rebels, who were at that time commanded by a negro called Wille,
instead of their former chief Adoe, who was dead. But this second peace
was unfortunately broken by a rebel captain, called Muzinga, who had
received none of the presents, which had in fact been again intercepted
and captured on their way to the chief Wille, as they had been formerly
on their way to the chief Adoe, by the very same enterprising and
rapacious plunderer Zam Zam, with this difference only, that none of
the detachment that were sent with them were now murdered, as on the
preceding occasion, nor even one single person injured.
Upon this supposed breach of faith, captain Muzinga fought most
desperately against the colonists, he gave battle face to face, and
beat back, at close quarters, above one hundred and fifty of their best
troops, killing numbers, and carrying off all their baggage and
ammunition.
Soon after this, however, when the real cause of Muzinga’s discontent
was known, means were found and adopted to pacify this gallant warrior,
by making him receive and share the presents sent out by the colonists,
on an equal footing with his brother heroes, when peace was a third and
last time concluded in 1762, between the Seramica rebels and the
colony, which has providentially been kept sacred and inviolable, as
well as that with the Ouca negroes, to this day. By their exertions in
the field they thus obtained their freedom.
“O Liberty! thou goddess heavenly bright,
Profuse of bliss, and pregnant with delight;
Eternal pleasures in thy presence reign,
And smiling Plenty leads thy wanton train.
Eas’d of her load, subjection grows more light,
And Poverty looks cheerful in thy sight;
Thou mak’st the gloomy face of nature gay,
Giv’st beauty to the sun, and pleasure to the day.”
The hostages and chief officers of both the above-mentioned negro
cohorts, on their arrival at Paramaribo, were entertained at the
governor’s own table, having previously paraded in state through the
town, accompanied by his excellency in his own private carriage.
By their capitulation with the Dutch, the above Ouca and Seramica
rebels must yearly receive, as I have mentioned, a quantity of arms and
ammunition from the colony, for which the Europeans have received in
return the negroes’ promises of being their faithful allies, to deliver
up all their deserters, for which they are to receive proper premiums,
never to appear armed at Paramaribo above five or six at a time, and
also to keep their settlement at a proper distance from the town and
plantations: the Seramica negroes at the river Seramica, and those of
the Ouca negroes at the Jocka-creek, near the river Marawina, where one
or two white men, called post-holders, were to reside among, them, in
the quality of envoys.
Both these tribes were supposed, at the period I speak of, to amount in
all to three thousand, and but a few years after, by those that were
sent to visit their settlements (including wives and children) they
were computed to be not less than fifteen or twenty thousand. They are
already become overbearing and even insolent, brandishing their
silver-headed canes in defiance of the inhabitants, and forcing from
them liquors, and very often money, and reminding them how cruelly
their ancestors had murdered their parents and their husbands.
From these circumstances, and their numbers increasing from day to day,
I must conclude, that should the peace be ever broken, these new allies
will become the most dreadful foes that ever the colony of Surinam can
have to contend with.
In 1763 the town of Paramaribo would have been burnt down to the
ground, had it not been prevented by the courage and intrepidity of the
sailors, who, at the hazard of their lives, without other assistance,
prevented a general conflagration.
About this time a mutiny broke out on Board the outward-bound East
Indiaman, Neimburgh, commanded by Captain Ketell. The crew, consisting
chiefly of French and German deserters, who had been kidnapped in
Holland, rose in arms against their superiors, and having murdered most
of the officers and warrant officers, while others were put in chains,
carried the vessel to the Brazils, there the ringleaders went on shore,
and being engaged in riot and disputation soon discovered what they
were to the Portuguese governor, in consequence of which they were all
taken into custody; but their accomplices on board suspecting what had
happened, immediately slipped their cable, and set sail for the island
of Cayenne, where this piracy was put to an end; for the French seizing
ship and crew, delivered both to the colony of Surinam, where, in 1764,
seven of the most guilty were executed on board the same vessel which
they had captured, then at anchor in the roads before the town of
Paramaribo. One of these unhappy wretches was decapitated, and six
hanged to the yard-arm, whose heads were also chopped off and planted
upon iron spikes on the beach, in a cage made for the purpose. The
others, who had been taken by the Portuguese, were sent from the
Brazils to Amsterdam, after which they were also executed in Texel
roads on board the Westelingwerf man of war, which ship was that sent
out with us from Holland: their bodies were afterwards gibbeted in iron
harness, and placed for an example along the coast.
This same year also, three of the society or colony soldiers, who had
been guilty of mutiny and desertion, were executed in Surinam; but as
their case is the most peculiar of its kind that ever happened, I must
also beg leave to give some account of the transaction.
During the time of an insurrection, which happened in the year 1761
among the negro slaves in the colony of Berbice, where they had not
been treated so cruelly as in other colonies, not only a regiment of
marines, commanded by Colonel de Salse, which now belongs to General
Douglas, was sent over from Holland to that settlement, but troops also
from the neighbouring colonies were dispatched, in order to subdue the
revolt. In this design they soon succeeded, since the woods in that
part, being of small extent, are easily penetrated, which prevents the
rebels from forming settlements, and since from the same cause they
will not serve to conceal them from their pursuers. The consequence
was, that after numbers had been shot dead, and others taken prisoners,
the rest were forced to surrender at discretion, and implore for mercy,
or they must have been starved to death for want of subsistence.
During these troubles, it happened that one officer and about seventy
men, sent from the colony of Surinam, had been posted on the banks of
the river Corrantine. This detachment, together with a party of
Indians, who are natural enemies to the negroes, but friends to the
Europeans, had one day beaten the rebels in a skirmish, having killed
several of them, and retaken about the value of twenty or thirty pounds
sterling in effects, which the negroes had pillaged from the
neighbouring estates. The officer who commanded this detachment having,
however, unwarrantably distributed this booty among the Indians alone,
without giving a share to his soldiers, disgusted them so much that
they revolted; and deserting their commander, took their march for the
river Oronoque through the woods, in hopes of soon falling in with
Spanish settlements and being relieved: but how miserably were these
deluded men mistaken, and disappointed in their desperate undertaking,
by meeting the rebels or bush negroes on the second or third day of
their march! These, notwithstanding the solemn protestations of the
soldiers, that they were come without any evil intention towards them,
and their intreaties to let them pass by unmolested, were suspected of
being sent out to spy and betray them; the negroes therefore insisted
that they should lay down their arms at mercy, which the deserters
having complied with, the rebels immediately dressed them in one rank.
Then having picked out ten or twelve to assist them in attending the
sick and wounded, repairing their arms, and trying to make gunpowder,
(in which however they miscarried) they condemned all the others to
death, which was instantly put in execution, and above fifty of those
unfortunate men were one by one shot dead upon the spot.
It may well be supposed, that those who were saved alive by the negroes
must have spun out a very melancholy existence among them, and indeed
most of them died within very few months after by ill treatment,
hardships, and want; and when the rebels surrendered themselves to the
Europeans at discretion, the few remaining miserable wretches that were
still found alive, were directly loaded with irons, and sent back from
the colony of Berbice to Surinam, where three of them were executed in
the town of Paramaribo, one being hanged, and two broken alive upon the
rack. One of these miserable wretches was a Frenchman, called Renauld,
who seemed to have imbibed the sentiments of the negroes by his
residence amongst them. With a truly heroic spirit he comforted his
accomplice, who was a German, and, tied down by his side, just ready to
receive the dreadful blows, he exhorted him to preserve his courage;
adding, that the voyage of life would soon be over, while his own bones
were breaking by the executioner with an iron bar.
The ring-leading negroes were roasted alive by half dozens in a
shocking manner, being chained to stakes in the midst of surrounding
flames, and expired without uttering a groan or a sigh. The miserable
fate of so many poor wretches excited great commiseration; and it is
impossible to reflect, without the strongest feelings of indignation,
on a punishment so shocking to humanity, inflicted upon men, the most
of whom were drove to misconduct by tyranny and oppression. But at the
same time I shall ever think it my duty to support that the strictest
discipline and subordination (when tempered by justice) is absolutely
necessary amongst all large bodies of people, of whatever class or
description, not only for the good of the public in general, but as the
surest means of avoiding severity on the individual (the usual
consequence of too much lenity) and of being painfully obliged to
establish good order at last by a perpetual round of reluctant rigour
and chastisement.——We will now leave these sable scenes, and point out
what happened in the colony of Surinam, during its short and
flourishing state.
CHAP. IV.
Short Interval of Peace and Plenty—The Colony plunged in new
Distress by a fresh Insurrection, and nearly ruined—Review of the
Troops for its Defence—An Action with the Rebels—Gallant Behaviour
of a black Corps—The Arrival of Colonel Fourgeoud’s Marines.
In 1764, gold and silver specie being scarce, cards were stamped, to
the amount of 40,000 l. value, which passed as cash, at a discount of
ten per cent.
In 1765, a considerable degree of commotion was excited in the colony,
on account of a free negro woman, called Elizabeth Sampson, marrying an
European; she was worth above 100,000 l. sterling, inherited from her
master, whose slave she had formerly been: having addressed herself to
their High Mightinesses, her request was granted; and accordingly,
being christened, she entered into the lawful bond of matrimony with a
Mr. Zubli.
In the succeeding year the colony was visited by an earthquake, which
however did very little damage.
In 1769, the whole coast was on fire, from Cayenne to Demerary: this
happened in the dry season, when all the forest is parched by the heat,
and the underwood choked with dried leaves. The flames, which were
supposed to have been kindled by the neglect of the Indians or rebels,
were so violent, that they threatened destruction to several estates,
and during the night appeared most tremendous from the sea; while the
east wind made the smoke so thick throughout the day, that one person
could not see another at the distance of six yards. During this time it
is not surprising that the smell was almost insupportable.
This same year, a quantity of rock crystal was discovered in the inland
parts of Dutch Guiana.
In 1770, the house of Somelsdyk sold its share or portion of the colony
to the town of Amsterdam for the sum of 63,636l. sterling; so that from
that period that city possesses two-thirds, and the other third still
belongs to the West India Company, which, as I have already stated,
form together the society of Surinam.
The colony now seemed in a prosperous and flourishing state, since the
concluding of the treaty with the Seramica and Ouca negroes, and every
thing exhibited an aspect of peace and good order. The inhabitants
believed their persons and effects in perfect security, so that nothing
was thought of but mirth and dissipation, which was soon extended to
lavishness and profusion. Surinam resembled, indeed, a large and
beautiful garden, stocked with every thing that nature and art could
produce, to make the life of man both comfortable to himself, and
useful to society: all the luxuries, as well as the necessaries of
life, abounded; every sense was apparently intoxicated with enjoyment;
and, to use the figurative language of a sacred book, Surinam was a
land that flowed with milk and honey.
But this delusive felicity lasted not long. The planter, too earnest to
become immediately opulent, never once considered the wretchedness of
the slave; while drunkenness, luxury, and riot, became predominant in
the one party, the misery of the other proportionably increased; nor
did the destruction that so lately threatened them seem to have the
smallest influence on their minds; at the same time the successful
example of the Seramica and Ouca negroes served to stimulate the other
slaves to revolt, and from these complicated causes the colony was
again plunged into its former abyss of difficulties. The most beautiful
estates in the settlement, called Plantations, were once more seen,
some blazing in flames, and others laid in ashes; while the reeking and
mangled bodies of their inhabitants were scattered along the banks of
the river Cottica, with their throats cut, and their effects pillaged
by their own negroes, who all fled to the woods, men, women, and
children, without exception.
These new revolters were now distinguished by the name of the Cottica
Rebels, from the spot on which their hostilities commenced; and their
numbers augmenting from day to day, they soon became as formidable to
the settlement as the Seramica and Ouca negroes had formerly been, and
in 1772 they had nearly given the finishing blow to Surinam. At that
period all was horror and consternation—nothing but a general massacre
was expected by the majority of the inhabitants, who fled from their
estates, and crouded to the town of Paramaribo for protection. In this
situation of affairs, the inhabitants were obliged to have recourse to
the dangerous resolution of forming a regiment of manumitted slaves, to
fight against their own countrymen. When we consider the treatment
which was so generally exercised against the slaves of this settlement,
it must surprise the reader to be told, that this hazardous resolution
had providentially the desired effect. These brave men performed
wonders above expectation, in conjunction with the Colonial or Society
troops, whose strength and numbers alone were no longer thought
sufficient to defend this settlement. But not to rely absolutely on
such precarious assistance, the society of Surinam made application to
his serene highness the Prince of Orange for a regular regiment, and
our corps was in consequence dispatched in the manner which has been
already related. As, however, the events which preceded our arrival
were of the utmost importance, I shall endeavour to lay before my
readers the most authentic information I was able to obtain.