THE ENGLISH INSTRUMENTALISTS.

Towards the end of the sixteenth century, and in the beginning of the

seventeenth, companies of English actors visited Germany to perform at

the courts of princes, and at public festivities. The Germans called

these actors 'Die englischen Comˆdianten' (The English Comedians); and

the musicians accompanying them they called 'Die englischen

Instrumentisten' (The English Instrumentalists.) Respecting the English

Comedians much has already been written by Shakespearean scholars. The

musical accomplishments of these strolling troupes have, however, not

received sufficient attention to satisfy musicians. Although they appear

not to have been remarkable, they are interesting inasmuch as they were

associated with the performances of Shakespeare's dramas, and also

because the English Instrumentalists have been, with few exceptions, the

only English musicians who ever visited Germany with the object of

gaining a livelihood in that country by displaying their skill.

Some notices of them are to be found in the historical records of the

German theatres, which have been published during the present century.

What induced these actors and musicians to leave their native

country?--Want of support at home. There were too many of them in

England. During the sixteenth century many were in the service of

English noblemen. It was a usual custom with the nobility to keep a

company of instrumentalists as well as actors; and to these were not

unfrequently added skilful tumblers, or acrobats, who seem to have

enjoyed great popularity. Strolling troupes of the latter visited the

provincial towns. W. Kelly, in his 'Notices illustrative of the Drama,

and other popular amusements in Leicester, during the 16th and 17th

centuries,' says: "The earliest notice we have of the visits of

companies of tumblers to the town is in 1590." These personages

undoubtedly also played on musical instruments. In the German records

alluded to, they are called _Springer_ (_i.e._ "Jumpers" or "Dancers"),

and it would appear that not all the English Instrumentalists, but only

the lowest class of them, combined the art of dancing and tumbling with

that of music. The majority were musical actors rather than professional

musicians; while others occupied themselves almost exclusively with

playing on musical instruments, such as the lute, treble-viol, viola da

gamba, recorder, cornet, trumpet, etc.

In a Proclamation of Queen Elizabeth, issued in the year 1571, these

strolling performers are mentioned in rather disreputable company: "All

Fencers Bearewardes Comon Players in Enterludes, and Minstrels, not

belonging to any Baron of this Realme, or towarde any other honorable

Personage of greater Degree; all Juglers Pedlers Tynkers and Petye

Chapmen; wiche said Fencers Bearewardes Comon Players in Enterludes

Minstrels Juglers Pedlers Tynkers and Petye Chapmen, shall wander

abroade, and have not Lycense of two Justices of the Peace at the

Feaste, whereof one to be of the Quorum, wher and in what Shier they

shall happen to wander ... shalbee taken adjudjed and deemed Roges

Vacaboundes and Sturdy Beggers;" etc.[45]

Some interesting details concerning the nature of the performances of

the English common musicians at the time when this Proclamation

appeared, may be gathered from 'A Dialogue betwene Custome and Veritie,

concerninge the use and abuse of Dauncinge and Mynstralsye, by Thomas

Lovell, London, 1581.' The book is written in verse. Custom defends and

excuses dancing and minstrelsy, which Verity attacks and abuses. As

regards the minstrels, Verity remarks:--

"They are accounted vagarant roges

By act of Parliament,

What reason why they should not then

Like Roges to Jaile be sent,

Except they doo belong to men

Which are of high degree,

As in that act by woords set downe

Expressly we may see.

To such, I think, but few of these

Vain Pipers doo pertain:

To men so grave a shame it were

Fond Fidlers to maintain.

A great disgrace it were to them,

Their cloth abrode to send

Upon the backs of them which doo

Their life so lewdly spend."

Respecting the performances of the minstrels, vocal as well as

instrumental, Verity says:--

"Their singing if you doo regard,

It is to be abhord:

It is against the sacred woord

And Scripture of the Lord.

But this doo minstrels clene forget:

Some godly songs they have,

Some wicked Ballads and unmeet,

As companies doo crave.

For filthies they have filthy songs,

For baudes lascivious rimes;

For honest good, for sober grave

Songs; so they watch their times.

Among the lovers of the trueth,

Ditties of trueth they sing;

Among the Papists, such as of

Their godlesse legend spring.

For he that cannot gibe and jest,

Ungodly scoff and frump,

Is thought unmeet to play with Pipe,

On tabret or to thump.

The minstrels doo with instruments,

With songs, or els with jest,

Maintain them selves, but as they use,

Of these naught is the best."

This Dialogue, the author of which is supposed to have been a Puritan,

concludes with Verity convincing and converting Custom.[46]

A grant under the Privy Seal of James I. for the issue of letters patent

in favour of Thomas Downton and others, on transferring their services

as players to the Elector Frederic, dated January 4th, 1613, contains

the following names of actors and musicians: Thomas Downton, William

Bird, Edward Juby, Samuell Rowle, Charles Massey, Humfrey Jeffs, Franck

Grace, William Cartwright, Edward Colbrand, William Parr, William

Stratford, Richard Gunnell, John Shanck, and Richard Price. These, and

"the rest of their Associates" were licensed and authorised as servants

of the Elector Palatine "to use and exercise the art and facultie of

playing Comedies, Tragedies, Histories, Enterludes, Moralls, Pastoralls,

Stage Plaies and such other like as they have already studied, or

hereafter shall use or study."

In a Patent of James I., licensing the performance of plays by his

Majesty's Servants at the private house in Blackfriars, as well as at

the Globe, March 27th, 1620, are mentioned: John Hemings, Richard

Burbadge, Henry Condall, John Lowen, Nicholas Tooley, John Underwood,

Nathan Feild, Robert Benfeild, Robert Gough, William Ecclestone, Richard

Robinson, and John Shancks. In a patent of Charles I., dating June 24th,

1625, which renews that of James I., we have, besides the names just

mentioned, Joseph Taylor, William Rowley, John Rice, Elliart Swanston,

George Birch, Richard Sharpe, and Thomas Pollard.[47]

The names are here given to enable the reader to compare them with the

names, often arbitrarily spelt, of the English actors and

instrumentalists in the German records.

The earliest account of the appearance of these foreigners in Germany

dates from the year 1556, when an English company of actors visited the

court of the Margrave of Brandenburg. In Berlin they found a

well-organized musical band belonging to the Elector Joachim II., the

regulations of which, dating from the year 1570, are still extant. In a

more comprehensive set of regulations issued by the Elector Johann

Georg, in the year 1580, the following instruments are specified as

being played by the Elector's musicians:--_Positif_, _Zimphonien_,

_Geygen_, _Zinckenn_, _Qwerpfeiffen_, _Schalmeyenn_, _Krumbhˆrner_,

_Dultzian_, _Trummeten_, _Posaunen_, _Bombarten_, ("Organ, spinets,

instruments played with a bow, cornets, small German flutes, shalms,

cormornes, a small bassoon, trumpets, trombones, bombardos."[48]).

In the beginning of the seventeenth century we find in the Elector of

Brandenburg's service some English musicians who had probably come to

Germany with the English actors. The following are mentioned in the

Prussian records, with their names more or less Germanized.

Johann Kroker (John Croker), Berlin, 1608. He must have been a rather

distinguished musician; for the Elector Joachim Friedrich made him

Vice-Kapellmeister, or second leader of the orchestra.

Johann Spencer. In a letter dated "Kˆnigsberg, July 14th, 1609," the

Elector Johann Sigismund recommends Johann Spencer to the Elector of

Saxony as an English musician who was recommended to him by the Duke

Franz von Stettin, and who had been for some time in Berlin. The Elector

adds that Johann Spencer's music had pleased him pretty well.[49] There

can hardly be a doubt that this musician is the same John Spencer who

was the director of a company of English Comedians travelling in Holland

and in Germany.

Walter Rowe (also written Roe) Berlin, 1614. A viola-da-gamba player of

some reputation. He must have been at least thirty-three years in the

service of the Elector, for he is still mentioned as a member of the

orchestra in 1647. About the year 1626 he resided for some time at the

court of the Duke of Mecklenburg-G¸strow. His son, Walter Rowe, was

likewise a musician in the Elector's orchestra at Berlin.

Lambert Blome (probably Bloom) is mentioned in the year 1621 as a

_Clarin-Bl‰ser_ (trumpeter) in the orchestra at Berlin.

Valentin Flood was, in 1627, engaged in Berlin, as player on the Treble

Viol.

John Stanley, a theorbo player, was, in the autumn of the year 1628, at

the court of the Elector of Brandenburg, and in the year 1631, entered

the service of the Landgrave Wilhelm of Hesse-Cassel.

Johann Boldt (probably John Bolt), Berlin, 1635. Cornetto player.

These musicians were not the only foreigners in the band of the Elector

at Berlin. Several Italians are mentioned in the records, and even one

or two Polish cither players. As early as in the year 1564, mention is

made of an Italian virtuoso, Antonio Bontempi, who was engaged as player

on the lute, theorbo, and cornetto.

Although the English comedians most probably visited the Netherlands

before they made their appearance in Germany, we meet with them in

Holland not earlier than in the year 1604. A company, which in 1605

performed in Leyden, had previously been in Berlin, and was provided

with letters of recommendation from the Elector of Brandenburg.[50]

Moreover, there was a company of English comedians in Denmark during the

second half of the sixteenth century. Five of these, who in the old

documents are mentioned as Instrumentalists, probably because they were

chiefly musicians, arrived in the year 1586 at the court of Christian

II., Elector of Saxony. Leaving unnoticed those who are mentioned only

as actors, we find recorded in Dresden the following English

instrumentalists, whose names are copied as spelt in the German

documents:--

Tomas Konigk (Thomas King), Dresden, 1586. He had previously been in

Denmark.

Tomas Stephan (Thomas Stephen), Dresden, 1586.

George Bryandt (George Bryant), Dresden, 1586; also known as an actor.

Thomas Pabst (Thomas Pope), Dresden, 1586. He is supposed to have been a

personal acquaintance of Shakespeare.[51]

Rupert Persten (probably Rupert Pierst). Dresden, 1586.

These musicians are in their appointment designated as _Geyger und

Instrumentisten_ ('Fiddlers and Instrumentalists') and their duties are

prescribed as follows:--"They must be attentive and obedient, of good

behaviour at our Court; they must follow us on our travels if we desire

it. Whenever we hold a banquet, and also on other occasions, as often as

they are ordered, they have to attend with their fiddles and other

requisite instruments, to play music. And they must also amuse us with

their art of tumbling, and other graceful things which they have learnt.

They are expected to demean themselves towards us as behoves faithful

and attentive servants; which they have also promised, and bound

themselves to observe."[52]

John Price, who came to Dresden in the year 1629, was a _virtuoso_ on

the flute. The Elector of Saxony gave him a superior appointment in his

orchestra. Mersenne ('Harmonie universelle,' Paris, 1636) mentions him

as a brilliant player. The little flute which he principally used had

only three finger-holes; but he is said to have been able by various

expedients, or knacks, to obtain on it a compass of three octaves. He

had previously an engagement at the Court of W¸rtemberg, in company with

John Dixon, mentioned as an English instrumentalist, and with John

Morell, David Morell, and two other Englishmen, who probably were

comedians.

In the year 1626, a company of English comedians performed in Dresden,

among other pieces, Shakespeare's 'Romeo and Juliet,' 'Hamlet,' 'King

Lear,' and 'Julius CÊsar.'[53] A troupe of English comedians, which in

the year 1611 visited Kˆnigsberg, consisted of thirty-five members,

nineteen of whom are designated in the records as actors, and sixteen as

instrumentalists.[54] No doubt most of those designated as actors were

also musical; but the circumstance of nearly one half of the troupe

being professional musicians sufficiently shows how greatly the

entertainments consisted of musical performances. Another proof of this

may be found in a record stating that in Hildesheim a company of English

actors gave representations in English.[55]

There were probably but few persons among the audience who understood

English. It may, therefore, be surmised that music constituted the chief

attraction of the entertainment. There was, however, also amusing

leaping and dancing, and the funny clown,--the English Jack-Pudding,

Dutch Pekelharing, German Hanswurst, French Jean Potage, Italian Signor

Maccaroni. The clown derives his nickname from the favourite dish of the

mob.

It is unnecessary, for the purpose of tracing the pursuits of the

English actors and instrumentalists, to follow them in their visits to

all the German towns which preserve records of them. Suffice it to

notice their stay in Cassel, where they arrived in the year 1600. The

Landgrave Moritz of Hesse Cassel took them into his service, and, in

1605, built for them a theatre in the form of a circus, to which he gave

the name Ottoneum, in honour of his eldest son, Otto. The walls of this

edifice were beautifully ornamented with frescoes.

However, in 1607, the Landgrave Moritz declared that he was tired of

"the confounded dancers and jumpers," as he called them; and he

dismissed the company from his service, with the exception of a few

clever members, whom he retained until the year 1613. The Landgrave

Moritz was a learned man, and likewise a poet and a musical composer.

His opinion is therefore not without some weight. The company, after its

departure from Cassel, perambulated for several years through Germany,

and appears to have found everywhere a good reception,--especially at

N¸rnberg, where, in 1612, their "new beautiful comedies" were much

admired.

Four names may here be given of English actors, who, in the year 1591,

set out to go to Germany with the avowed intention of improving their

impoverished circumstances. They are: Robert Brown, John Broadstreet (or

Breadstreet), Thomas Sackville and Richard Jones. As in the letter of

recommendation of these men, which has been discovered in the archives

of the Hague, their musical accomplishments are mentioned before their

other accomplishments,--it being stated that they intended to travel for

the purpose "of practising their profession by performing of music, feats

of agility, and games of comedies, tragedies and histories,"[56]--it

is evident that music must have been one of their most practised arts,

if not actually their original profession.

In the year 1603, Lord Spencer was sent by James I. on a special embassy

to Prince Frederick, Duke of W¸rtemberg, to invest him with the Order of

the Garter. Among Lord Spencer's retinue were four skilful musicians,

who appear to have been picked English instrumentalists, to judge from

the praise bestowed on them by Erhardus Cellius in his account of the

visit, which was published at T¸bingen in the year 1605. The following

quotation is a translation, the narrative of Erhardus Cellius being

originally written in Latin:--"The royal English musicians whom the

illustrious royal ambassador had brought with him to enhance the

magnificence of the embassy and the present ceremony [the Duke's

investiture of the Order of the Garter], though few in number, were

eminently well skilled in the art. For England produces many excellent

musicians, comedians and tragedians most skilful in the histrionic art;

certain companies of whom, quitting their own abodes for a time, are in

the habit of visiting foreign countries at particular seasons,

exhibiting and representing their art principally at the courts of

princes. A few years ago, some English musicians coming over to our

Germany with this view, remained for some time at the courts of great

princes; and their skill, both in music and in the histrionic art,

procured them such favour that they returned home liberally rewarded,

and loaded with gold and silver."[57] Erhardus Cellius was Professor of

Poetry and History at T¸bingen.

There remain to be noticed a few English musicians who came to Germany

about the time of the visits of the English comedians, but who appear

not to have been connected with any of the companies.

John Dowland, a _virtuoso_ on the lute, and also a composer,

visited about the year 1585 the Courts of Hesse-Cassel and of

Brunswick-Wolfenb¸ttel. Afterwards, he was for some time lutenist in the

service of the King of Denmark, where perhaps he may have associated

with the English comedians. John Dowland was evidently a personal

acquaintance of Shakespeare, who has immortalized him in his 'Passionate

Pilgrim':--

"If music and sweet poetry agree,

As they must needs, the sister and the brother,

Then must the love be great 'twixt thee and me,

Because thou lov'st the one, and I the other.

Dowland to thee is dear, whose heavenly touch

Upon the lute doth ravish human sense;

Spenser to me, whose deep conceit is such

As passing all conceit, needs no defence.

Thou lov'st to hear the sweet melodious sound

That Phoebus' lute, the queen of music, makes;

And I in deep delight am chiefly drown'd

Whenas himself to singing he betakes.

One god is god of both, as poets feign;

One knight loves both, and both in thee remain."

To conclude that Shakespeare must have been a practical musician,

because he wrote beautiful poetry on the charms and power of music,

would be as bold as to assume from certain passages in his dramas that

he was originally a lawyer, a soldier, a tinker or a horse-dealer.

Indeed, regarded as a critical opinion, his beautiful sonnet on Dowland

is less valuable than the judgment of Dr. Burney, who remarks: "After

being at pains of scoring several of Dowland's compositions, I have been

equally disappointed and astonished at his scanty abilities in

counterpoint, and the great reputation he acquired with his

contemporaries, which has been courteously continued to him either by

indolence or ignorance of those who have had occasion to speak of him,

and who took it for granted that his title to fame, as a profound

musician, was well founded."[58]

John Bull, another English musician of some reputation, was a virtuoso

on the harpsichord and organ. Perhaps the circumstance of his playing

these instruments kept him aloof from the English Comedians on the

continent; otherwise his restless and unsettled life would have fitted

him well for their companionship. Born in Somersetshire, about the

middle of the sixteenth century, John Bull, in the year 1601, made his

first journey to Holland, France and Germany, where his organ

performances, and even his compositions, found admirers. Having returned

to England, he went, in 1607, a second time to the continent with the

object, it is recorded, of restoring his shattered health,--or perhaps,

as Dr. Burney surmises, to improve his shattered financial condition. He

died in Germany. Sir John Hawkins, in his 'History of Music,' gives two

Riddle Canons by John Bull, written in the shape of a triangle. The

anecdote about the marvellous skill of this musician, exhibited by his

adding forty more parts to a song composed in forty parts,[59] is so

absurd as hardly to provoke a smile from anyone acquainted with the

theory of music. John Bull has also been praised for having composed

some pieces for the Virginal so difficult that even pianists of the

present day are startled by his rapid passages in thirds and sixths.

But, considering how rude and unmelodious these contrivances are, he

would deserve greater praise if his music were easily executable,

impressive, and better suited for the instrument for which it was

composed, than is the case. If R. Clark's statement, according to which

John Bull was the composer of the English National Anthem, were correct,

he would have a greater claim to consideration than he deserves at

present. The composers of old popular tunes are seldom known; it is

therefore only proper to regard the whole nation as the composer of its

principal national tune, if its origin has not been definitively

ascertained; and in this sense it is perhaps right to assign the

composition of the English National Anthem to John Bull.

Another English musician, Thomas Cutting, went to Denmark in 1607. He

was a lutenist. There is no record of his having been in Germany. John

Abell, an English singer and lutenist, gave concerts in Holland,

Germany, and Poland, at the time of Charles II., consequently, after the

period of the English Comedians' visit to the Continent.

It is a remarkable fact that, previous to the appearance of those

musicians in Germany, England had already been visited by foreign

musicians, whose talents, considering the positions obtained by several

of them, must have had considerable influence upon the taste of their

English colleagues. There were five German musicians in the service of

Richard III., in the year 1483; eighteen foreign musicians in the

service of Henry VIII.; and as far as can be made out from the corrupt

spelling of the names, the bands of Edward VI. and of Queen Elizabeth

contained about as many foreigners as that of Henry VIII. The Dutch

lutenists, Philip van Welder and Peter van Welder, held a superior

position in the band of Edward VI. The former had already been engaged

by Henry VIII. as teacher on the lute to the royal children. The

distinguished lutenist Jacques Gaulter (or Gouter), in the service of

Charles I., was a Frenchman.

The generally acknowledged superiority of the foreign musicians explains

the dissatisfaction with the popular taste expressed in the works of

several English musicians. Already John Dowland complains in his

Prefaces of being neglected. Matthew Lock, in his 'Little Consort of

three parts, containing Pavans, Ayres, Corants, and Sarabands, for Viols

or Violins,' London, 1657, remarks: "For those mountebanks of wit, who

think it necessary to disparage all they meet with of their own

countrymen, because there have been and are some excellent things done

by strangers, I shall make bold to tell them (and I hope my known

experience in this science will enforce them to confess me a competent

judge), that I never yet saw any foreign instrumental composition (a few

French Corants excepted,) worthy an Englishman's transcribing." John

Playford, in his 'Musick's Delight on the Cithren,' London, 1666,

complains: "It is observed that of late years all solemn and grave

musick is much laid aside, being esteemed too heavy and dull for the

light heals and brains of this nimble and wanton age; nor is any musick

rendered acceptable, or esteemed by many, but what is presented by

foreigners: not a City Dame, though a tap-wife, but is ambitious to have

her daughters taught by Monsieur La Novo Kickshawibus on the Gittar,

which instrument is but a new old one, used in London in the time of

Queen Mary." Again, in his 'Introduction to the Skill of Musick,' John

Playford complains: "Our late and solemn musick, both vocal and

instrumental, is now justl'd out of esteem by the new Corants and Jigs

of foreigners, to the grief of all sober and judicious understanders of

that formerly solid and good musick." This is copied from the edition

published in 1683; the first edition appeared in 1655. Christopher

Simpson, in his 'Compendium of Practical Musick,' London, 1667, boldly

asserts: "You need not seek outlandish authors, especially for

instrumental musick; no nation, in my opinion, being equal to the

English in that way; as well for their excellent, as their various and

numerous Consorts of three, four, five and six parts, made properly for

instruments," etc. Thus also Christopher Simpson, at the conclusion of

his 'The Division Violist, or an Introduction to the Playing upon a

Ground,' London, 1659, says: "And here I might mention (were it not out

of the Rode of my Designe,) divers others [besides Mr. John Jenkins];

most eminent men of this our nation, who, for their excellent and

various compositions, especially for instruments, have, in my opinion,

far outdone those nations, so much cryed up for their excellency in

Musick."

The preference given by these musicians to their own music does not,

however, throw much light upon the question: Of what kind was the music

played by the English instrumentalists, who accompanied the comedians on

the continent?

A satisfactory answer to this question may be obtained from an

examination of the secular music popular in England about three hundred

years ago, and from the stage directions in the dramas performed by the

strolling actors.

As regards the diffusion of musical knowledge in England at the time of

Queen Elizabeth, the historical records contain contradictory

statements, which however may, with some discrimination, be reconciled

with each other. It is well known that England possessed at that period

some estimable composers of sacred music who would probably have

obtained a hearing on the continent, had they not been obscured by the

excellent Flemish and Italian church composers. Some intelligent

foreigners who made a trip to England, at the time of Queen Elizabeth,

praise the music which they heard in the principal churches of the

country. Paul Hentzner, a German scholar, who visited England in the

year 1598, remarks in his journal: "The English excel in dancing and

music, for they are active and lively, though of a thicker make than the

French." He subsequently expresses a less favourable opinion of the

musical taste of the English: "They are vastly fond of great noises that

fill the ear, such as the firing of cannon, drums, and the ringing of

bells."[60] This statement accords with a remark of Dr. Burney in his

History of Music, Vol. III., p. 143; and likewise with Handel's advice

to Gluck, when the latter, after the performance of his opera 'Caduta

de' Giganti' in London, anno 1746, complained of want of success: "For

the Englishman you must compose something which is powerful, and which

acts upon his tympanum."[61] Music was also called noise. For instance,

in Shakespeare's Henry IV., Part II., Act 2, Scene 4:--

'And see if thou canst find Sneak's noise; Mistress Tearsheet would

fain hear some music.'

It may be supposed that the popular taste for loud music was some

centuries ago much the same as it is at the present day, where quantity

is often more thought of than quality. But, there are some records from

which it would appear that the cultivation of music was universal among

the educated classes. Henry Peacham in his 'Compleat Gentleman,' London,

1634, enumerates with the many requisite accomplishments of a gentleman,

some practical and theoretical knowledge of the art of music. However,

he does not describe the gentleman as he finds him, but, as in his

opinion he ought to be. To conclude from his description that in the

seventeenth century every English gentleman was musical, would be as

unwarrantable as to conclude from Lord Chesterfield's well-known advice

to his son to leave violin-playing to the professional musicians, that

in the eighteenth century Englishmen of education considered it

derogatory to play on a musical instrument.

In Thomas Morley's 'Introduction to Practical Musick,' London, 1597,

which is written in dialogue, Philomathes says to Polymathes, in the

beginning of the discourse, that recently when at a party he could not

join in their madrigal singing after supper "euery one began to wonder.

Yea, some whispered to others, demaunding how I was brought up: so that

vpon shame of mine ignorance, I goe now to seeke out mine old friend

master Gnorimus, to make my selfe his scholler." This statement appears,

however, to be in contradiction with one made about the same time in

another instruction book, entitled 'The Schoole of Mvsicke; wherein is

tavght the perfect Method of trve fingering of the Lute, Pandora,

Orpharion, and Viol-da-Gamba; with most infallible generall rules, both

easie and delightfull. Also a Method how you may be your owne instructor

for Prick-song, by the help of your Lute, without any other teacher:

with lessons of all sorts for your further and better instruction. Newly

composed by Thomas Robinson, Lutenist; London, 1603.' This book likewise

is written in the form of a dialogue, the persons in conversation being

"Knight" and "Timothevs." In the beginning of the dialogue Knight

remarks: "In mine opinion I think it impossible to be a good Musitien,

except a man be seene in all the seauen liberall Sciences; for I know

many great clarkes in Diuinitie, Phisicke, Law, Philosophie, etc., that

haue small, or no knowledge at all in Musicke, nay, some quite reject

it."

No doubt, these statements of two professional musicians contradictory

to each other, as to the cultivation of music by English gentlemen

towards the end of the reign of Queen Elizabeth, must not be taken

literally, but rather as what the authors thought an ingenious and

elegant manner of proving that their works supplied a want. Thus, Thomas

Morley teaching vocal music, maintains that every young gentleman is

expected to be a singer; and Thomas Robinson, teaching the lute and the

cither, expresses his dissatisfaction that many gentlemen know nothing

about musical instruments,--indeed, nothing of music. Moreover, Thomas

Robinson is a "Student in all the liberall Sciences;" we know this from

his own statement on the title-page of his 'New Citharen Lessons,'

London, 1609; and being a learned man, he considers it impossible to be

a good musician without being versed in "all the seauen liberall

Sciences."

The fact that there is no English book dating from the sixteenth,

seventeenth, or eighteenth century, which contains descriptions with

illustrations of the different musical instruments formerly in use in

England, while a considerable number of such books were published on the

continent, sufficiently proves, if other testimony were wanting, that

instrumental music was not so much cultivated in England as on the

continent. The English books of instruction for certain instruments were

generally but poor compilations got up by the publishers themselves. The

illustrations of musical instruments given in Hawkins's 'History of

Music' have most of them been copied from Luscinius and Mersenne.

Hawkins appears to have been unaware that these instruments, of which he

gives descriptions derived from foreign sources, were formerly also in

use in England. At any rate, he mentions several of them by their German

names, without giving their English names.

Some English musicians who at the time of James I. visited the

continent, Italianised their names, a rather unpatriotic act to which

they probably would not have thought of resorting, had they not become

convinced of the superiority of the continental music. John Cooper

called himself Giovanni Coperario; and Peter Phillips, who lived for a

time in the Netherlands, altered his name into Pietro Philippi.

As regards the national music of England at the time of the strolling

instrumentalists, the inquirer may obtain reliable information by

examining an old collection of popular tunes entitled 'The Dancing

Master; or Directions for dancing Country Dances, with the Tunes to each

Dance, for the Treble Violin.' The first edition was published by John

Playford, about the middle of the sixteenth century. The work, which

consisted of only one volume, became popular, and went through many

editions with enlargements, until, at about the year 1700, it extended

to three volumes containing nearly one thousand tunes. It may be

surmised that this collection comprises nearly all the airs of the

secular songs which were popular in England at the time of the

Instrumentalists. It must be remembered that most of the airs of songs

were also used as dance-tunes, and that comparatively but few of the

dance-tunes in the earlier editions of the collection are instrumental

pieces not derived from vocal music. Whether all these melodies are of

English origin is another question. Some are known to be Welsh, others

Irish, others Scotch; and some appear to have been derived from the

continent. Some of the dances are of foreign origin, and most probably

they became first known with the tunes which belonged to them when they

were introduced into England. Afterwards, new tunes were composed to

them, which more or less resembled the old ones. Irrespective of all

those tunes in the 'Dancing Master,' which are apparently not English,

there still remains a considerable number of specimens which may be

accepted as genuine English tunes. They should be examined just as they

are published, without modern harmony or any other arrangement which

obscures their original character. Some of them are certainly odd. Take

for instance the 'Cushion Dance,' with its melancholy tune, in which the

dancers converse in song with the musicians.

[Music: JOAN SANDERSON, OR THE CUSHION DANCE.

AN OLD ROUND DANCE.

"_Note._--The first strain twice; the second once; and the last as oft

as is required."]

"This dance is begun by a single Person (either Man or Woman) who taking

a Cushion in their Hand, dances about the Room; and at the end of the

Tune they stop and sing, _This Dance it will no further go_. The

Musicians answer, _I pray you good Sir, why say you so?_ Man, _Because

Jean Sanderson will not come too_. Musician, _She must come too, and she

shall come too, and she must come whether she will or no_. Then he lays

down the Cushion before a Woman, on which she kneels, and he kisses her,

singing, _Welcome Jean Sanderson, welcome, welcome_. Then she rises,

takes up the Cushion, and both dance, singing, _Prinkum-prankum is a

fine Dance, and shall we go dance it once again, once again, and once

again, and shall we go dance it once again?_ Then making a stop, the

Woman sings as before, _The Dance_, etc. Musician, _I pray you Madam_,

etc. Woman, _Because John Sanderson_, etc. Musician, _He must_, etc. And

so she lays down the Cushion before a Man, who kneeling upon it salutes

her, she singing, _Welcome John Sanderson_, etc. Then he taking up the

Cushion, they take hands and dance round, singing, as before; and thus

they do till the whole Company are taken into the Ring. And if there is

Company enough, make a little Ring in the middle, and within that Ring

set a Chair and lay the Cushion in it, and the first Man set in it. Then

the Cushion is laid before the first Man, the Woman singing _This

Dance_, etc. (as before) only instead of--_come too_, they sing--_go

fro_; and instead of _Welcome John Sanderson_, etc., they sing _Farewell

John Sanderson, Farewell, Farewell_; and so they go out one by one as

they came in. _Note:_ The Woman is kiss'd by all the Men in the Ring at

her coming in and going out, and likewise the Man by all the Women."

The popular tunes of almost every European nation possess certain

features of their own which the student of national music can ascertain

and define. To pronounce upon the original home of any one national tune

is of course often as hazardous as to pronounce upon a man's native

country from his physiognomy. There are Germans who look much like

Englishmen, but a number of Germans seen gathered together would not

easily be mistaken for Englishmen. The same may be observed in every

nation. We may occasionally meet with an Englishman who has the

appearance of a Frenchman, a Chinese, or a Gipsy; but an assembly of

Englishmen reveals a certain family-likeness appertaining to the English

race. Thus also a collection of the popular tunes of a nation generally

exhibits certain predominant peculiarities which enable us to determine

whence the tunes came. Those in the 'Dancing Master,' regarded

collectively, do not exhibit any family-likeness which it would be

possible to indicate by words or by musical notation. They appear to

have sprung from as many sources as the words of the English language.

The language has, however, a strongly marked individual character from

the various adopted words having become Anglicized; while the musical

compositions of Englishmen bear no stamp by which they could be

recognized as English.

The English instrumentalists played, of course, chiefly the popular

tunes of their time. It is unnecessary to explain in detail how the

music was introduced into the dramatic performances. The works of

Shakespeare, with which the reader is presumably familiar, show this

sufficiently. They likewise contain many instances of the admission of

popular songs or ballads,--such as Desdemona's "Sing willow, willow,

willow;" Ophelia's "How should I your true love know?" or the Clown's "O

mistress mine where are you roaming?" in Twelfth-night. Also vocal music

composed for two or more voices was occasionally introduced,--even the

jocular catch, which was especially relished in England, and which

Shakespeare ridicules (Twelfth-night, Act II., Scene 3):--

'_Sir Toby Belch._--Shall we rouse the night-owl in a catch that

will draw three souls out of one weaver? shall we do that?'

After some punning, Sir Toby, Sir Andrew Aguecheek and the Clown sing

together a catch.

_Enter_ Maria.

'_Maria._--What a caterwauling do you keep here? If my lady have

not called up her steward, Malvolio, and bid him turn you out of

doors, never trust me.'

In 'Hamlet,' Act III., Scene 2, strolling actors are introduced, and

with them musicians playing on hautboys and recorders. In the

representations of the English comedians in the Ottoneum, at Cassel,

anno 1606, the instrumentalists always struck up after each act.[62] No

doubt they played, besides their English tunes, also the most popular

ones of Germany, which would ensure them a more favourable reception.

Travelling musicians who perform in public, almost invariably find it to

their advantage thus to meet the taste of their audience. And it

appears, likewise, very probable that the English Instrumentalists, on

their return home, entertained their audience in England with the

popular tunes, and perhaps some more elaborate pieces, with which they

had become acquainted on the Continent, and which to the English public

would possess the charm of novelty.

However this may be, the position of the Instrumentalists at home, after

they had discontinued their continental tour, was by no means enviable,

to judge from 'The Actors' Remonstrance, or Complaint for the silencing

of their profession and banishment from their severall Play-houses,

London, 1643,' in which the dejected actors remark: "Our Musicke that was

held so delectable and precious, that they scorned to come to a Taverne

under twentie shillings salary for two houres, now wander with their

instruments under their cloaks, I meane such as haue any, into all

houses of good fellowship, saluting every roome where there is company

with, Will you haue any musike Gentlemen?"[63]

The English comedians in Germany generally performed in the German

language. This must have been funny,--perhaps not the least so in

pathetic passages, solemn admonitions, or in reflecting monologues,

where even the slightest foreign pronunciation is apt to transform the

sublime into the ridiculous. Here brevity must have been often

desirable, and the falling in of the band may have afforded relief.

Thus, the English Instrumentalists, although they have exercised no

influence upon the cultivation of the art of music, are certainly

interesting, inasmuch as they have assisted in the earliest

representations of the dramas of Shakespeare.

[Illustration]

[45] 'The English Drama and Stage, under the Tudor and Stuart Princes,

1543-1664, illustrated by a series of Documents, Treatises, and Poems.

Printed for the Roxburgh Library, London, 1869.' P. 22.

[46] 'Extracts from the Registers of the Stationers' Company of works

entered for publication between the years 1570 and 1587; with notes and

illustrations by J. Payne Collier.' Vol. II., London, 1849. Printed for

the Shakespeare Society. P. 142.

[47] 'The English Drama and Stage, under the Tudor and Stuart Princes;

London, 1869.' P. 50.

[48] 'Geschichte der Oper and des Kˆniglichen Opernhauses in Berlin, von

L. Schneider; Berlin, 1852.' Anhang, P. 15.

[49] 'Geschichte der Oper, etc., in Berlin, von L. Schneider; Berlin,

1852.' Anhang, P. 25.

[50] 'Shakespeare in Germany, by Albert Cohn, London, 1865.' P. lxxviii.

[51] 'Shakespeare in Germany, by Albert Cohn; London, 1865.' P. xxvii.

[52] 'Zur Geschichte der Musik und des Theaters am Hofe zu Dresden, von

Moritz F¸rstenau; Dresden, 1861.' Vol. I., P. 70.

[53] 'Zur Geschichte der Musik und des Theaters am Hofe zu Dresden, von

Moritz F¸rstenau; Dresden, 1861.' Vol. I., P. 96.

[54] 'Shakespeare in Germany, by Albert Cohn; London, 1865.' P. lxxxiv.

[55] 'Shakespeare in Germany,' P. lxi.

[56] 'Shakespeare in Germany,' P. xxix.

[57] 'England as seen by Foreigners in the days of Elizabeth and James

the First, by W. B. Rye; London, 1865,' P. cvi.

[58] 'A General History of Music,' by C. Burney; London, 1789. Vol.

III., P. 136.

[59] Hawkins's 'History of Music.' London, 1776. Vol. III., P. 319.

[60] 'England as seen by Foreigners in the days of Elizabeth and James

I. By W. B. Rye; London, 1865.' P. 3.

[61] 'C. W. Ritter von Gluck, von Anton Schmid; Leipzig, 1854.' P. 29.

[62] 'Geschichte des Theatres und der Musik in Cassel,' von W. Lynker;

Cassel, 1865. P. 243.

[63] 'The English Drama and Stage, under the Tudor and Stuart Princes,

1543-1664, illustrated by a Series of Documents, Treatises, and Poems.

Printed for the Roxburgh Library, London, 1869.' P. 263.

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