Hull, refused the King admittance to the town. In Lincoln, which had
much trade with Hull, the King’s attempt upon that place was not viewed
with favour; and on April 27, Parliament appointed a committee of the
county members of both Houses (on which of course no Royalist sat) to
carry out the Militia Ordinance in Lincolnshire. Francis, Lord Willoughby
of Parham, a young noble of under thirty, with Presbyterian sympathies,
had just been appointed Lord-Lieutenant of the county, and proceeded,
with an alacrity which might well arouse the King’s suspicions, to call
up the militia for training. He summoned the constables to meet him at
Lincoln on May 31, and render an account of the arms in their district,
and all but two or three responded; but he complains that the King’s
proclamation forbidding the muster had been “officiously fixed” upon
the door of the inn where the committee met. On June 6 he arranged to
review the militia from Lincoln and the adjoining villages; and on
the same morning received a letter by express messenger from the King
at York, dated two days before, charging him upon his allegiance to
take no further action, and warning him that if he did so, he would be
proceeded against as a disturber of the public peace. Lord Willoughby’s
answer, which he penned on the spot, is a curious mixture of humility
and defiance. He alleges the opinions of certain eminent lawyers (which
they afterwards disavowed) in favour of the legality of the ordinance,
and trusts that, if he has offended, his “want of years” may excuse his
“want of judgment.” “Nothing,” he says, “hath yet passed by my commands
here, or ever shall, but what shall tend to the preservation of the
peace of your kingdom.” And yet, within three months, he had accepted
the command of a troop of horse in the Parliamentary army. The Mayor and
Corporation attended the Lincoln muster; and about eighty of the hundred
members of the trained band appeared. When the constable was asked to
explain the absence of the remainder, he gave the excuse that they durst
not venture down hill owing to the prevalence of plague in the lower
city. The committee, however, attributed their non-appearance to the
influence of the Royalist Recorder, Mr. Charles Dalison. Volunteers
were obtained to supply their place; and at Boston the Lord-Lieutenant
was met on arrival by 100 well-armed volunteers, who showed that they
had profited by their self-imposed training. But other musters were
not to pass off without incident. Lord Willoughby had taken the strong
measure of removing William Booth of Killingholme from the command of a
company in the Caistor contingent on account of his Royalist views. But
Booth, though related to the Lord-Lieutenant, was not disposed to take
his supersession tamely. On the day of the muster at Caistor he read the
King’s proclamation against the ordinance to the soldiers at a tavern,
and dissuaded them from showing their arms. He also said openly that
things would never go on well “while King Pym governed,” and expressed
a hope that King and Parliament would be separated. For this conduct he
was put under arrest, and taken to Louth in custody. On his appearance
before the committee next day at Horncastle, he was dismissed upon
making submission; but he drew up a petition to the King, supported by
an affidavit, protesting against the whole proceeding as illegal; and
the King’s reply promised him full satisfaction if his statements were
true. This petition was brought to the notice of the Commons by Sir
Christopher Wray, one of the members for Grimsby, who disputed some of
its allegations; and on his evidence, and that of others present at
Caistor, the House found that Captain Booth “had abused His Majesty” with
a petition that was “false, scandalous, and malicious.” This incident,
though it had no further consequences, shows that a situation, in which
King and Parliament were contradicting each other in rival proclamations,
was rapidly becoming impossible.
Other events of the same fateful month of June illustrate this still more
plainly. The King had appointed Robert Earl of Lindsey Lord-Lieutenant
of the county, and directed the High Sheriff, Sir Edward Heron, not to
suffer any stores of ammunition to pass out of his custody without an
order from himself or Lord Lindsey. The latter ignored the direction
of Parliament to bring in his patent of Lieutenancy, and was forthwith
declared by the Lords a public enemy, and orders were issued for his
apprehension (June 8). The Lincoln magazine, which lay in the outer
Exchequer Gate opposite the Castle, was in the custody of the Mayor, and
he, upon request, handed the key to Lord Willoughby, who placed a guard
over it. The Mayor was at once summoned by the King to York to account
for this, and for his refusal to read the King’s proclamation. The royal
messenger was promptly put under arrest, and sent with the Mayor under
a military escort to Parliament. But on reaching Grantham the messenger
persuaded the Mayor to change his mind; they escaped from the guard and
proceeded to York, where on June 17 the Mayor made his submission to
the King. He received pardon on condition that he at once returned to
Lincoln and published the proclamation, which he did. It does not appear
whether Parliament called him to account for this; but on July 5 they
made an order restraining the publication of royal proclamations, and on
the 7th they declared that the King might not require the attendance of
any of his subjects except such as were bound to him by special service.
The King’s reply to this was to order the arrest of two Lincoln Aldermen
for exercising the militia, and they were actually taken in custody to
Beverley, but afterwards released under Habeas Corpus. Meanwhile, on June
19, Lord Willoughby reported to Parliament that he had completed his
inspection of the county militia, at which “very few or none” failed to
appear. He reports them deficient in arms, but this defect he proposed
to supply from the magazine at Hull. With his report he forwarded a copy
of an address signed by “many thousand hands” of the gentry freeholders,
&c., of Lincolnshire; it was of a rather colourless complexion, but
protested against any separation of King and Parliament. On the 24th he
received fresh orders from the King to desist from his proceedings “as
he would answer the contrary at his utmost peril.” In forwarding this
letter to Parliament Lord Willoughby complains that a certain captain
from York (Edward Middlemore of Lusby) is trying to “aliene” the hearts
of the county from Parliament, assuring the people that His Majesty would
shortly come among them.
This report proved true, though Charles’s decision was somewhat sudden.
After visiting Newark on July 12, he arrived at Lincoln on Wednesday,
July 13, with the Prince of Wales, the Earl of Lindsey, and a numerous
suite. His progress for the last four miles along the road was “a
throng,” and the people rent the air with “peals of shouts and vocal
acclamations,” such as “A King, a King!” The attendant gentry drew
their swords, and the clergy, who attended to the number of two or
three hundred, redoubled their gratulatory salutations with “_Vivat
Rex!_” The Mayor and Corporation, with their Recorder and the trained
bands, came out to meet the Sovereign, so that in the opinion of the
local pamphleteer, “Wednesday was the funeral of the new militia.” In
some large open space, which is not specified, Mr. Charles Dalison, the
Recorder, made a speech of welcome to the King, in which he alluded to
his promise to defend the established Protestant religion, and offered,
on his own behalf and that of the civic body, their “persons, estates,
and fortune.” The King in his reply, which was read by Sir John Monson,
states as the object of his coming to assure the people of his intention
to defend their religion, laws, and liberties, and to certify them that
the pretended Militia Ordinance is unwarranted by his authority. If any
should presume to execute it, he should treat them as actual rebels and
in arms against himself. He speaks most bitterly of the action of Sir
John Hotham in excluding him from Hull, but bids the people still their
fear that their county will be the seat of war. “The seat of war will be
only where persons rise in rebellion against me; that will not, I hope,
be here, and then you shall be sure of my protection.” For that end he
announces that he has appointed Commissioners of Array for the county,
and promises to “live and die” in defence of their religion, and the just
privilege and freedom of Parliament.
The King’s Commission of Array included a number of the loyal knights and
gentry who had assembled to greet him—its principal members being the
Earl of Lindsey and his son Montagu Lord Willoughby D’Eresby (already a
baron in his own right), the Earl of Newcastle, Sir Francis Fane, and
Sir Peregrine Bertie. On Thursday, July 14, a body of the gentry, headed
by Lord Willoughby D’Eresby, sought an audience of the King, who was
probably staying at Deloraine Court, and requested permission to form a
regiment of horse within the county in support of his cause. In reply the
King renewed his protest that he only desired their assistance in defence
of their “religion, laws, interests, and the just rights of Parliament.”
On the withdrawal of the deputation a written undertaking was drawn up,
in which it was declared that Parliament, having put the kingdom “into a
posture of war,” had given occasion to the signatories of the document
to furnish a number of horse “for the defence of His Majesty’s person,
the true Protestant religion, and the just rights of Parliament against
all opposition whatsoever.” These horse were to be disposed of within the
county for three months from the 20th July. The document was signed by
seventy-five persons, who volunteered to contribute 172 horses; but the
regiment was ultimately to consist of 400. Among the signatories were the
Dean, Dr. Topham, promising four horses, the Precentor and the Chancellor
three each, and the Archdeacon two. There were to be four captains of
troops, who were probably Sir Peregrine Bertie, Dr. Farmery, Chancellor
of the diocese, Mr. John Hussey, and the City Recorder, now Sir Charles
Dalison, for on this visit the King conferred upon him the honour of
knighthood.[112] On Friday, the 15th, the King left for York by way of
Beverley, where he had arranged to meet a deputation from the two Houses.
But before his departure his chief supporters had met to decide on the
terms of a petition to Parliament, which was described as from the
baronets, knights, &c., of Lincolnshire. Among other suggestions it
proposes—(1) That Hull be given up to the King; (2) that all forces be
disbanded and the Militia Ordinance waived; (3) that Parliament issue
no orders without the King’s consent; (4) that Church government as
it stands be put in execution and a national synod summoned; (5) that
the licentiousness of press and pulpit be restrained and tumultuous
assemblies forbidden; and (6) that Parliament adjourn to some other
place where the King can come. The signatories especially desire the
retention of “the Protestant religion as now established among us.” This
petition, it seems, was, after general discussion, drafted by the two
lawyers, Sir John Monson and Sir Charles Dalison. Its proposals, although
they have been described as “more bold and audacious than had hitherto
been ventured upon by any county,”[113] differ little, except in being
more moderate, from the conditions laid down by the King at Beverley
the following week in replying to the two Houses. It was addressed to
the House of Commons, and ought, of course, to have been presented by a
member; but the only county member available, Mr. Gervase Holles, M.P.
for Grimsby, had recently been “disabled” from sitting, and therefore
the petition was addressed to the Speaker, and sent up by one of the
serving-men of the High Sheriff. On Monday, July 18, the Speaker informed
the House that he had received a letter from the Sheriff of Lincolnshire,
enclosing a petition “of a very strange nature and language,” from divers
gentlemen, “most of whom were papists.” This description, unless the
term was then considered applicable to all members of the Church of
England, was, in face of the wording of the petition, a flagrant abuse of
language. A special committee was appointed the same day to consider the
petition, and on the 21st reported that it was “false, scandalous, and
malicious, and a high breach of the privilege of Parliament.” The High
Sheriff was ordered to be sent for as a delinquent, and as he did not
appear, a warrant for his arrest was issued on August 30.
Before the King left Lincoln, he had directed the Sheriff to search for
concealed arms and to make himself master of all the county magazines.
The Lincoln magazine had been secured by Lord Willoughby of Parham, who
had wisely removed it before the King came. In many cases the local
magazines were in the charge of the county gentry; and two of these—Sir
Philip Tyrwhit of Stainfield and Sir William Pelham of Brocklesby—had
declined to deliver them up to Lord Willoughby according to Parliament’s
injunctions. The Sheriff now proceeded by warrant to search the houses
of members of Parliament opposed to the King; and a store of muskets was
seized at the house of Sir Edward Ayscough at South Kelsey and sent to
the Bishop’s Palace. A warrant was also issued to seize Captain Lister of
Coleby, who had accepted a commission in the Parliament’s forces; and he
was taken by a troop of horse, who forced an entrance into his house, to
the King at Nottingham. Shortly after, while the Sheriff was engaged in
conveying a magazine to Lincoln, he was himself arrested by a superior
force under Sir Anthony Irby, M.P. for Boston, and carried to London,
where, being examined at the bar of the House on October 8 as to his late
proceedings and his part in the petition, he was committed to the Tower
on the charge of high treason. Here he remained for over three years,
being unable to pay the fine of £2000 which was imposed upon him; but in
1645 he obtained his liberty under an exchange of prisoners.
If the Sheriff was arrested near the end of September (the date is
uncertain), his taking a magazine to Lincoln would imply that the city
remained Royalist for over two months after the King’s visit. Clarendon
says that Charles passed through it once more about August 20, two
days before he set up his standard at Nottingham, and that he helped
himself to some of the arms of the Lincoln trained bands. Apparently the
increasing certainty of war was doing much to cool the ardour of some
of his supporters. The force which he had raised on his first visit was
limited, no doubt by the stipulations of the more cautious, to three
months’ service, and that only within the county. But his more eager
partisans saw from the first that this would be useless, and presented
a petition to him at York that Lincolnshire might co-operate with other
counties in his support. This petition was published as a tract with a
view to committing the subscribers of the undertaking to more extended
service; but it was answered by a counter-tract,[114] in which the writer
pleads the necessity for the formation of a regiment (1) to keep order in
a time of slack government; (2) to protect the sea-coast against foreign
invasion; and (3) to ward off incursions from soldiers in neighbouring
counties. He states that Sir John Hotham’s Hull garrison had already
committed acts of violence in the north of the county; but protests that
those like-minded with himself were not “malignant, either against the
King or Parliament.” A similar tract[115] of the same month expresses the
views of those who, like the Corporation of Lincoln, after supporting
the measures of Parliament, joined in the acclamations of welcome to the
King. It declares that the commonalty of the county would “march with
the King” and loyally obey his just commands; but if he should command
them to “put anything in execution against the Parliament,” they would
not only forbear themselves, but “hazard their lives” in opposing him.
Of the reservations of these sitters on the fence Charles, at the time
of his two visits, probably knew nothing; and when his presence was
withdrawn, this party gradually gained the upper hand. We do not know
the exact date of Lincoln’s second change of mind. While the King was in
the neighbourhood, Lord Willoughby and his friends were content to lie
low; but at the Michaelmas election of Mayor, that office was filled by
William Marshall, a strong Parliamentarian, who probably carried the city
with him.
The fen country about Boston was most devoted to the cause of Parliament.
Even at the end of July a band of volunteers was diligently training in
the fields near Boston; and that town, so “eminent in disloyalty,”[116]
sent reinforcements to Sir John Hotham at Hull. On August 29 the Boston
troops seized a Royalist sloop, which had put into a creek near Skegness
with arms and stores—Sir William Ballingdon and ten other Cavaliers who
were in charge being taken. The King’s party threatened revenge upon
Boston, and King’s Lynn sent over for its defence five pieces of ordnance
and 1000 volunteers, but no attempt was made upon the town. A month later
(September 30) Lord Willoughby received orders from Parliament to arrest
and bring to London sixteen of the Royalist gentry, who are described as
“divers Popish and ill-affected persons, who have armed and assembled
themselves within the city and county of Lincoln.” Of these all but three
had been signatories of the Lincoln Petition in July; but many of them
were out of reach, having armed their dependants and joined the King’s
forces. Lord Willoughby was directed to disarm all “Popish recusants”; he
was also to requisition tents, waggons, horses, &c., from all “dangerous
and ill-affected persons, as well clergymen as others,” who had sent
money and stores for the King. The Lord-Lieutenant’s exertions kept him
so long in the county that he was too late for the battle of Edgehill
(Sunday, October 23), in which he should have commanded a troop of horse.
The general of the King’s army was at first a Lincolnshire peer, the
Earl of Lindsey; but as Charles foolishly exempted Prince Rupert and the
cavalry from his orders, he declined the position, telling his friends
that he would lead his own regiment “and there find his death.” His
forecast was too true, for he was mortally wounded and died the next day.
A Lincolnshire knight, Sir Gervase Scrope of Cockerington, who commanded
a troop by his side, received sixteen wounds and was left for dead upon
the field from Sunday afternoon to Tuesday evening, when he was found by
his son, tended by the famous Dr. William Harvey, and conveyed to Oxford,
where he wonderfully recovered.
During the winter following this indecisive battle, the air was full of
rumours of peace; but neither side was disposed to yield upon the real
points at issue. On January 9, 1643, Parliament appointed Lord Willoughby
Sergeant-Major-General for the county, and ordered the removal of the
prisoners in Lincoln Castle to the Bishop’s Palace for greater security,
placing the Castle in the keeping of the Earl of Lincoln. Early in the
year a stand was made for the King in the heart of the Parliament’s
country. The men of Crowland, who were royal tenants, set to work in
January to fortify their watery stronghold. They were undeterred by a
friendly warning sent them by Mr. Ram, the Puritan minister at Spalding;
and, being unmolested for two months, they made a raid on March 25 upon
the defenceless town of Spalding, and carried off their censor and two
or three more as prisoners to Crowland. Mr. Ram, in his account of the
proceedings, shows much ill-feeling towards his captors, and not without
reason if his statements can be trusted. When the prisoners were
brought into the place, all the people were gathered together to triumph
over them, “which put me in mind of Samson’s entertainment when he was
taken by the Philistines.” Mr. Ram has to admit that their “usage was
indifferent good” during their five weeks’ imprisonment, but complains
of some “insolencies” that were offered them. The chief officers of the
garrison were Captain Stiles and a Captain Cromwell (one of Oliver’s
cousins); but Parson Stiles of Crowland, a very zealous Royalist, himself
held command on the western front. On April 13 some Parliamentary forces
beleaguered the place, and the prisoners were carried to the point of
attack and pinioned in the line of fire. This is said to have happened
more than once, but they were not hit, although the bullets flew fast
about their ears. Many of the garrison were armed with “hassock knives,
long scythes, and such-like fennish weapons”; and a “great water, broad
and deep,” surrounded the works, except where it was crossed by three
approaches or banks. On the failure of the first attack, the besiegers
retired; and the garrison assembled in the Abbey Church to return thanks
for their success. But on April 25 a much larger force appeared under the
command of Colonels King, Dodson, and Oliver Cromwell, and attacked the
town on three sides. Heavy rains, which made the place unapproachable,
delayed their success for the moment; but the assault was renewed on the
27th, and next day the garrison laid down their arms. It was scarcely
worthy of Mr. Ram to accuse his foes of using “poisoned bullets”; no
charge of the kind seems to have been preferred against the leaders, who
“were clapt in prison” at Ipswich, Colchester, and other places.
Near the western border of the county the important fortress of Newark
was held by Sir John Digby for the King; and it proved a thorn in
the side of Parliament throughout the struggle. Early in February a
combined attack upon it was made by the forces of Notts, Derbyshire,
and Lincolnshire; and, according to Mrs. Hutchinson,[117] this was only
foiled by the suspiciously half-hearted conduct of one Ballard, who
commanded the Lincolnshire contingent of 1000 men. He refused to follow
up the first successes of the besiegers, and ordered a retreat when
the other two counties were anxious to attack. We may perhaps see here
an indication of the unwillingness of the Lincolnshire troops to take
service beyond the borders of the county. Encouraged by this success,
the Newark garrison, about a month later, decided to take the offensive.
Among their number were some troops of horse commanded by Colonel
Charles Cavendish, a brave cavalry officer and a general favourite. On
March 22 he appeared before Grantham, which yielded to his summons; he
took 360 prisoners (with officers) and three loads of ammunition. This
exploit opened the way into the county for the King’s Commissioners of
Array, who had spent an inactive winter at Newark. On April 4, with a
military escort, they left that place for Stamford, and held another
session on April 11 at Grantham. Here, while business was proceeding, a
“rebel” force was reported to be approaching, and Colonel Cavendish drew
out his troops and faced them half a mile from the town with the river
between. The enemy, who had 800 horse and 200 dragoons (a kind of mounted
infantry) were in superior strength; but Cavendish, leaving three troops
to cover the town, crossed the Witham by a neighbouring bridge and forced
the enemy to retreat. On Ancaster Heath, five miles from Grantham, they
made a stand, dismounting their dragoons and drawing up the horse in
three divisions. But on Cavendish charging with his best cavalry, the
dragoons threw down their arms and begged for quarter. Thereupon the
horse took to flight, and were pursued for six miles, over 300 prisoners
with twelve officers being taken. The Royalist pamphleteer[118] says
that they were commanded by Captain Hotham (son of Sir John), who had
arrived at Lincoln the previous day from Yorkshire with four troops of
“grey-coats,” and had boasted that he would surprise Grantham and capture
the King’s Commission. If this were so, it can hardly be true (as stated)
that Lord Willoughby of Parham was present and escaped only by the
speed of his horse; for, as his rank was higher than Hotham’s, he would
necessarily have been in command.
This skirmish probably had two important results. It hastened the arrival
of Cromwell in West Lincolnshire, and it impelled Hotham, whose influence
over his father was unbounded, to meditate treachery to the Parliament.
On May 3 Cromwell, who had been scheming for a combined movement with
Lord Grey of Groby and others against Newark, wrote from Stamford to
the Lincoln Committee, entreating them to send their forces for that
purpose to rendezvous at Grantham. But his efforts were fruitless. Lord
Grey was anxious to protect Leicester, and the Lincoln troops were slow
to move. Early in May Colonel Cavendish gained another small success
near Grantham, surprising the “rebels” in their quarters and taking
many prisoners; but within a week he suffered a reverse at the hands of
Cromwell and his newly-trained cavalry, though they had but twelve troops
to his twenty-five. The encounter took place on the Grantham and Newark
road, and is thus described by Cromwell himself:—
“After we had stood a little above musket-shot, the one body
from the other, and the dragoons had fired on both sides for
the space of half an hour or more, they not advancing towards
us, we agreed to charge them. And advancing the body after
many shots on both sides, we came on with our troops at a
pretty round trot—they standing firm to receive us, and our
men charging fiercely upon them, by God’s providence they were
immediately routed and ran all away, and we had the execution
of them two or three miles. We took forty-five prisoners ...
and rescued many prisoners whom they had lately taken of ours,
and we took four or five of their colours.”[119]