I beg leave to offer my most grateful thanks for the letter and
its enclosures, and for which I shall ever feel indebted to your
Royal Highness’s condescension. This, with other letters, found me
returned to this place, after several ineffectual attempts to prevail
upon any of the tribes to escort me across the Sahara,[154] on the
confines of which I have been for the last three months, with the
prospect of a further detention to the commencement of September. The
objection of the Sultán of Morocco to my entering the district of
Suse is owing, as he stated, to the dangerous and unsettled state
of the country. The difficulties and delays with which I had to
contend in passing through the numerous tribes now settled in the
countries of Upper and Lower Suse, having no semblance of government
and acknowledging no power, brought me to Wád Nún, too late for the
spring Cafilas,[155] and at a period when the intense heat deterred
even the Arabs from attempting the Sahara. Money, that all-powerful
engine, prevailed upon five of the best of the Dummanees, who came
with the van of the great Cafila from Soudan, to undertake with Sheiks
Mohammed and Khiafee (who have each made the journey twenty times)
to conduct me in safety to Timbuctoo, provided they were guaranteed a
certain sum of money; but this only at the request of Sheik Beyrock,
under whose protection I have been for the last three months, and
for whose permission to pass I have already paid very heavily. All
our arrangements were completed the 6th of June, the day appointed
for starting. On the 4th of this month the Great Cafila, which was
twenty days behind its time, reached the encampment from which I was
to have started: this brought sad news. It had been attacked twice on
the route; the last time only four days’ journey from this place,
thirteen persons killed, much property taken, and many slaves set
at liberty. The Dummanees had charge at this time, and were bound to
avenge this. They attacked a large encampment of the tribe Erdghebat,
the assailants of the Cafila, carried off one thousand camels, three
hundred horses, and twenty-eight of the choicest slaves. This at
once sounded the tocsin. All the tribes were in arms, each calling
upon the other to take their parts. The Erdghebat attacked the town
of Tajacanth, two days’ journey (forty-six miles) from this, but
were repulsed by the Dummanees, in whose district the town is, with
the loss of forty killed and one hundred wounded, most of whom have
been brought to me for attendance, the Dummanees losing but four
men, and having sixty wounded, many of whom also are here. Sheik
Beyrock is almost the only person whose people are not involved in
this quarrel. He is the great arbiter and the most powerful of them
all. They have all sent deputations to him, which has afforded me an
opportunity of seeing portions of most of the tribes. My position is
far from enviable; the jealousy and _amour propre_ of these people is
beyond all belief. I am charged with favouring one whose large arm
requires two splints to support the fractured bone, or looking down
upon another as puny, because I give him but two pills, whilst others
less daring than himself take three. I have, however, managed to keep
pretty good friends with all of them. This place offers but little of
interest on which to address your Royal Highness. I hope I shall be
enabled during my stay to correct some trifling geographical errors,
particularly as to the course of two rivers passing through the
district, and the Wad Draha,[156] which finds its way to the sea. I
have, however, the satisfaction of informing your Royal Highness that
I have positively arranged my departure, under a heavy forfeiture
and disgrace for non-compliance on the part of the Dummanees, for
the 21st of Jumád Awwal, our 1st of September, to halt three days at
Tajacanth, and to perform the journey to Timbuctoo within forty days:
for this, however, I have to pay very heavily. The arrangement has
been made since I commenced this letter, which I have the honour of
addressing to your Royal Highness, discussing the matter two days;
since when many of the chiefs of the tribes were here, by express
order of Sheik Beyrock. I told them at once that I wanted to go to
Soudan; they knew it, and had been sent for the purpose; that the two
Sheiks, Mohammed and Ali, of the Dummanees, were to take me, and that
I had already given Sheik Beyrock what he asked to ensure my safety,
and now wanted to know what they would require for their camels and
escort; the sum demanded was so exorbitant that I said at once I
would give the matter up, go back to Fez, and request the Sultán
to send me on. Upon this, the Deleïm[157] said, ‘You don’t go
back without giving me five hundred dollars to pass my district.’
The Abousebah,[158] a day’s journey to the north of him, said,
‘If the Deleïm gets this, so will I.’ I appealed to the Sheik,
who said he was as much astonished as I was. Seeing this, one of the
party, who was the constant referee, said, ‘Christian, we are all
pledged to protect your person: no one will harm a hair of your head;
stop where you like; your person is safe; we all know your name—Ben
Daoud.[159] We have promised this to Sheik Beyrock. One from each
tribe will be with you, but pay you shall. We said nothing about your
money; all we were asked was to protect your person, to swear none
should harm you. Depend upon us; we keep our word, but go which way
you will, you shall pay.’ The Sheik begged me to leave it in his
hands: he admits he has drawn a great expense upon me, and has told
me, under the circumstances, to write to the vice-consul at Mogador,
who knows all these people, [in order to] get him to say what I
ought to give, and he will make up the rest. Seeing my position,
and recollecting the sibyl’s books, I offered one-half the amount
asked to take me to Timbuctoo, which within the last hour has been
accepted, and we have eaten some salt since.
“I find here still the Jews. The same precise account of their
arrival and taking up their residence in the valleys of Atlas. One
is here from Jerusalem begging alms, unusual amongst the Jews. He
is advanced in years, quite blind, and has kept constant pace with
me, taking advantage of my escorts from Tangier to this place: is
anxious to get to Arowan,[160] where there is a very learned Rabbi. I
cannot help him; my means will not allow me. They ask nearly as
much for his passage as my own; having a greater fear of the Jews
getting to Soudan than the Christians. I trust by this time your
Royal Highness has recovered your perfect sight, hoping that about
the period of this letter’s reaching England, your Royal Highness
will have received the copies of the inscriptions from the tombs of
the district of Mesfywa. I can hardly expect the copy of the record
from Couba or Kobba will reach Morocco till the end of the autumn,
when the Rabbi told me he should be returning, and would deliver it
to the Consular Agent, the Jew Courkoss, to whom I have several times
written. My companion begs most respectfully to present his duty,
and hopes your Royal Highness will deign to receive the few lines
from his pen, which he begs me to enclose. I am sorry to say I have
great fears for his health; he cannot bear fatigue, and has been
attacked with ophthalmia. The whole of the Soudan people know him,
and tell me he will prove a certain passport; that he is a cousin
of Hamed Libboo; and another of his cousins, Ali, called Koutouk,
the warrior, is now king of Kong, and that many of his family are
at Kong, all rich and in power.
“Hoping this will find your Royal Highness in the enjoyment of
perfect health, and trusting shortly to have the honour of addressing
your Royal Highness from Soudan,
“I have the honour to be, &c. &c.
“JOHN DAVIDSON.”
In the territory of Wád Nún the traveller’s patience was severely
put to the test. He was detained there from April till November. From
Glamiz he wrote to his brother, on the 25th September, as follows:—
“Since my last letter, I have made three ineffectual attempts at
getting on, although I now begin to feel somewhat confident that
Sheik Beyrock, with whom I still am, never intended sending me till
the end of this month, he being so fully pledged for my safety and
due arrival, that fearing the heat and the unsettled, nay warring,
state of the tribes, did not choose to run these double additional
risks. On the 25th of this month there is, by mutual consent, a
general cessation of hostilities, to enable the tribes to attend
the great Socco[161] of El Shig, held at ten hours’ ride from
this place, and at which the Arabs dispose of the produce of their
flocks and tents, and lay in their provisions for the whole year. The
armistice lasts for six days, to give time for going and returning,
the market occurring on the 28th and 29th. Of this it is intended I
should take advantage, and as my people do not purchase anything,
but merely come as a cloak and take me off, we shall get full
three days’ start, and be nearly out of the reach of danger. I
am now going on in a very different style from that mentioned
in my last, partly by taunting the Tajacanths as being cowards,
and more perhaps by holding out to them the rich harvest they may
gain by having the whole market for salt, purchased at Toudeyny,
which supplies Soudan, to themselves. Paying, as I am, an enormous
sum to go on, and advancing money for the purchase of salt, to be
repaid on arrival at Timbuctoo, or, in the event of an accident,
to be returned to Sheik Beyrock, who is to replace it in the hands
of the Vice-Consul at Mogador, I now take the whole of this portion
of the Tajacanths, to the number of two hundred men and six hundred
camels. Our arrangement is as follows: On the 25th, when the Sheiks
with two hundred camels and sixty men start, as if to visit the Socco,
two hundred camels with corn and water will proceed direct to the
Sahara; thirty camels will be detached from those accompanying the two
Sheiks, and come here for my baggage, which by this, you will say,
is no trifle, the presents I am obliged to carry and the money (the
cowries), ten camel-loads of which does not amount to one hundred
pounds sterling, being all bulky. After shewing themselves at the
Socco, they will join me on the road; we shall proceed to the tents,
where we shall arrive on the 28th. A second two hundred camels with
sixty men will proceed immediately. We remain two days to pack up
our tents and grind zimeta,[162] the food eaten on the road, and
carrying nothing with us but my baggage, which will now be divided
between fifty and sixty camels, and make all speed to overtake the two
former divisions. We shall materially lessen the load of the first,
by giving drink and food to our own beasts, and loading those who
for three or four days have carried nothing; and in this way push on
to the first division, making no stop, with but very short nights,
till we arrive at Towdeyny; there all will be loaded with salt,
and this will require from eight to ten days. I hope, however, to
find Hamed Libboo’s nephew there, and who no sooner hears there
will be no regular Cafilá this year than he will be off with the
news. I shall join him, provided poor Abou, about whom I have great
fears, as you shall presently hear, can bear the journey. All are
in great spirits, the people here believing that I have suffered so
much on my last trip, from which I returned four days ago, that I
have abandoned the idea of going on, and am now only waiting till I
see El Shig, and go back to Fez. This is all very good, and I keep up
this story: ’tis a very unsavoury one for me, as I cannot make the
least preparation in the way of food for the journey, and forty-five
days’ hard travelling, and barley and dates ground up together and
mixed with milk or water, is but poor food. Meat is given but twice,
at Toudeyny and Arowan, at both which places the Cafilas rest. I
have had a task of ten days’ hard work on dry bread, and that not
the sweetest at the end of the time, and one piece of fish, but am
better in health for it, but not much fattened by it. My two first
excursions were productive of little information or amusement; not
so my last, which was replete with incident, and afforded me both
pleasure and information. We started from this place, accompanied
by the Sheik, and about a dozen friends and house slaves, under the
impression that we could have reached the tents of the Tajacanths,
to which, if we got, my things were to have been immediately
forwarded. The first day convinced us of the impossibility of this,
and not wishing to appear foiled or disappointed, we proceeded to
the river Draha,[163] passing a beautiful country as far as scenery,
but wholly without drinkable water, and came to the sea where this
river empties itself. I had not for some weeks past eaten any of
the food cooked in the Sheik’s house, but had been living on some
stuff furnished by the Jews residing here: they received orders to
prepare a bag of bread for the Christians, with which we started,
the Sheik carrying tea and sugar; after a ride of eight hours, we
halted at a very powerful spring of water, but so salt, that neither
the Sheik’s horse nor mine would drink, and by a sort of law here,
horses are neither allowed food nor water for twelve hours before they
commence a journey: four small loaves were divided among the party,
and those who liked took a saline draught, not an effervescent one. We
remained half an hour, and proceeded, crossing a fine chain of hills,
starting many herds of gazelles, and after two hours arrived at a
large encampment, where we slept. Tea was made, but of the same water
we had passed, and the boiling had far from improved its saltness. The
preparation for dinner was too disgusting, and I will spare it you. We
started the following day before day-break: the heat being excessive,
we were obliged to cover the stirrups, &c. with our haiks.[164]
At one P.M., going S.E., the thermometer was 140°—112° in our
tents at night. Reached the wells, and found much cattle, but water
salt. Here we got plenty of camels’ milk. Rode till six; halted, and
killed two large wolves and many snakes. Off early, and crossed the
mountains of Ab-el-Assel,[165] at the foot of which we found Bahra,
one of Sheik Beyrock’s sons-in-law, with 1,000 camels. Here I saw
much of Arab life—the settlement of points of law, marriages, and
divorces. Here the story-teller and the bard divided the night between
them. The wild Arab girl danced and sung the praises of the Sheik,
and the poor Christian had a ditty composed in his favour. Next day
we turned towards the sea; killed some wild boars; at the sea, got
some fish;—and turned homewards, taking a different route: but no
water except salt. I was ten days on this journey, and travelled,
on an average, ten hours a day. Before this reaches you I shall be
on my way to Timbuctoo. An express will be sent on my arrival.
“Faithfully yours,
“JOHN DAVIDSON.”
On the 2d day of November, he says, in addressing Lord Palmerston,—
“Since my letter to your lordship I have visited Sheik Beyrock. The
map is but an indifferent guide; there is no such river as the
Akassa; it is the Assaka, running near to this place: between this
and Glamiz there are two other rivers, not laid down at all, the
Boukoukmar and Syad. The point at which Sheik Beyrock wishes to form
his port is the mouth of the river Draha (from El Wad Draha),[166]
which, according to my reckoning, is 32 miles S.W. of Cape Noon,
and should occupy the place marked on the map Akassa.
“I fear Sheik Beyrock has far overstated his means, but not at all
the capabilities of the country. I am confident much may be done,
in a commercial point of view, with these people, but he wants a
better port than the Wad Draha—shallow water, heavy surf, and many
sand-banks: he has, however, shown much judgment in the selection
of his position.
“The Wad Draha, rising a little S.W. of Tâfilêlt, runs through
the productive districts of Draha and El Harib,[167] passing near to
Tatta and Akka, skirting lower Suse, finds its way through the fertile
country possessed by the tribes of Errub, Draha, Maraibait, Tajacanth,
and Ergebat. These people can furnish large quantities of produce, and
could, according to their own account, be great consumers, could they
purchase goods on more reasonable terms. These people have in their
hands the largest portion of the Soudan trade in gold, gum, ivory,
and ostrich feathers; they rear large quantities of wool and skins,
and in the districts N. and E. of this, immense quantities of oil,
wax, hides, and almonds.”
On the 11th of that month, Mr. Vice-Consul Willshire informed
the Secretary of the Royal Geographical Society that on the 3d
Mr. Davidson, at whose patience and high courage he expresses
his astonishment, wrote in spirits at the prospect of leaving a
place where he had suffered so many annoyances, vexations, and
disappointments:—
“‘Even now,’ he adds, ‘after waiting for the Cafila, which
will be immense, near 400 men, and, they say, 2,000 camels, I am not
even going with it. I should, by all accounts, as a Christian and
a doctor, be worried to death. I go straight from this to Arowan,
never touching the Cafila route at all; we shall not see a single
tent. There are some wells, known only to two or three of the
guides. We take five naggas (she camels) for milk, the five men,
and Mohammed El Abd, some zimēta (barley meal). I take the biscuit
for Abou and self; each carries a skin of water, to be touched only
if the milk fails: thirty days to bring us to Arowan, and five more
to Timbuctoo.’
“I have made the above extracts to assure you that the arrangements
were made, and Mr. Davidson ready to start at a moment’s notice, and
that in the course of two or three days I hope to have the pleasure
to acquaint you of his having proceeded on his journey. Once away
from Wád Nún, and I have every and the fullest confidence of his
efforts being crowned with success.
“I have the honour to be, Sir,
“Your most obedient servant,
“WM. WILLSHIRE.”
“P.S.—I open this letter to add, I have received a letter from
Mr. Davidson, dated Saturday, the 5th inst., who appears in high
spirits, and writes,—
“‘The start is to be on Monday, although I do not go on that day;
everything is now packed up, and placed ready to be put on the camels,
with which Abou starts at day-break on Monday. I am to be left here,
as if having sent him on. Mohammed El Abd remains behind. On Wednesday
or Thursday, according to the distance made by the camels on the
first day, we start on horseback, accompanied by Beyrock and about
six horsemen, and are to make Yeisst, if possible, in one day. Here
I leave the district of Wadnoon. And to this place is three days’
journey for loaded camels. I here leave my horse and mount my camel,
and we push on to the tents.’
“Mr. Davidson did not start on a sudden, on the 3d inst., as stated
to me by a courier, who brought me a letter from him of that date,
and which I reported in a letter I had the honour to address to
his Majesty’s secretary of state, Viscount Palmerston, on the 8th
inst., and which you will oblige me by correcting and making known
to his lordship.
“Your most obedient servant,
“W. W.”
The following extracts from Mr. Willshire’s letters will give all
the intelligence received respecting the sequel of Mr. Davidson’s
expedition:—
“_Mogadore, 13th Dec.,_ 1836.
“SIR,—I had the pleasure on the 28th ultimo of announcing the
departure of Mr. Davidson from Wadnoon, on his route to Timbuctoo,
and I beg to acquaint you, I have since had the satisfaction to
receive a letter from him, dated Yeisst, 15-16th ult., from whence he
writes to me,—‘All is at length settled, and we start to-morrow
morning at first-day. I believe also the Cafila will be allowed to
proceed, although one mitcal a-head is to be paid by all who pass;
we have here above fifty persons, and one hundred camels. I am unable
to tell you for certain the route I take; this is to depend upon
circumstances. But two persons besides Mohammed El Abd accompany us;
so that after all the talk of Wadnoon, I am going in my original way,
of a party of only five, including Abou and self.’
“Yeisst is three days’ journey south of Wadnoon, from Temzirst,
(which place Mr. Davidson describes as a beautiful ride of eight
hours, and speaks in high terms of the attentions and civilities of
Sheik Hammo, who, with a party of twenty horse, accompanied him from
Temzirst to Yeisst.) Mr. Davidson remarks,—‘Every step we have
taken from Wadnoon we have found the people better, more liberal,
more hospitable, and although somewhat savage, having yet a little
mildness of character, of which there is none at Wadnoon.’
“At the date of the latest letters received from Sheik Beyrock,
Mr. Davidson had been gone from Yeisst eighteen days, without there
being any intelligence of him, which argues favourably for his
safety: the greatest danger being upon the borders of the Desert,
where there are many wandering and warlike tribes.
“I have reason to believe Mr. Davidson and party have pushed on as
fast as possible: the journey was to be done in a very short time,
as the camels were only to drink six times; and by not visiting the
tents of the Tajacanths, nearly six days’ journey would be saved.
“Mr. Davidson, in the concluding paragraph of his letter,
writes—‘I am happy to say I have picked up amazingly, and have
now no fears about my health; and I beg to assure you I flatter
myself with the hope, that the intrepid traveller may pass a merry
new-year’s day at the famed city of Timbuctoo—which event I
trust to have the high pleasure of announcing to you in about three
months, Sheik Mohammed El Abd having promised to be the bearer
of a letter, which he is to deliver for me, and say—There is a
letter from _Yahya Ben Daoud_;[168] the Tajacanths have kept their
word.’—God grant he may, is the hearty and sincere prayer of,
Sir, your most obedient servant,
“WM. WILLSHIRE.”
“To Capt. Maconochie, R.N.”
Translation of a letter from Sheik Beyrock, dated Wadnoon, 1st
day of the month Dual Caada[169] (answering to the 7th instant),
received at Mogadore 13th February, 1837.
“To our friend, Merchant Willshire, English Vice-Consul,
salám,[170] &c.
“We received your letter by the courier, which we have read and
understand, about the news of the Tibbib[171] John Davidson; his
death is certain—the Harib met him—death is the lot of all. We
had arranged with all the tribes of Arabs who are known to plunder
and commit robberies on the road; we had ensured his safety with
them. The Tibbib did not leave our house until we had previously
received security from Eborria (of the tribe of Idowlet), that he
might pass through his district of El Harib; we had no fear, because
they are traders, and convey and pass the merchants of Tâfilêlt,
and receive hire. El Harib did not go _that route_ but to kill him
(the Tibbib), and we have heard that the merchants of Tâfilêlt had
given money to El Harib to murder him. Tâfilêlt is only distant
one or two days’ journey from the usual place of abode of the
tribe of El Harib. As to the property of the Tibbib, nothing has
found its way to this quarter; but should it, I will send it to
you. His property will get to Tâfilêlt, where it will be sold,
and you had better write to the Sultan Mulai Abderrahman, to give
orders to his Viceroy to seek after his books, writings, and property.
“We inform you we have sent a friend to the Tajacanths, ordering a
person to be despatched to Timbuctoo, to bring us Abou, who is gone
there; and have given the strictest orders for every information
and news how it happened, to be sent us.
“As to the envy, like that of Wold Isheme[172] and others we have
heard of, you know better than any one what money the Tibbib had. The
truth of all the news will be known when the horsemen return from the
Tajacanths. We will send it to you, and point out to you the spot or
place where he (the Tibbib) was met, and the day he was murdered. His
death would be first known at Tâfilêlt, from whence it would reach
Fas, as many of the El Harib go to that city. We are far off, which
is the cause of the intelligence being so long before it reached
us. The station of the Tajacanths is twelve days’ journey from
this place, and it is three months that no one has come to us from
thence, except this news, which came from Yeisst. The money which he
(the Tibbib) lent to Mohammed El Abd make yourself easy about it;
the day the caravan returns, we will get repaid, and remit it to
you.—Inshalla[173]—Salam.”
Translation of a letter from Sheik Beyrock, dated Wad Nún, 1st
day of Dual Caada, (answering the 7th inst.), received at Mogadore,
13th February, 1837.
“To Sidi Hadge Abibe, salám,[174] &c.
“As to what you write about the Tibbib John Davidson, the party of
the Harib found (or met) him and killed him, plundering him of all
his property, and that of Mohammed El Abd,[175] which he had with
him of long-cloths and hamburgas. On the day they killed the Tibbib
they seized his companion Abou, and swore to him by the most solemn
oath, if he did not show and tell of the property belonging to the
Christian, they would take his life, upon which he discovered and told
them of everything, which they took and went away with; and the reason
why I did not write to you before now, I had doubts of the truth.
“How comes it that you listen to the words of Wold Isheme, who
writes to the Jew his friend, and tells him the Tibbib had deposited
with us the sum you mention in your letter? why did you not answer
Willshire on the point, as you saw the money he delivered over to
Mohammed El Abd? God be praised, we are known not to be traitors,
like Wold Isheme: however, if his companion Abou comes, he will
relate all the news with his own mouth.
“Be informed we have written to the heads of the Tajacanths, Sidi
Mohammed Dumanee, Sidi Mohammed Ben Annish, and Hamed Moolud,[176]
to send persons like themselves to bring to us his companion Abou,
from wherever he can be found; at all events, if he be alive, you
will see him, Inshalla, and if dead, God’s will be done.
“The words you report, that we had arranged with the Harib to
betray him (the Tibbib), such doings are not our ways, nor could we
degrade ourselves to do so; everyone God will reckon with for the
words he utters.
“For four days we neither ate nor drank, and have sworn by all
that is sacred to be revenged. Whenever the Harib are to be found,
in their tents or on the road, our tribe shall plunder and kill them.
“As regards the property of the Tibbib, if any articles remain in
the hands of the Tajacanths, they will reach you. God knows how much
we have grieved about him, but, God be praised, we did not leave
anything undone for the safety of the Tibbib. We did not think the
Harib would turn traitors to any person sent by us. This has been
done by the traders of Tâfilêlt, who had bribed the Harib to kill
him. God’s will be done: the facts will be known when the two
horsemen return, whom we have despatched to Tajacanth, and which
will be sent to you.—Peace.”
“_Mogadore, 14th February,_ 1837.
“SIR,—I had the melancholy duty, on the 1st instant, to make
you acquainted with the distressing intelligence which had reached
me regarding Mr. Davidson. I am grieved at heart to inform you that
all the accounts I have received since confirm the melancholy tidings.
“The most circumstantial account I have heard, I derived from a Jew
trader of the name of Jacob Ben Cohen, who arrived here from Draha on
the 2d instant, and reported to me that Mr. Davidson had been robbed
on the 29th or 30th of Shaban[177] (thirty-two or thirty-three days
after Mr. Davidson started from Wadnoon), by the tribes of Idowlet
and Ait Atta, in the district of Hameda, four days’ journey from
Tatta, who, receiving from Mr. Davidson eight doubloons and one
hundred dollars, and a loaded camel, allowed the party, consisting
of eighteen persons, to proceed on their route towards Timbuctoo;
Wold Hamdan[178] and Eborria, of Idowlet, and Wold Henna and Wold
Aboo, of the tribe of Ait Atta,[179] he mentioned as the names of
the robbers. My informant stated, that, eight or ten days after,
a marauding party of 100 horsemen of the tribe of El Harib, who
were returning from plundering a place called Bousbeyah,[180] met
Mr. Davidson’s party a little to the south of Egueda, whom they
immediately robbed, and shot Mr. Davidson, who received eight balls,
and when dead, every one discharged their muskets at his body as
a _meritorious act_. At _El Mehamdee_,[181] a town distant six
days from Tatta,[182] where my informant was living, he saw in the
possession of the Arabs and Jews various articles which had belonged
to Mr. Davidson, which he described, and left no doubt on my mind as
to his fate. Among the articles which he had seen, he named a silver
watch, a pocket-compass, sword, three books, a box of medicines,
Japan tea-caddy, beads, and cowries, all of which he _must have
seen_, or he could not have described them so correctly as he did. My
informant could not give a certain account of the fate of poor Abou,
the companion of Mr. Davidson, but understood he had gone on with
the caravan, in which he is partly borne out by the letter received
from Sheik Beyrock yesterday.
“Other accounts state Mr. Davidson and party were travelling some
distance in a parallel route, but rather behind the caravan, which was
first met by the party of El Harib, who were disappointed not to find
Mr. Davidson, _for whom they inquired_. The caravan was stopped; and
afterwards Mr. Davidson came up, when he was instantly shot. Another
report inclines me to believe the Harib at first appeared friendly,
and afterwards seized an opportunity treacherously to murder him at a
place called Sheh’ Keyah,[183] twenty days’ journey from Wadnoon,
and about twenty-seven days distant from Timbuctoo.