Jimmy carried their whole supply of meat. They found his tracks at
the edge of the water, and followed them to the foot of a high bluff,
which they ascended, calling as they went repeatedly for Jimmy. They
looked in every direction, scanning especially the tops of the reeds
to see if Jimmy was moving amongst them, but they could see no sign
of the sheep that was lost. The view of land and river, mountain and
sea, was very beautiful, but they were too full of sorrow for Jimmy
to enjoy it. On going away they agreed to call the bluff Jimmy's
point, but other voyagers came afterwards who knew nothing of Jimmy,
and they named it Kalimna, The Beautiful. Near the shore a number of
sandpipers were shot, and stewed for dinner in the large iron pot
which was half full of mutton fat. Then the party pulled down to the
entrance of the lakes at Reeve's River, went ashore, and camped for
the night.
Next day they found an outlet to the ocean, and sounded it as they
went along, finding six feet of water on the bar at low tide. But
the channel proved afterwards to be a shifting one; the strong
current round Cape Howe, and the southerly gales, often filled it
with sand, and it was not until many years had passed, and much money
had been expended, that a permanent entrance was formed. In the
meantime all the trade of Gippsland was carried on first through the
Old Port, and then through the new Port Albert. For ten years all
vessels were piloted without buoy or beacon; in one year one hundred
and forty having been entered inwards and outwards.
The party now started on the return voyage. In going up the lakes a
number of blacks were observed on the port beach, and the boats were
pulled towards the land until they grounded, and some of the men went
ashore. The natives were standing behind a small sand hummock
calling out to the visitors. One of them had lost an eye, and
another looked somewhat like a white man browned with the sun and
weather, but only the upper part of his body could be seen above the
sand. One of the men on shore said, "Look at that white-fellow."
That was the origin of the rumour which was soon spread through the
country that the blacks had a white woman living with them, the
result being that for a long time the blackfellows were hunted and
harassed continually by parties of armed men. When the natives
behind the sand hummock saw that the white men had no arms, they
began to approach them without their spears. Sheridan took up his
flute, and they ran back to the scrub, but after he had played a
while they came nearer again and listened to the music.
After pulling two or three miles, another party of natives was seen
running along the sands, and the explorers went ashore again at a
point of land where seven or eight men had appeared, but not one was
now visible. Davy climbed up a honeysuckle tree, and then he could
see them hiding in the scrub. Several of them were seized and held
by the white men, who gave them some sugar and then let them go.
The boats then sailed away with a nice easterly breeze, and in
McLennan's Straits hundreds of blackfellows were seen up in the trees
shouting and shaking their spears; but the boats were kept away in
mid-stream, out of reach of the weapons.
That night the camp was made at Boney Point, near the mouth of the
River Avon; the name was given to it on account of the large quantity
of human bones found there. No watch was kept, as it was believed
that all the blacks had been left behind in McLennan's Straits.
There was still some whisky left in the keg; and, before going to
sleep, Orr, Loughnan, and Sheridan sang and drank alternately until
the vessel was empty. At daylight they pulled up the Avon and landed
at Clydebank, which was at that time one of Macalister's stations,
but afterwards belonged to Thomson and Cunningham. After breakfast
they walked to Raymond's station at Stratford, and then to McMillan's
at Bushy Park.
The cattle brought over the mountains into Gippsland soon grew fat,
and the first settlers sold some of them to other men who came to
search for runs; but the local demand was soon supplied. In two
years and a half all the best land was occupied. An intending
settler, who had driven a herd of cattle seven hundred miles, had
some bitter complaints to make about the country in June, 1843. He
said: "The whole length of Gippsland, from the bore of the mountains
in which the road comes, is 110 miles, and the breadth about fifteen
miles, the whole area 1650 square miles, one-third of which is
useless through scrub and morass, which leaves only 1,100 square
miles come-at-able at all, and nearly a third of this is useless. On
this 1,100 square miles of land there are 45,000 sheep, 1,500 cattle,
and 300 horses. Other herds of cattle and about 2,000 sheep are
expected daily. The blacks are continuing their outrages, robbing
huts and gardens and slaughtering cattle wholesale, Messrs. Pearson
and Cunningham being the latest sufferers by the cannibals. Sheep
shearing is nearly completed, after paying a most exorbitant price to
the shearers.* The wool is much lighter than in any other part of
the colony, and the skins much thicker than in hotter climates;" and
lastly, "A collection has been made for the support of a minister."
But the minister was not supported long, and he had to shake the dust
of Gippsland off his feet. From Dan to Beersheba--from the bore in
the mountains to the shores of Corner Inlet, all was barren to this
disappointed drover.
[Footnote] *In the season of 1844 the average price per 100 for
sheep-shearing was 8s.; the highest price asked, 8s. 6d.
And the squatters, in order to keep a foothold in the country, had to
seek markets for their stock over the sea. The first to export
cattle was James McFarlane of Heyfield. He chartered the schooner
'Waterwitch' for 100 pounds a month for six months, and found her in
everything. She arrived on March 2nd, 1842, but could not come up to
the Port being too sharp in the bottom, and drawing (when loaded with
cattle) thirteen feet six inches, so she lay down at the Oyster Beds.
McFarlane borrowed the square punt from the 'Clonmel' wreckers, a
weak stockyard of tea tree was erected, and the punt was moored
alongside. A block was made fast to the bottom of the punt, and a
rope rove through it to a bullock's head, and the men hauled on the
rope. Sometimes a beast would not jump, and had to be levered and
bundled into the punt neck and crop. Then the men got into a boat,
and reached over to make the rope fast from the head of the bullock
to one of the eyebolts which were fixed round the punt, and even then
the bullock would sometimes go overboard. It took a week to load
twenty fat bullocks and twenty cows with their calves. The schooner
set sail for New Zealand on April 2nd, 1842, and at Port Nicholson
the bullocks were sold for fifteen and the cows for twelve pounds
each, cash. The 'Waterwitch' returned to Port Albert on April 29th,
and took in another cargo of breeding cattle, which had to be sold on
bills, the cash at Port Nicholson being exhausted. McFarlane next
sought for a market at Hobarton, which was then supplied with beef
from Twofold Bay. Forty bullocks were put on board the 'Waterwitch'
in five days, and in forty-eight hours they were offered for sale in
Hobarton, and fetched fourteen pounds ten shillings a head--all but
one, a snail-horned brute, which was very wild. When he landed, a
number of soldiers were at drill in the paddock, and he charged the
redcoats at once. They prepared to receive cavalry, but he broke
through the ranks, scattered the citizens the whole length of
Liverpool Street, and reached the open country. Guisden, the
auctioneer, sold the chance of him for eleven pounds.
At this time, nobody in Hobarton had heard of such a place as
Gippsland; but the fat cattle, which were far superior to those
imported from Twofold Bay, soon made the new territory well known,
and many enterprising men of various characters found their way to it
from the island.
McFarlane sent over another cargo of forty bullocks, thirty-seven of
which averaged fourteen pounds; one was lost, and two belonging to
Macalister, heavy weights, were sold for forty pounds ten shillings.
McMillan took over the 'Waterwitch' for the next trip, and also
chartered the schooners 'Industry' and 'Scotia', which were the first
vessels brought up to the shipping place at Port Albert on August,
3rd, 1842. Each of these vessels took two cargoes to Hobarton, which
sold well, and then Macalister chartered the brig 'Pateena', which
would hold sixty bullocks. The 'Clonmel' punt was now dispensed
with; the cattle were roped, put in the water, and made to swim
between the vessel and a boat. A piece of small ratline was fixed to
the slings, with the handlead made fast to it so that it would sink.
The mate had the slings, and a man in the boat held the other end of
the line, and with it he hauled the slings under the bullocks, which
were then made fast, and the animal was hoisted up. In this way
forty bullocks were shipped in three hours.
Oysters were obtained in great abundance at Clonmel, Snake Island,
and in other parts of the inlets, and the cattle vessels, after
receiving their loading, took bags of oysters on board for sale at
Hobarton. In June, 1843, the cutter 'Lucy' took 700 dozen to
Melbourne, and in July another 700 dozen. In August the 'Mary Jane'
took 500 dozen, and the cutter 'Domain' 400 dozen. The oyster beds
were soon destroyed, and when in course of a few years I was
appointed inspector of fisheries at Port Albert I could never find a
single dozen oysters to inspect, although I was informed that a
certain reverend poacher near the Caledonian Canal could obtain a
bucket full of them when so disposed.
Gippsland enjoyed one year of prosperity, followed by seven years of
adversity. The price of stock declined so rapidly that in April,
1843, the very best beasts only realized 6 pounds per head, and soon
afterwards it was estimated that there were in New South Wales 50,000
fat bullocks which nobody would buy. Moreover, the government was
grievously in want of money, and in addition to the fees for
depasturing licenses, exacted half-yearly assessments on the
unsaleable flocks and herds. But the law exacted payment on live
cattle only, so the squatters in their dire distress resolved to kill
their stock and boil them, the hides and the resulting tallow being
of some value. The Hentys, in the Portland district, commenced
boiling their sheep in January, 1844, and on every station in New
South Wales the paddocks still called the "boiling down" were devoted
to the destruction of sheep and cattle and to the production of
tallow. It was found that one hundred average sheep would yield one
ton of tallow, and ten average bullocks also one ton, the price in
London ranging from 35 pounds to 42 pounds per ton. By this device
of boiling-down some of the pioneers were enabled to retain their
runs until the discovery of gold.
The squatters were assisted in their endeavours to diminish the
numbers of their live stock by their neighbours, both black and
white. It is absurd to blame the aborigines for killing sheep and
cattle. You might as well say it is immoral for a cat to catch mice.
Hunting was their living; the land and every animal thereon was
theirs; and after we had conferred on them, as usual, the names of
savages and cannibals, they were still human beings; they were our
neighbours, to be treated with mercy; and to seize their lands by
force and to kill them was robbery and murder. The State is a mere
abstraction, has neither body nor soul, and an abstraction cannot be
sent either to heaven or hell. But each individual man will be
rewarded according to his works, which will follow him. Because the
State erected a flag on a bluff overlooking the sea, Sandy McBean was
not justified in shooting every blackfellow or gin he met with on
his run, as I know he did on the testimony of an eye-witness. This
is the age of whitewash. There is scarcely a villain of note on
whose character a new coat has not been laboriously daubed by
somebody, and then we are asked to take a new view of it. It does
not matter very much now, but I should prefer to whitewash the
aboriginals.
J. P. Fawkner wrote: "The military were not long here before the
Melbourne district was stained with the blood of the aborigines, yet
I can safely say that in the year in which there was neither
governor, magistrate, soldier, nor policemen, not one black was shot
or killed in the Melbourne district, except amongst or by the blacks
themselves. Can as much be said of any year since? I think not."
In the year 1844 Mr. Latrobe was required to send to the Council in
Sydney a return of all blacks and whites killed in the Port Phillip
district since its first settlement. He said forty whites had been
killed by the blacks, and one hundred and thirteen blacks had been
reported as killed by the whites; but he added, "the return must not
be looked upon as correct with respect to the number of aborigines
killed." The reason is plain. When a white man murdered a few
blacks it was not likely that he would put his neck into the
hangman's noose by making a formal report of his exploit to Mr.
Latrobe. All the surviving blackfellow could say was: "Quamby dead
--long time--white-fellow--plenty--shoot 'em."
He related in eight words the decline and fall of his race more truly
than the white man could do it in eight volumes.
It is not so easy a task to justify the white men who assisted the
squatters to diminish the numbers of their stock. They were
principally convicts who had served their sentences, or part of them,
in the island, and had come over to Gippsland in cattle vessels.
Some of them lived honestly, about one hundred of them disappeared
when the Commissioner of Crown Lands arrived with his black and white
police, and a few of the most enterprising spirits adopted the
calling of cattle stealers, for which business they found special
facilities in the two special surveys.
-------------------------------------
TWO SPECIAL SURVEYS.
A notice dated March 4th, 1841, was gazetted in Sydney to the following
effect:
"Any Holder of a Land Receipt to the extent of not less than five
thousand one hundred and twenty acres may, if he think fit, demand a
special survey of any land not hereinafter excepted, within the
district of Port Philip, whether such Land Receipt be obtained in the
manner pointed out in the 'Government Gazette' of the 21st January
last, or granted by the Land and Emigration Commissioners in London.
"Not more than one mile of frontage to any river, watercourse, or lake
to be allowed to every four square miles of area; the other
boundaries to be straight lines running north and south, east and
west.
"No land to be taken up within five miles of the towns of Melbourne,
Geelong, Williamstown, or Portland.
"The right of opening roads through any part of the land to be
reserved for the Crown, but no other reservation whatever to be
inserted in the Deeds of Grant."
The Port Albert Company took up land, under the above conditions,
between the Albert and Tarra rivers. It was in Orr's name, and is
still known as Orr's Special Survey. A surveyor was appointed to
mark and plan the boundaries; he delegated the work to another
surveyor. Next a re-survey was made, then a sub-divisional survey,
and then other surveys went on for fifty years, with ever-varying
results. It is now a well-established fact that Orr's Special Survey
is subject to an alternate expansion and contraction of area, which
from time to time vitiates the labour of every surveyor, and has
caused much professional animosity. Old men with one foot in the
grave, in this year 1895, are still accusing each other of embezzling
acres of it; the devil of Discord, and Mercury the god of thieves,
encamped upon it; the Port Albert Company fell into its Slough of
Despond, which in the Court of Equity was known as "Kemmis v. Orr,"
and there all the members perished.
Mr. John Reeve had a land receipt, and wanted land. After he had
taken up the station known as Snake Ridge he looked about for a good
Special Survey. He engaged Davy and his whaleboat for a cruise in
Port Albert waters and McMillan, Sheridan, and Loughnan were of the
party. They went up the narrow channel called the Caledonian Canal,
examined the bluffs, shores, and islands of Shallow Inlet, and at
night encamped on St. Margaret's Island. When shelter was required,
Davy usually put up the mainsail of his boat for a tent; but that
night was so fine and warm that it was decided to avoid the trouble
of bringing the sail ashore and putting it up. After supper the men
lay around the fire, and one by one fell asleep; but about midnight
heavy rain began to fall, the sail was brought ashore, and they all
crept under it to keep themselves as dry as possible.
The next morning was fair. On leaving the port it had been the
intention of the party to return the same evening, and the boat was
victualled for one day only. There was now nothing for breakfast but
a little tea and sugar and a piece of damper: no flesh, fish, or
fowl. Davy was anxious to entertain his passengers to the best of
his ability, especially Mr. Reeve, who, though not of delicate
health, was a gentleman of refined tastes, and liked to have his
meals prepared and served in the best style. Fresh water was of the
first necessity, and, after so much rain, should have been plentiful,
but not a spoonful could anywhere be found: the soil of the island
was sandy, and all the rain had soaked into it and disappeared. The
damper having been exposed to the weather was saturated with water.
There was in the boat a large three-legged iron pot, half filled with
fat, a hard and compact dainty not liable to be spilled or wasted,
and in it had been stewed many a savoury meal of sandpipers, parrots,
rats, and quail. This pot had been fortunately left upright and
uncoveredduring the night, and the abundant rain had filled it with
fresh water. Davy, with the intuition of artistic genius, at once
saw the means of producing a repast fit for the gods. He poured the
water which covered the fat from the iron pot into the kettle, which
he placed on the fire for the purpose of making tea. He cut the
sodden damper into substantial slices, put them into the pot, and
cooked them in the fat over the fire. When well done they tasted
like fried bread, and gave entire satisfaction; Mr. Reeve observing,
when the feast was finished, that he had never in all his life eaten
a better breakfast.
A start was made for the port, but the wind came dead ahead, and the
men had to pull the whole way across the inlet, through the
Caledonian Canal, and as far as Long Point. There they went ashore
for a rest, and Mr. Reeve asked Davy if he could find the mouth of
the Tarra River. Davy said he had never been there, but he had no
doubt that he could find it, as he had seen the river when he was
duck-shooting. It was then high water, and the wind still blowing
strongly from the west, so a reef was taken in the lug, and the boat
ran right into the Tarra as far as the site of the present
court-house. There the party landed, and after looking at the
country Mr. Reeve decided to take up his special survey there. It
was partly open forest, but it contained, also, a considerable area
of rich flats covered with luxuriant tea tree and myrtle scrub, which
in course of time became mingled with imported blackberry bushes,
whins, sweetbriar, and thistles. Any quantity of labour might be
spent on it with advantage to the owner, so the following
advertisement appeared in the public journals:
TO CAPITALISTS AND THE INDUSTRIOUS LABOURING CLASS.
GIPPSLAND--PORT ALBERT.
An accurate plan of Mr. Reeve's Special Survey of Tarra Vale having
been completed, notice is hereby given that farms of various sizes
are now open for sale or lease. The proprietor chiefly desires the
establishment of a Respectable Tenantry, and will let these farms at
the moderate rent of one bushel of wheat per acre. The estate
consists of 5,120 acres of rich alluvial flats; no part of the estate
is more than two miles from the freshwater stream of Tarra. Many
families already occupy purchased allotments in the immediate
vicinity of the landing place and Tarra Ville. There is a licensed
hotel, good stores and various tradesmen, likewise dray roads from
Maneroo and Port Philip. Apply to F. Taylor, Tarra Ville, or John
Brown, Melbourne.
There were several doubtful statements in this notice, but, as the
law says, "Buyer, beware."
Joshua Dayton was not a capitalist, but he belonged to the
Industrious Labouring Class, and he offered himself, and was accepted
as a Respectable Tenant, at the rental of a bushel of wheat to the
acre. He was a thief on principle, but simple Mr. Taylor, of
Tarraville, put his trust in him, because it would be necessary to
fence and improve the land in order to produce the bushel of wheat.
The fee simple, at any rate, would be safe with Mr. Reeve; but we
live and learn--learn that there are men ingenious enough to steal
even the fee simple, and transmit it by will to their innocent
children.
The farm comprised a beautiful and rich bend of the Tarra, forming a
spacious peninsula. Joshua erected a fence across the isthmus,
leaving the rest of his land open to the trespass of cattle, which
were, therefore, liable to be driven away. But he did not drive them
away; he impounded them within his bend, and at his leisure selected
the fattest for slaughter, thus living literally on the fat of the
land. He formed his boiling-down establishment in a retired glade,
surrounded with tea-tree, tall and dense, far from the prying eyes
and busy haunts of men. His hut stood on a gentle rise above the
highest flood mark, and in close proximity to the slip rails, which
were jealously guarded by his Cerberus, Neddy, a needy immigrant of a
plastic nature, whose mind succumbed under the strong logic of his
employer.
Neddy had so far led an honest life, and did not fall into habits of
thievery without some feelings of compunction. When Joshua first
drove cattle into the bend, he did not tell Neddy that he had stolen
them. Oh, no! He said:
"Here are a few beasts I have had running about for some time, and I
think I'll kill one or two of the fattest and make tallow of them.
Beef is worth next to nothing, and we must make a living somehow.
And I know you would like a little fresh beef, Neddy; a change of
diet is good for the health."
But Neddy was not so much of a fool as to be able to shut his eyes to
the nature of the boiling-down business. The brands were too
various, and Joshua claimed them all. Neddy said one night:
"Don't you think, Joshua, this game of yours is rather dangerous?
Why, it's nothing better than cattle stealing; and I've heern folks
say at one time it was a hanging matter. You may be found out some
day by an unlucky chance, and then what will you do?"
"You mustn't call it cattle stealing, Neddy; that doesn't sound
well," said Joshua. "I call it back pay for work and labour done. I
have good reasons for it. I was sent out for stealing a horse, which
I never did steal; I only bought it cheap for a couple of pounds.
They sent me to the island, and I worked seven years for a settler
for nothing. Now I put it to you, Neddy, as an honest and sensible
man, Am I to get no pay for that seven years' work? And how am I to
get it if I don't take it myself? The Government will give me no
pay; they'd give me another seven years if they could. But you see,
there are no peelers here, no beaks, and no blooming courts, so I
intend to make hay while the sun shines, which means tallow in these
times. All these settlers gets as much work out of Government men as
they can get for nothing, and if you says two words to 'em they'll
have you flogged. So while I does my seven years I says nothing, but
I thinks, and I makes up my mind to have it out of 'em when my time
comes. And I say it's fair and honest to get your back wages the
best way you can. These settlers are all tarred with the same brush;
they make poor coves like us work for 'em, and flog us like bullocks,
and then they pretend they are honest men. I say be blowed to such
honesty."
"But if you are caught, Joshua, what then?"
"Well, we must be careful. I don't think they'll catch me in a
hurry. You see, I does my business quick: cuts out the brand and
burns it first thing, and always turns out beasts I don't want
directly."