the last year of patient endurance, for from that time the Shadow
of Death was ever on him, and he knew it; from that July day he
regarded himself as doomed. Sometimes the thought of leaving those
whom he loved with such intense devotion, such wonderful tenderness,
overwhelmed him; sometimes the longing to finish his work was too
great to be borne, but generally he was calm, and always, even when
he was most sad, he was gentle and patient, and willing to be amused.
On July 13 Dr. Paget gave him the Holy Communion.
He slowly recovered from this attack, and there were hopes--not
of perfect health, but of life, and of power to work. Now, more
resolutely than ever, he set himself to face the ultimate problems of
Life and Being, to face the question of the possibility of a return
to Faith.
It is impossible here to tell of the inner workings of that pure and
unselfish soul, of those longings and searchings after God, of the
gradual growth in steadfast endurance, in faith.
To one or two these are known, and the example of lofty patience and
of single-heartedness is not one they are likely to forget. Of this
more later.
It was almost pathetic to see how keen and vigorous his intellect
was. In fact, the great difficulty was to keep the busy brain
from thinking. Novels helped to some degree, and occasional visits
from friends as he grew better. Dr. and Mrs. Burdon Sanderson,
the President of Trinity and Mrs. Woods, the Dean, Mr. Gore, the
President of Magdalen and Mrs. Warren, and Mr. Waggett, all helped,
coming and paying brief visits, which did him good, for if he was
not listening to reading or conversation, he would be planning
experiments or pondering problems of theology, and ask by-and-by that
his thoughts should be taken down from dictation, or that paper and
pencil should be given him, or, worse than all, devising arrangements
for finishing 'Darwin, and after Darwin.' He dictated some 'Thoughts
on Things' in the very first days of his illness, and sent for
Professor Lloyd Morgan, who came and received instructions about
the unfinished books, instructions which he has carried out with
unflagging diligence and never-failing kindness.
But still he grew better, and early in August he went back to Oxford,
and by the first of September he was able to be present in the
cathedral at the baptism by Dr. Talbot of his youngest son.
The fact that the Vicar of Leeds[116] and Mrs. Talbot were in Oxford
during that August was a great pleasure to him, and he much enjoyed
occasional talks with Dr. Talbot.
_To Professor Ewart._
I do not know what account E. gave you of my illness, but it is
much too serious an affair to admit of our going to the British
Association. Indeed, I hardly anticipate being able to make any
engagements or do much work during the rest of my life, which
is not likely to be a long one. It is just such an attack as I
expected when walking with you over Magdalen Bridge.[117]
Yours ever,
G. J. ROMANES.
By September he was able to listen to, and discuss, Dr. Sanderson's
Presidential Address, which was delivered in Nottingham at the
British Association of 1893.
It was one of the great disappointments of that illness that he could
not go to Nottingham. To be at the Association when his dear friend
and master was president was a great wish of his, and early in the
summer a kind invitation from Lady Laura Ridding, to stay with the
Bishop of Southwell and herself for it, had been accepted.
Nottingham and a visit to Denton, to which Mr. Romanes had been
looking forward, had to be given up.
These things were real trials. It was not the giving up particular
bits of pleasure, but the realisation that he was too much of an
invalid to do anything of the sort, which he found so hard to bear,
and which he did bear with ever-increasing patience.
His letters sometimes show how hard he felt his trial.
_To James Romanes, Esq._
Oxford: September 4.
My dearest James,--I have had two reasons for not writing to
Dunskaith since my letter about the birth of Edmund.
I agree with all you say about Fritz and her numerous brothers,
the last two of whom you have never seen. But, although I have
been so signally blest in my family ... I am not disposed to fall
in with your optimism in other respects. Rather am I disposed to
agree with the Scotch minister, that 'Man is a mi-ser-able worrm,
craaling upon the airth;' for, both as regards the misery and the
craaling I am now a type.
And this brings me to my two reasons for not writing before. The
first is, that I am almost unable to write; and the second is,
that I did not want to let you and Charlotte know all the facts
sooner than I could help.
The long and the short of it is that I believe I am dying. I have
been gradually getting worse and worse, ... nor shall I be sorry
when it comes. Such being the case, I should like to consult you
about setting my house in order....
The photos which the children brought with them of Dunskaith
make me realise what splendid work the buildings are, and even
although it is now improbable that I shall ever see them, I am
glad to think that they will be in the family.[118]
I cannot write more now. In fact I have not written so much since
my attack. But I send you the best love of a life-time's growth
and that of your only brother,
GEORGE.
_To W. T. Thiselton-Dyer, Esq._
94 St. Aldate's, Oxford: September 15, 1893.
Dear Dyer,--Many thanks for your letter with enclosures. As you
say, there does not seem to be anything remarkable about the
hybrid; but I am glad to see that both its parent species are
well marked and presumably both of mountain origin. The case thus
well accords with my views, as explained in my previous letters.
I met with many such (_i.e._ hybrids between originally isolated
species) in Madeira and the Canaries.
There are none so blind as those who will not see. Where can
your powers of 'observation' have been when you can still remark
that I ignore the facts of hybridisation? I can only repeat
that from the first I have regarded them as evidence of the
utmost importance as establishing a highly general correlation
between _separate_ origin of allied species and _absence_ of
cross-sterility. In fact, for the last five years I have had
experiments going on in my Alpine garden, which I helped in
founding for the very purpose of inquiring into this matter. And
Focke, with whom I have been in correspondence from the first,
and who _does_ understand the theory, writes that in his opinion
it will 'solve the whole mystery' of natural hybridisation in
relation to artificial.
Since my last letter to you I have been at death's door. On July
11, I was struck down by paralysis of the left side, and am now
a wreck. Not the least of my sorrow is that I fear I shall have
to leave the verification of phys. sel. to other hands in larger
measure than I had hoped. I have little doubt that it will
eventually prevail; but more time will probably be needed before
it does.
Yours very sincerely,
G. J. ROMANES.
Oxford: September 18, 1893.
Dear Dyer,--I am not a little touched by the kind sympathy
expressed in your letter of the 16th. When one is descending
into the dark valley, scientific squabbles seem to fade away
in those elementary principles of good will which bind mankind
together. And I am glad to think that in all the large circle of
my friends and correspondents there is no vestige of ill will in
any quarter, unless it be with ---- and ----, who both seem to me
half-crazy in their enmity, and therefore not of much count.
As for 'fortitude,' sooner or later the night must come for all
of us; and if my daylight is being suddenly eclipsed, there is
only the more need to work while it lasts. But, to tell the
truth, I do not on this account feel less keenly the pity of it.
With five boys--the eldest not yet in his teens and the youngest
still in his weeks; with piles of note-books which nobody else
can utilise, and heaps of experimental researches in project
which nobody else is likely to undertake, I do bitterly feel that
my lot is a hard one.
Looking all the facts in the face, I do not expect ever to see
another birthday,[119] and therefore, like Job, am disposed to
curse my first one. For I know that all my best work was to have
been published in the next ten or fifteen years; and it is
wretched to think of how much labour in the past will thus be
wasted.
However, I do not write to constitute you my confessor, but to
thank you for your letter, and also to say that I am sending you
a copy of my 'Examination of Weismannism,' just published by
Longmans.
With our united kind regards to Mrs. Dyer and yourself, I remain,
yours very sincerely,
GEO. J. ROMANES.
94 St. Aldate's, Oxford: September 26, 1893.
My dear Dyer,--This is one of my bad days, and I have just
exhausted my little store of energy by answering a kind letter
from Huxley. So please excuse brevity, as I cannot leave your
highly appreciated benevolence without an immediate response.
I am much concerned to hear what you say about yourself, and it
makes me doubly desirous of seeing you. On Monday next I am to
try to go to town for the purpose of consulting doctors. But any
day before that we should be truly glad if you could come as
you so kindly propose. _Possibly_ I might be able to drive out
to Kew on Tuesday or Wednesday of next week, should you find it
impracticable to run down here before then. But I fluctuate so
much from day to day that I cannot make any engagements.
Most fully do I agree with all that you say regarding criticism.
And, especially from yourself, I have never met with any but the
fairest. Even the spice of it was never bitter, or such as could
injure the gustatory nerves of the most thin-skinned of men. I
have, indeed, often wondered how you and ---- and ---- can have
so persistently misunderstood my ideas, seeing that neither on
the Continent nor in America has there been any difficulty in
making myself intelligible. But this, of course, is quite another
matter.
As regards Weismannism, I do not include under this term the
question of the inheritance of acquired characters. That has been
a question for me since the publication of Galton's 'theory of
heredity' in 1875. Indeed, even before that, everybody knew the
contrast between congenital and acquired characters in respect
of heritability; and you may remember, the first time we met you
gave me a lot of good advice regarding my experiments on this
subject.
Please remember both of us very kindly to your wife when you
write to her, and with our united best wishes to yourself,
Believe me, ever yours sincerely,
G. J. ROMANES.
_To Francis Darwin, Esq._
St. Aldate's, Oxford: October 8, 1893.
My dear Darwin,--Your very kind letter has been one ray of light
to me in my gloom. Yet you must not think it is the only one.
* * * * *
It is comparatively easy to set our teeth and face the inevitable
with 'a grin;' but the 'highest bravery' is to hide our anguish
with a smile. I do think I make a decently good Stoic, but
confess that in times like this Christians have the pull.
Nevertheless, I have often thought of the words, 'I am not
in the least afraid to die,'[120] and wondered, when my time
should come, I would be able to say them. But now I know that
I can, and this even in the bitterness of feeling that one's
work is prematurely cut short.... 'Somewhat too much of this,'
however. What I want to tell you is that I managed to get to
London on Friday for the purpose of consulting my doctors as to
my prospects. They take a more hopeful view than I expected,
_i.e._ notwithstanding that I have had three attacks in one year
(in both eyes and now in the brain), it is not _inevitable_
that I should have another for years to come, provided that I
become a strict teetotaller, vegetarian, hermit, and abstainer
from work. In short, 'that my rule of life,' 'the exemplar' for
my 'imitation,' is to be that of a tortoise. Hence it does not
appear that there is any immediate necessity for saying farewell
to my friends, and hence also I will not bother you by falling in
with your kind proposal to come over from Cambridge to see me,
much as I should like to see you in any case. But if you would
care to pay a visit to Oxford any time between this and to-morrow
week (16th), when I shall start for the vicinity of Nice, we
should both be awfully glad to put you up. I think Dyer will
probably be with us from Saturday to Monday (14 to 16).
With our united very kind regards to all,
Yours ever sincerely,
G. J. ROMANES.
Then came the journey to Costebelle, which he describes as follows:
_To James Romanes, Esq._
Hôtel l'Ermitage, Costebelle: November 4, 1893.
My dearest James,--I ought to have answered long ago the kind
letter which I received from you just as I was driving to the
Oxford station, and read in the train. But I am still such a
wretched invalid that I shrink from the smallest exertion,
whether of body or mind. I caught a violent cold in crossing
the Channel, which kept me in bed for three days at Amiens,
and left me so weak that I had to further break the journey at
Paris, Lyons, and Marseilles--finally arriving here with a still
feverish temperature. But this has now subsided.
We found not only Paris but quite as much Lyons and Marseilles in
a state of delirium over the Russian fleet officers, with whom
we were muddled up all the way, greatly to our inconvenience.
This was especially the case on leaving Lyons, where the railway
officials, after having put our luggage (containing our circular
notes) in the railway station, locked the doors of the latter
in our faces, when the police and military officials hurried us
down the hill again in the town (in the rudest of ways) till
the arrival of the Russians nearly an hour after our train was
timed to depart. We had no doubt that our hand baggage had all
been carried off in our railway carriage without us and without
labels; but on at last getting into the station found that our
train had not started.
This is one of the most charming places I have ever seen. The
hotel is situated on the top of a hill which slopes for a mile to
the sea, and which is thickly clothed with pine and olive woods
in all directions. The climate admits of our sitting out of doors
without overcoats or shawls till sunset, amid the most wonderful
profusion of aromas I have ever met with.
_To the Dean of Christ Church._
Costebelle: November 28, 1893.
My dear Dean,--In the firmament of my friendships there is no
such star as yourself, and I find it belongs to them all that the
darker and the colder the night becomes, the more brightly do
they shine.
It is quite certain that 'the South has not yet rendered its
full service,' inasmuch as it has not rendered me any service at
all. If anything I am worse than when I left Oxford. My muscular
power, indeed, has somewhat improved, but my nervous exhaustion
seems to be growing upon me, week by week; so that I am now able
to walk but very little--to hope, not much, to think, not at all.
The truth is that my ailment, whatever it is, is not to be
reached by climatic influences: it belongs to those mysterious
internal changes, which Darwin ascribes to what he calls 'the
nature of the organism'--'variations which to our ignorance
appear to arise spontaneously.' Hence, I am out of harmony with
my environment, whatever the environment may be. And, as this
Spencerianism applies to my spiritual, no less than to my bodily
organisation, it would seem that somehow or other I have been
born into a wrong world--like those poor Porto Santo rabbits,
which I took home with me last year, and the history of which
I think I told you. However, I do not intend to grumble at the
visible universe until I shall have had an opportunity of looking
round the edge and seeing what is behind.
Most of our time is spent in sheer idleness, or rather, I should
say, _all_ of my time, and that proportion of my wife's which
is spent in reading to me--chiefly novels, poetry, and history.
Yesterday, we had Coppée's play 'Le Pater,' which I know you have
read. For the length of it, I think it is as powerful a piece of
dramatic writing as I have ever read.
Very few worries find their way to L'Ermitage. The worst at
present is the choice of the next 'Romanes Lecturer.' Owing to
his accident, Helmholtz has blocked the way for the last two
months, but now promises a final reply in the course of a few
days. If he does come, I hope the University will give him the
D.C.L.
With our united kindest regards to Mrs. Paget, whose messages to
me are of more benefit than all my doctor's drugs (now that is a
thing I 'would rather have expressed otherwise'!) and yourself,
I remain, ever your affectionate friend,
G. J. ROMANES.
For a while all went well, he liked the place, and was able to work
a little, and to have many books read to him. He had taken out Dr.
Martineau's 'Study of Religion,' and other philosophical books, and
he also plunged into poetry, reading Wordsworth chiefly.
In December came what seemed to be a severe gastric attack, with
other alarming symptoms, and for a few hours he seemed to be dying.
But this passed off, and although he was kept in bed for three weeks
he grew better, and in some ways there seemed grounds for fresh hope.
For a few days in January he was under the care of a cousin with two
trained nurses, and his letters home were surprisingly bright.
His wife's maid, of whom he was very fond, was terribly ill in
January, and he writes:
Give Jane my love, and tell her I never forget how good she was
to me when I thought I was dying in her arms at Boar's Hill.
And again he wrote:
So glad to hear the operation has been successful. Congratulate
her from me. Tell her I heartily wish I were in her place as to
this, but that nevertheless I have not 'lost heart.' I am now
certainly stronger, and if I could only submit my cranial cavity
to Tom's[121] hands for removal of anything disagreeable, I
should be comparatively joyful.
The weather is glorious. Marian is at mass, having read me one of
Church's sermons.
Please tell John to send me a couple of hundred cigarettes (to
prevent influenza!).
When you come out you will not find me a kill-joy; the danger
will rather be that of my scandalising you all by riotous conduct
on Sunday.
And certainly he was astonishingly bright when his wife returned
to him. It was on a Sunday afternoon, and his first proposition
was, 'The church bell is tinkling, let's go to church.' It was the
twenty-eighth of January, and the brightness and gladness of two
of the Evening Psalms were oddly appropriate, and chimed in with
feelings of a greater gladness dawning on him, for he was leaving the
strange land in which for years he had not been able to sing 'The
Lord's Song.'
And then began a time, often saddened by hours of intense physical
exhaustion and physical depression, but also of what can only be
called growth in holiness, in all that comes from nearness to God.
In the early autumn and winter there had been sad moments when
still the clouds of darkness, of inability to grasp the Hand of God
stretched out to meet him, hung over him, but in these months there
had been the same growth.
One to whom he often spoke of the deepest things of life and of
death will never forget his saying one day just after the attack of
illness in December: 'I have come to see that cleverness, success,
attainment, count for little; that goodness, or, as F. (naming a dear
friend) would say, "_character_," is the important factor in life.'
For in early days Mr. Romanes had attached, so it seemed to some
of those who knew him best, an undue importance to intellect, to
cleverness, to intelligence, and the same person to whom he said the
few words just quoted had often discussed with him the relative value
of goodness and of intellect.
By goodness is meant perfect and complete goodness, not such as that
of which it has been said, 'It is the business of the wise to rectify
the mistakes of the good.'
And as weeks passed on he would often plan a country house and a
life in which 'good works' were to have a share.
He had always had a high ideal of what Love and Faith should bring
about, and in the last months of his life he said to one whom he
dearly loved, 'Darling, if you believe what you say you believe, why
should you mind so much?' With absolute resignation he gave up all
his ambitions, the old longing for distinction, for greater fame, and
yet he did not lose for one moment the old interest in his scientific
work.
Two papers of his were read at the Royal Society in October 1892. The
first described experiments undertaken by Mr. Romanes, the primary
object of which was to ascertain whether seeds which had been kept
out of contact with air for a lengthy period of time still possessed
the power of germination. The method adopted was as follows: a
certain number of seeds were taken from each packet, mustard, cress,
beans, peas, &c., being the kinds employed, and having been weighed
in a chemical balance were sealed up in tubes which had previously
been exhausted of air, and kept exposed to the vacuum for a period
of fifteen months. At the end of that time they were removed from
the tubes and sown in flower-pots buried in moist soil. In some
cases, after the seeds had been in the vacuum tubes for three months,
they were transferred to other tubes charged with pure gases, such
as oxygen, nitrogen, hydrogen, carbon monoxide, or with aqueous or
chloroform vapour, and there kept for a further period of twelve
months, when they were sown as before.
In all cases the same number of seeds, of similar weights to those
sealed up in the tubes, were taken from each packet, kept in ordinary
air for the fifteen months, and then sown as control experiments.
The results clearly showed that the germinating power of the seeds
was hardly, if at all, affected either by being exposed to the vacuum
or to the atmospheres of the various gases and vapours. Further, in
no single case, in the hundreds of seeds so treated, did the plants
produced from them differ from the standard types grown from the
control seeds even in the smallest degree.
The second paper described experiments in heliotropism, which had
been undertaken by Mr. Romanes with the object of ascertaining
whether plants would bend towards a light that is not continuous, but
intermittent.
Mustard seedlings, grown in the dark until they were about one or
two inches high, were used in all the experiments; they were either
placed in a dark room and exposed to flashes of light in the form of
electric sparks passed at regular intervals, or they were put in a
camera obscura, before which was placed a Swan burner or arc lamp,
the light from which was rendered intermittent by the regular opening
and shutting of the photographic shutter. The heliotropic effect on
the seedlings was found in all cases to be very marked, the most
vigorous ones beginning to bend towards the light ten minutes after
the flashing began, bending through 45° in as many minutes, and often
through another 45° in as many minutes more. By protecting half of
the seedlings from the interrupted light, by means of a cardboard
cap, then after the experiment uncovering them and exposing that half
for the same duration of time to constant sunlight, Mr. Romanes found
that the bending was less in this latter case, that is, when the
light was continuous. This result was confirmed by placing two sets
of plants under exactly similar conditions before a Swan burner, the
light from which was constant for one set of seedlings, and rendered
intermittent for the other set by working the flash shutter; in all
cases the interrupted light caused the plants to start bending more
quickly, and through a greater angle in a given time.
As regards the rate the flashes must succeed one another to produce
this heliotropic effect, Mr. Romanes found that sparks passed at the
rate of fifty in an hour would cause considerable bending in half an
hour. It is of interest to note that in no single case was there any
green colouring matter produced, the seedlings remaining colourless
even when the sparks were passed at the rate of 100 per second
continuously during forty-eight hours.
Dr. Sanderson writes:
Friday, November 17.
My dear Romanes,--There was a rather interesting discussion
at the R.S. on your paper about the fresh experiments with
seedlings. It was objected that there was no evidence that the
effects were not due to one-sided drying of the stems of the
seedlings, and ---- wanted to know whether sufficient precautions
were taken to guard against this. I suppose that he meant heat
effects. I said that, under the conditions of this experiment, I
could not see how any 'drying effect' could possibly take place.
My suggestion is that it would be worth while to add a note, if
you think of the impossibility of any effect, excepting a light
effect, being concerned. I asked Foster just now, and he agreed
with me that it would be useful. I ought to add that it was
admitted that the observation was a new one which promised to
have very important bearings.
I am writing this in great haste. I trust that you are enjoying
Costebelle.
Very truly yours,
T. BURDON SANDERSON.
At this time Mr. Romanes had a very interesting correspondence with
the Rev. G. Henslow, on the subject of the direct action of the
environment on plant structures.
Ealing: October 19, 1893.
Dear Mr. Romanes,--If you are in town on November 16, I should
be very glad indeed if you could come to the Linnean Society,
and criticise my paper which I am going to read: 'On the origin
of plant structures by self-adaptation to the environment,
exemplified by desert and xerophyllous plants.'
In this and in subsequent letters Mr. Henslow explained the
subject-matter of his paper, and as it formed the basis of the
correspondence, a brief analysis, furnished by Mr. Henslow in a later
letter, is here inserted.
The object of the paper is to show that the origin of varieties
and species--as far as the vegetative organs are concerned--is
solely due to climatic causes. For the acquired (somatic)
characters become more or less hereditary if the same environment
be maintained. But plants possess every degree in their
capacities either of _reverting_, _changing_, or of _stability_.
The result is that I do not see any necessity for natural
selection at all in Nature, for the following reasons.
Variations are often _indefinite_ in cultivation, especially
after several years. Therefore to secure a useful race
_artificial selection_ is necessary. On the other hand,
_variation_ is _definite_ in Nature, _all_ the seedlings varying
in one and the same direction, _i.e._ towards equilibrium with
the environmental forces. Darwin knew of this fact, and you have
abundantly described it. _But Darwin failed to see that this
definite variation in Nature is the rule, and not the exception._
Hence, as he admits, natural selection is not wanted at all
[_i.e._ _if_ all variations are definite in Nature].
Moreover, it is contended that climatic variations are of no
great, even of any useful importance. This may be so, for all
I know, with animals; but it is _precisely the reverse with
plants_. I took my illustrations from desert plants, and showed
that their remarkable characteristics, which give the _facies_
to desert plants, are on the one hand the direct results of
the excessive drought, heat, light, &c. On the other, they are
just those features which enable the plants to live under their
extremely inhospitable environment. These characters are the
minute leaves, hardening of woody tissues, thick cuticle, dense
clothing of hair, wax, storage of water tissues, &c.; so that the
whole economy of the plant, including its specific characters,
is _all_ climatically acquired. Although some may vary when the
plants are grown in ordinary gardens, such is no more than one
would expect on _a priori_ grounds to be the case.
I would limit natural selection, as far as plants are concerned,
to _three_ things:
1. Mortality among seedlings with the survival of the _strongest_.
I do not say 'fittest,' because it is ordinarily understood to
mean that the survivors have some _morphological features_, by
which they are benefited, which lead on finally to specific
characters.
I do not find this to be the case. Take an instance of great
contrast. Sow 100 seeds of the water (submerged) _Ranunculus
fluitans_ in a garden. They _all_ grow up as _aërial_ plants,
_i.e._ they vary as they grow precisely in the same way. It is
only the _weakest_ (from badly nourished seeds) which get crowded
out of existence. Here, then, is _definite variation without the
aid of natural selection_. _Ex uno disce omnes._
2. _Delimitation of varieties and species_ by the
_non-reproduction_ of intermediate forms.
It is generally said that if 'good species' are isolated, the
intermediate forms have been killed off by natural selection.
I maintain that they were _never reproduced_. Thus if A has
passed by successive generations, A′, A″, A‴, &c., to A^n; A and
A^n being now only in existence, then A′, A″, &c., represented
a _single generation_ apiece, each offspring being one degree
nearer to A^n, but could never be reproduced, as the environment
was continually acting upon the whole series, urging each
generation forwards till it became stable in A^n.
This is precisely what takes place in cultivating a wild plant
like the parsnip. Each year the grower selects a slightly
improved form, till the required type is fixed. The 'Student'
is now A^n, a more or less permanently fixed form, each of
the intermediate forms, lasting one year, having ceased to be
reproduced.
3. The geographical distribution of varieties and species by
_self-adaptation_.
That is, if a number of plants migrate to a new locality with
new environmental conditions, half of them may die; because
they cannot adapt themselves; the other half may live--change,
and become fixed forms, by their power of adaptation. The final
conclusion of the whole is that plants require nothing more than
climatic influences, to which their protoplasm may respond. The
result is new varietal or specific characters. Then, if the
same environment lasts, these become gradually more and more
fixed and hereditary, but one can never tell beforehand but
that the oldest plant in creation may not change again as soon
as it finds a new environment.... This is what a long study of
plants and experiments has led me to; and it is not a conclusion
arrived at solely by 'thinking out' or evolving from my own
consciousness--like the German camel!
Hoping you are progressing,
Believe me, yours sincerely,
GEORGE HENSLOW.
Hôtel l'Ermitage, Costebelle, Hyères, France: October 29, 1893.
Dear Mr. Henslow,--You will correctly infer from this address
that I shall not be able to attend the Linnean Society meeting on
the 16th prox. For two or three years past my health has been
breaking up, and several months ago I had a stroke of paralysis.
So I have had to knock off all work, and have just arrived here
to spend the winter--finding your letter, forwarded from Oxford,
awaiting me.
It has interested me very much, and some time I should like to
see the paper to which it refers, whether in MS. or print. As far
as I can gather, you are spontaneously following in the footsteps
of Asa Gray, Nägeli, and some other botanists. But, it seems to
me, this self-adaptation doctrine is equivalent to an _a priori_
abandoning of all hope to obtain any naturalistic explanation
of the phenomena in question. It simply refers the facts of
adaptation immediately to some theory of design, and so brings us
back again to Paley, Bell, and Chalmers. As when a child asks why
a flower closes at night, and we answer him: Because God has made
it so, my dear. _C'est magnifique, mais ce n'est pas la science._
But do not mistake me. My quarrel is with the term
self-adaptation, which seems to imply causes of a
non-naturalistic kind. Which, of course, is quite a different
thing from doubting whether the naturalistic explanation given
by Darwin is adequate to meet all the facts. I am myself more
and more given to question 'the all-sufficiency of natural
selection,' and this, whether or not use-inheritance is one of
the supplementary factors. But that there are some hitherto
undiscovered factors of this kind where many of the phenomena
of adaptation are concerned, I am more and more disposed to
suspect. Nevertheless I believe, in the light of analogy, that
they will all prove to be natural causes, and therefore not
correctly definable as due to 'self-adaptation.'
My hemiplegia has given me a terrible shake, so I cannot write
much. Indeed, this is the longest of the few letters which I have
written since my attack. So please excuse seeming bluntness, and
believe me to remain,
Ever yours, very truly and most interestedly,
GEO. J. ROMANES.
P.S.--Of course you would not in any case expect to find so much
variability of the _conspicuously indefinite_ kind in nature as
in cultivation. For, by hypothesis, natural selection is present
in the one case (to destroy useless variations) while absent in
the other. But I allow this does not apply to the examples you
give me. Only remember the point in publishing your paper.
Hôtel Costebelle, Hyères: February 10, 1894.
Dear Mr. Henslow,--I am much indebted to you for all your most
interesting letters, and also for prospect of receiving your
books. Although forbidden to write letters myself, or to think
about anything as yet, I must send a few lines, pending arrival
of the books and papers, giving my general impression of your
views as set out in your correspondence.
Briefly, it seems to me that your argument is perfectly clear
up to a certain point, but then suddenly becomes a _petitio
principii_. In other words, so far as your view is critical
of natural selection considered as a _hypothetical cause_
of adaptive evolution, I can well believe you have adduced
a formidable array of facts. But I fail to follow, when
you pass on to the constructive part of your case--or your
suggested substitute for natural selection in self-adaptation.
For self-adaptation, I understand, consists in results of
_immediate response to stimuli supplied by environment_. But,
if so, surely the statement that all the adaptive machinery of
plant-organisation is due to self-adaptation is a mere begging of
the question _against_ natural selection _unless it can be shown
how self-adaptation works in each case_. Now I do not find any
suggestion as to this. And yet this is obviously the essential
point; since, _unless it can be shown how self-adaptation
works_--_i.e._ that it is a _vera causa_, and not a mere word
serving to re-state the facts of adaptive evolution. We have got
no further in the way of _explanation_ than the physician, who
said, that the reason why morphia produces sleep is because it
possesses a soporific quality.
Observe, I purposely abstain from considering your criticism
of natural selection, which, although perfectly lucid and
possibly justifiable, yet certainly does admit of the answer
that incipient variations of a _fortuitous_ kind under nature
_may_ often be inconspicuous (while Wallace shows that in
animals they are, as a matter of fact, usually considerable).
But we need not go into this. The interesting point to all of
us must be the constructive part of your work; and I have
tried to explain _my_ difficulty with regard to it. _Why should
protoplasm be able to adapt itself_ into the millions of diverse
mechanisms of nature by converse with environment? The theory of
natural selection gives a logically possible, even if it be a
biologically inadequate answer. But I cannot see that the theory
of self-adaptation does, _unless it can be shown that there is
some sufficient reason why_, say a _direct-environment should
produce self-adaptation_ in the direction of hairs, a marine one
in that of fleshiness, &c. &c.
I have been very frank, because I know you, and therefore that
this is what you would prefer. But I am too ill to make myself
clear in a letter. I wish you could stop here for a day on your
way home, by which time I shall probably have read your books,
and we might discuss the whole business before I publish mine on
the Post-Darwinian Theories.
With very many thanks,
I remain yours very truly,
G. J. ROMANES.
Hôtel Costebelle, Hyères: February 24, 1894.
Dear Mr. Henslow,--Nothing can be more clear than are all your
letters, and the last one, I take it, sets at rest the only
question which I had to ask. For it expressly answers that, in
your own view, hypothesis of 'self-adaptation' is a _statement_
rather than an _explanation_ of the facts. Nevertheless, it
is also to some certain extent advanced as an explanation on
Lamarckian lines, for in your books (for which I much thank
you) you attribute adaptive mechanism in flowers to thrusts,
strains &c. caused by insects. But here, if I may say so, it
does not seem to me that you sufficiently deal with an obvious
criticism, viz. How is it so much as conceivable that protoplasm
should always respond to insect irritation adaptively, when
we look to the endless variety and often great elaboration of
the mechanism? Similarly as regards the inorganic environment,
Lamarck's hypothesis of _use_-inheritance (_i.e._ mere increase
and decrease of parts as due to inherited efforts of greater
or less development by altered flow of nutrition) was at least
theoretically valid. But how can you extend this to structures
which, though _useful_, are never _active_, so as to modify flow
of nutrition, _e.g._ hard shells of nuts, soft pulp of fruits,
&c.? Here it is that natural selection theory has the pull. And
so of adaptive _colours_, _odours_, and _secretions_? I confess
that, even accepting inheritance of acquired characters, I
could conceive of 'self-adaptation' alone producing all such
innumerable and diversified adjustments only by seeing with
Newman (in his 'Apologia') an angel in every flower.
Besides, I do not see why you are shut up to this, even on your
own principles. For surely, be there as much self-adaptation in
Nature as ever you please, it would still be those individuals
(or _incipient types_) _which best respond_ to stimulation
(_i.e._ most adaptively do so) that, other things equal, would
survive in the struggle for existence, and so be naturally
selected. In other words, I do not see why you should accept
natural selection as regards 'vigour' of seedlings, and nowhere
else.
I quite accept the validity of your criticism of my physiological
selection in your book, supposing your 'self-adaptation' true
to the extent you suppose. But otherwise what you say tells
in favour of physiological selection, at least, excepting the
statement as to new allied species originating as a rule on
distant areas from parent types. This, however, is certainly an
erroneous statement, though I should like to know how you came to
make it.
I much wish I could write more or meet you. For, notwithstanding
apparent bluntness (for brevity's sake), I see you are one of the
few evolutionists who think for yourself.
With many thanks, yours very truly,
G. J. ROMANES.
I am not against your criticism of natural selection, for I have
always thought there must be some other additional principle of
adaptation at work.
Grand Hôtel, Costebelle, Hyères (Var): March 12.
Dear Mr. Henslow,--My husband has much enjoyed your long and
clear letter which I have just read to him. He is too ill to
reply himself, but he will dictate a few notes to me to send to
you.
Yours very truly,
ETHEL ROMANES.
(A) I cry 'Peccavi' _as regards natural selection co-operating
with self-adaptation_. Since you show that, even if it does, you
are not concerned with this fact--_i.e._ of the _development of
the adaptation_, but only with its origin.
(B) All the same, however, we must remember that where high
elaboration of mechanism is concerned, the question as to the
_causes of its development_ become of more importance than those
_of its origin_; _e.g._ even if self-adaptation be conceived
capable of making a _first step_ towards producing the exquisite
mechanism of a bivalve shell, by discriminate variation, _how is
it conceivable_ that it should _go on_ through _the odd millions
of successive steps_ of improvement needed to produce the perfect
mechanism in which the great wonder of adaptation really occurs?
I can conceive of _no natural process to accomplish this
development_ even in one such case of mechanism _other than
natural selection_. Let alone the 'endless variety' of elaborate
mechanism elsewhere.
(C) Of course, if you could _prove_ that indiscriminate
variations have not occurred in wild plants, but only under
cultivation, _you would destroy Darwinism_--_in toto_. But is the
proposition credible _a priori_; or sustainable _a posteriori_,
&c.?
I suppose you have read Wallace on the subject as regards wild
animals, and if you were to make similar _measurements_ with
regard to _wild plants_, you would obtain analogous results.
I remember as a boy having a game of who could find most
specimens of fern-leaved clover in a given time, or even two
leaves of clover which would be exactly alike in all respects.
But I have already discussed the matter of definite and
indefinite variability in 'Darwin and after Darwin.'
(D) I will let the question of Use-Inheritance in relation to
seemingly Passive Organs, go by default against me, as it is
rather a side issue and would need much writing to discuss. The
same applies to your remarks on Teleology. As regards both points
I agree with your observations.
(E) Touching varieties as found in different areas from parent
types, I suppose you heard how carefully Nägeli has gone into the
subject, with the result that after making allowances for defects
of isolation, change of environment, &c., only about _five per
cent. of species of plants seem to have originated on distant
areas_, while Wallace has shown that some such proportion applies
to animals.
(F) As regards plants having been brought under cultivation,
and yielding variations that prove heredity, I knew there were
innumerable cases where artificial selection had been brought
into play. But of course they are all out of court until the
question on which you are engaged has been decided in your
favour, _i.e._ until you have succeeded in _disproving natural
selection_ as analogous or parallel to artificial. It was
for this reason I mentioned the case of parsnips, where the
hereditary variations seem to have taken place in the _first
generation_ after transplanting, and therefore without leaving
time for selection of any kind to have come into play.
Hôtel Costebelle, Hyères: March 29.
Dear Mr. Henslow,--I am still terribly ill and cannot write
much. We must have a talk. Could you come to Oxford any day you
like and be our guest? I think we might derive mutual benefit. I
shall be there from the middle of April till I do not know when.
Why not come on May 2, to hear Weismann give his lecture in the
afternoon?
I much wish you would save seed of any fixed local varieties of
plants you may find to be in seed, while you are in Malta (or
bulbs), in order to see whether plants grown from them in England
will or will not prove fully fertile. This is in relation to
my own theory of physiological selection, according to which
isolation produces segregation of type; in the same way as it
does that of a language--viz. by prevention of intercourse with
the parent type and consequently with an independent history of
variation. Where the isolation is due to physical barriers (as
at Malta) there is no need for any sexual differentiation to
originate a species. But on common areas, sexual differentiation
is the only means of securing the isolation. Therefore (I say)
we can see why Jordan's French varieties all prove sterile with
their parent forms, and I should expect your Malta varieties to
prove fertile with _theirs_ elsewhere.
G. J. R.
Costebelle: April 15, 1894.
Dear Mr. Henslow,--Yes, please write when you get back,
suggesting any time you may find convenient for spending a day
or two with us at 94 St. Aldate's, Oxford (immediately opposite
Christ Church). I cannot talk long at a time, but I think the
meeting will be of use to both.
Of course 'Isolation _produces_ segregation of type,' is only
a short-hand expression, meaning--_indiscriminate variation
being supposed_--isolation supplies a necessary condition to
segregation of type by upsetting the previous stability that was
due to free inter-crossing.
I quite agree that Darwin _very greatly_ over-estimated the
_benefit_ of inter-crossing, as I am showing in my forthcoming
book on 'Physiological Selection.' But this is quite a different
thing from his having _made too much of inter-crossing_ as
a condition to stability of type; I do not think that this
_can_ be made too much of. Indeed, how is it conceivable that
there ever can be _divergence_ of type without _isolation_ of
some kind having first occurred at the origin, and throughout
the growth of every branch? Moreover, I agree with you about
self-fertilisation, but see in it a form of physiological
selection; it is one kind of sexual isolation, or prevention
of inter-crossing with neighbouring individuals. So that the
more perfectly it obtains in any given type, the better chance
there is for that type to become a new species by independent
variability--and this whether or not the _independent_
variability is likewise _indiscriminate_ (or in _your_
terminology 'indefinite').
In my last letter I referred to the works of Jordan and Nägeli
for any number of '_facts_ in _Nature_ of varieties _arising
among_ the type forms.' I will show you the passages when we
meet. But even in cases of 'local varieties,' where a variety
has a habitat of its own _surrounded by the type-form_, I should
expect experiment would often (though by no means always) show
some degree of _cross-infertility_ between the two, pointing to
pre-potency (_i.e._ early stages of physiological selection)
being the origin of the divergence.
Before we meet I wish you would try to think of any plants which
can be propagated by cuttings (or otherwise asexually) which are
known to be modifiable by changed conditions of life in the first
generation. I understand you that in some cases the seed of such
a plant _will not revert_--when sown in its natural environment,
though, of course, the rule is that it does. Well, in either
case, I should much like to try whether a cutting &c. from the
transplanted (and therefore modified) tubers &c. would revert
to its ancestral character. When retransplanted to its natural
environment, much would follow from result of such an experiment
as regards Weismannism.
Yours very and always truly,
G. J. ROMANES.
P.S.--Of course in saying 'on common areas, sexual
differentiation is the only means of securing the isolation,' I
did not include self-fertilising plants--any more, _e.g._ than
insect fertilising where changes in the instincts of insects may
cause sexual isolation.
I leave for Oxford to-morrow.
These months were made very happy to him by the fact that three
friends, Mrs. and Miss Church and the Rev. R. C. Moberly,[122] were
staying in the same hotel. He often alludes in his letters to the
intense pleasure these friends gave him, and speaks of how much he
owed to their tenderness and sympathy, and to their perception when
to come and when to stay away.
Many books were heard and read by him. Mr. Gore's Bampton Lectures
were read aloud to him, and he liked them even better than when he
heard them preached. Several other theological books were read, and
of all these the one which bears marks of most careful study is
Pascal's 'Pensées.' He used Mr. C. Kegan Paul's translation. The copy
he had at Costebelle, which used to lie by his bedside, is marked and
annotated. It is the last book he read to himself in his own careful
and student-like fashion. He also wrote some notes of advice to his
boys.
At this time he began to make notes for a work which he intended
to be a supplement or an answer to the 'Candid Examination of
Theism.' As he went on, his notes grew--so it seemed to one who read
them--increasingly nearer Faith, but of them the world can now judge.
He said one day, while scribbling down notes, 'If anything happens to
me before I can work them up into a book, give them to Gore. He will
understand.'
Nothing can be more erroneous than to suppose that the change in
point of view was sudden, or due to any fear of death, or that it
caused mental suffering to the author of 'Thoughts on Religion,' or
that he was influenced by anyone, priest or layman.
There will always be unconscious influence, and it probably was not
altogether in vain that two or three of Mr. Romanes' greatest and
most intimate friends were Christian as well as intellectual men.
But of influence and argument and persuasion, as most people imagine
them, there was nothing. Discussions many, during the past years, but
to these he owed little.
It is written, that those who seek find, and to no one do these words
more fitly apply.
During these months Mr. Romanes read many books of a religious
nature; particularly and pre-eminently he liked to have Dean Church
read aloud, and he also liked Mr. Holland's 'City of God' and Mr.
Illingworth's sermons, particularly one on 'Innocence,' which he
asked for more than once. He also read much poetry, Miss Rossetti and
Archbishop Trench being especial favourites at this time.
To himself he read or had read to him the Bible and Thomas à Kempis,
and he liked Dr. Bright's Ancient Collects, and in part Bishop
Andrewes' Devotions. He never would read or have anything read to him
which did not ring true to him and which he could not appreciate;
for instance, the Pleadings of Our Lord's Physical Sufferings in
Andrewes' Devotions for Friday were very distasteful to him.
He often went to the English Church for short services, and on Easter
Monday Dr. Moberly gave him Holy Communion, for which he had asked
and for which he wished.
In the week before Easter he felt very ill, and said, 'I wish Moberly
(who had gone away for a few days) were here, and we could have that
Celebration; I don't think I shall live till Easter.' But this passed
away, and on Easter Day he was peculiarly bright, and in the evening
said, 'I have written this poem to-day.'
It is impossible to resist the wish to insert it here:
_HEBREWS_ xi. 10 (_or_ ii. 10).
'Amen, now lettest Thou Thy servant, Lord,
Depart in peace, according to Thy Word:
Although mine eyes may not have fully seen
Thy great salvation, surely there have been
Enough of sorrow and enough of sight
To show the way from darkness into light;
And Thou hast brought me, through a wilderness of pain,
To love the sorest paths if soonest they attain.
'Enough of sorrow for the heart to cry--
"Not for myself, nor for my kind, am I:"
Enough of sight for Reason to disclose,
"The more I learn the less my knowledge grows."
Ah! not as citizens of this our sphere,
But aliens militant we sojourn here,
Invested by the hosts of Evil and of Wrong,
Till Thou shalt come again with all Thine angel throng.
'As Thou hast found me ready to Thy call,
Which stationed me to watch the outer wall,
And, quitting joys and hopes that once were mine,
To pace with patient steps this narrow line,
Oh! may it be that, coming soon or late,
Thou still shalt find Thy soldier at the gate,
Who then may follow Thee till sight needs not to prove,
And faith will be dissolved in knowledge of Thy love.'
From the manuscript it is difficult to determine what was the motto
of the poem, Hebrews xi. or Hebrews ii.; the latter is more probable,
at least so it seems to the present writer.
On the 28th Mr. Romanes wrote a letter to the Dean of Christ Church,
which, besides some items of personal interest, and of expressions of
affection too intimate to be given, contains the following:
Costebelle: March 28, 1894.
My dear Paget,--I have had to abandon letter writing for
several weeks past, as the least effort, even in the way of
conversation, produces exhaustion in a painful degree. So, as
usual, I had to ask my wife to answer your kind letter yesterday.
But this morning I feel a little bit better, so I should like to
have a try. She has gone to church, and therefore, as I could not
even hear her read the letter which she posted to you yesterday,
there is likely to be some repetition.
* * * * *
Oddly enough for my time of life, I have begun to discover the
truth of what you once wrote about logical processes not being
the only means of research in regions transcendental. It is too
large a matter to deal with in a letter, but I hope to have a
conversation with you some day, and ascertain how far you will
agree with a certain 'new and short way with the Agnostics.'
* * * * *
Yours ever sincerely and affectionately,
GEO. J. ROMANES.
He had all his old interest in psychical research, and a friend, Mrs.
Crawfurd, of Auchinames, who shared this interest, used to beguile
many weary hours with ghost stories, and he and she used to 'cap'
each other's narratives.
There were pleasant people in the hotels around, and the bright
sunshine and balmy air were great sources of enjoyment to him. Dr.
Bidon, of Hyères, was unfailing in constant kindness, and it would
be ungrateful not to say how much was owed to the kind landlord, M.
Peyron, and to Madame Peyron.
The journey to England was apparently borne without undue fatigue,
and the home coming was very bright, with joyous meeting with his
children and with various friends. The only difficulty was to keep
him quiet enough. It was said one day, 'When you go home you must
not see too many people.' 'Oh, no,' he replied, 'I only want to see
Paget, and Dr. Sanderson, and Gore, and Philip (Waggett), and Mrs.
Woods, and Ray Lankester, and ----' but he stopped, laughing, the
list was already so long and would soon have been doubled. For a few
days his wife was away, and during this brief absence a very dear
friend, Miss Rose Price, the daughter of the Master of Pembroke, died.
He writes:
_To Mrs. Romanes._
How glad I am you are still mine! I have just returned from
Rose's funeral, which was all but too much for me. As you know,
I have seen other such things on a grander scale, but never any
approach to this one in point of beauty and pathos. The College
Chapel was completely filled with members of the University, with
wives and daughters, yet all personal friends of hers, including
all members of the family, the poor Master separated from the
rest in his official seat. All the undergraduates of Pembroke
were present, each provided with a lovely wreath, carried in
procession to the grave. The whole of the east end was one mass
of white flowers, the coffin with its own flowers being placed in
the middle of the aisle. The procession walked first all round
the quad, and then through Christ Church Meadows, being met at
Holywell by the choir.[123]
This is the last letter I shall write. All well here, and the
Interlopers[124] know me now. Weismann accepts invitation to
lecture, and is on his way on purpose. I have obtained an
invitation from the Royal Society for him to the 'soirée.'
Four weeks more, and the writer of this letter was also borne through
Christ Church Meadow, and laid to rest near the young girl whom he
had made his friend, and whose death he deeply mourned.
It was thought at this time that a country home would be possibly
better for him. Many drives were taken in search of houses or of
possible sites for building, and he was often positively boyish and
merry during these expeditions.
He began to devise experiments again, and also set to work to arrange
his papers and manuscripts in the most methodical way. As has been
said he had already arranged that if he died before completing
'Darwin, and after Darwin,' Professor Lloyd Morgan should finish
it and publish it, and any other scientific papers, an arrangement
to which Mr. Lloyd Morgan most kindly consented. To Mr. Gore were
bequeathed the fragmentary notes now published under the title
'Thoughts on Religion.'
On May 3 came the third Romanes Lecture. It was given by Professor
Weismann, and was a worthy successor to the two which had preceded it.
Mr. Romanes was glad to meet Professor Weismann, and enjoyed the
pleasant talk he and his distinguished opponent had in his house
after the lecture.
On the seventh of May he went to London to consult doctors, and for
the last time he stayed with his two dear friends, Sir James and Lady
Paget.
He saw one or two people and was, as one friend said, 'just his dear
merry old self, chaffing and being chaffed.'
He enjoyed music as much as ever, and on the nineteenth of May he
went to a concert given by the Ladies' Orchestral Society.
He was often at the Museum, and he wrote frequently of the
experiments he was devising, all bearing on Professor Weismann's
theory; in these he was assisted by Dr. Leonard Hill.
He wrote several times to Professor Schäfer, and on May 19, four days
before his death, in the midst of a long letter too technical to be
given, he says, 'All I can do now for science is to pay.'
He still took much interest in Oxford life, and one of the last
things he did was to vote against the introduction of the English
Language and Literature School.
Cathedral was more than ever a pleasure to him, and he used often
to slip in for bits of the service, particularly if some particular
service or anthem was going to be given. Especially he loved a few
special anthems; Brahms' 'How lovely are Thy dwellings fair' being a
great favourite.
He used to go down to the 'Eights' when they began, and on almost
the very last day of his life he was with difficulty dissuaded from
writing a letter to the 'Times,' strongly supporting the Christ
Church authorities whose proceedings in some disturbances in the
College had been criticised. On Whit Sunday, for the last time, he
went to the University Sermon, which happened to be preached by
the Bishop of Lincoln, and which greatly impressed Mr. Romanes,
brought as he was for the first time under the spell of one who has
influenced more than one generation of Oxford men.
And as the days went on, there was a curious feeling of preparation
for some change. He made all his arrangements and was quite calm,
quite gentle, even merry at times; now and then the weary fits of
physical lassitude or of headache would prostrate him, but when these
were past he would placidly begin some bit of work.
On Thursday in Whit week he went to the eight o'clock Celebration
of Holy Communion in the Latin Chapel of Christ Church, and in the
course of that day he said, 'I have now come to see that faith is
intellectually justifiable.' By-and-by he added, 'It is Christianity
or nothing.'
Presently he added, 'I as yet have not that real inward assurance; it
is with me as that text says, "I am not able to look up," but I feel
the service of this morning is a means of grace.'
This was almost the last time he ever spoke on religious subjects.
With Mr. Philip Waggett there had been in these last days some talks,
and the two friends, united as they had been in earlier years by
their common interest in science, and in those problems which all
who think at all must sooner or later face, now found themselves
in closer and fuller agreement than either could at one time have
believed possible.
Sunday, the twentieth of May, was his birthday and that of his eldest
son, and had always been a family festa. He was bright and merry,
went to Magdalen to see Mrs. Warren, saw for the last time Dr. Paget,
and had a little talk about his 'Thoughts on Religion' with Mr. Gore,
whom he went to hear preach in one of the Oxford churches. And on
Monday he keenly enjoyed a small luncheon party, consisting of the
Master of Balliol, Mr. Gore, and Miss Wordsworth, saying that Poetry,
Science, Theology, Philosophy were all represented, and that he would
have such-like little parties every now and then, they were so
refreshing and did not tire him.
One or two special friends came in to see him on these last days, and
he had planned to go and stay at a country house belonging to the
President of Trinity, which had been with characteristic kindness put
at his disposal.
On Wednesday, May 23, he seemed particularly well; he wrote a letter
to the Editor of the 'Contemporary Review' and did some bits of
work. It was Sir James and Lady Paget's Golden Wedding day, and he
despatched a telegram of congratulation to them. (The very last bit
of shopping he ever did was to buy a present for that Golden Wedding,
which reached those for whom it was intended after he was dead.)
He came into his study about twelve, and asked that the book in which
he was then interested, 'Some Aspects of Theism,'[125] might be read
aloud; but before the reading began he changed his mind, and said he
would lie down in his bedroom and be read to there. On lying down he
complained of feeling very ill, said a few loving words to one who
was with him, and became unconscious. His children and the Dean came
to him, but he did not recover enough to know them, and passed away
in less than an hour: _Ex umbris et imaginibus in veritatem_.
Five days later he was laid to rest in Holywell Cemetery, after an
early Celebration in Christ Church, the first part of the service
being said in the cathedral which he had loved so much, and which had
brought him so much comfort in the last weeks of life.
His favourite hymn, 'Lead, kindly Light,' was sung, and the service
was said in part by the friend who had been with him on his
wedding-day, given him his first Communion after the illness began,
and who had been bound up with many joys and sorrows;[126] and in
part by Mr. Philip Waggett, who had been to him as a young brother,
more and more loved, during the seven years in which they had walked
and talked as friends, the friend known as 'Carissime.' (One other
special friend, Mr. Gore, was prevented by illness from coming.)
Looking back over these two years of illness, it is impossible not to
be struck by the calmness and fortitude with which that illness was
met. There were, as has been said, moments of terrible depression and
of disappointment and of grief. It was not easy for him to give up
ambition, to leave so many projects unfulfilled, so much work undone.
But to him this illness grew to be a mount of purification,
Ove l'umano spirito si purga,
E di salire al ciel diventa degno.[127]
More and more there grew on him a deepening sense of the goodness
of God. No one had ever suffered more from the Eclipse of Faith, no
one had ever been more honest in dealing with himself and with his
difficulties.
The change that came over his mental attitude may seem almost
incredible to those who knew him only as a scientific man; it does
not seem so to the few who knew anything of his inner life. To them
the impression given is, not of an enemy changed into a friend,
antagonism altered into submission; rather is it of one who for
long has been bearing a heavy burden on his shoulders bravely and
patiently, and who at last has had it lifted from him, and lifted
so gradually that he could not tell the exact moment when he found
it gone, and himself standing, like the Pilgrim of never to be
forgotten story, at the foot of the Cross, and Three Shining Ones
coming to greet him.
It was recovery, to some extent discovery, which befell him, but
there was no change of purpose, no sudden intellectual or moral
conversion.
He had always cared more for Truth, for the knowledge of God, than
for anything else in the world. In the years most outwardly happy
he was crying out in the darkness for light, with a soul athirst
for God, and, as was said before, he did most truly re-echo St.
Augustine's words, '_Fecisti nos ad Te, et inquietum est cor nostrum,
donec requiescat in Te_.'
It is difficult for anyone who has lived in closest intimacy with him
to speak of him in words which will not to those who did not know
him seem exaggerated, nay, extravagant; to those who knew and loved
him, cold, inadequate, lifeless; for he bore 'the white flower of a
blameless life' from boyhood onwards, and in heart and life he was
unstained, pure, unselfish, unworldly in the truest sense.
When the Shadow of Death lay on him, and the dread messenger was
drawing near, and he looked back on his short life, he could reproach
himself only for what he called sins of the intellect, mental
arrogance, undue regard for intellectual supremacy.
No one better understood him than the friend[128] who wrote:
When a man has lived with broad and strong interest in life,
neither discarding nor slighting any true part of it in home,
or society, or work, the various aspects of his character and
career are likely to be many and suggestive. And so there may be
some warrant for an attempt to disengage one line of advance in
the life, one trait in the example, and to concentrate attention
upon that, while the other and perhaps more widely recognised
elements are for the moment left unnoticed. There was one such
line of advance in the life of George Romanes, of which it may be
hard to speak, but wrong, perhaps, to be wholly silent. Few men
have shown more finely the simplicity and patience in sustained
endeavour which are the conditions of attainment in the quest of
truth. It is easy to see how the training and habits of a mind
devoted to natural science may render faith more difficult, and
cross or check the venture of the soul towards the things eternal
and unseen. But there is one quality proper to such a mind which
should have a different effect, and act as a safeguard against
a fault that often checks or mars the growth of faith. That
quality is tenacity of uncorrelated fragments; the endurance of
incompleteness; the patient refusal to attenuate or discard a
fact because it will not fit into a system; the determined hope
that whatsoever things are true have further truth to teach, if
only they are held fast and fairly dealt with. The sincerely
scientific mind shows such tenacity as that under every trial
of its faith and patience, howsoever long and unpromising and
unrelieved; for it knows itself responsible not for attainment,
but for perseverance; not for conquest, but for loyalty. It
resists even the temptation to dislike the untidy scraps of
observation or experience which will match nothing and go
nowhere; for it suspects and reveres in all the possibility of
new light.
And surely there is a like excellence of thought, rare, and
high, and exemplary, in regard to the things unseen, the things
that are spiritually discerned. Scattered up and down the world,
coming one way or another within the ken of all men, there are
facts of plain experience which will not really fit, unmutilated,
undisfigured, into any scheme or view of life that leaves God
out of sight. They are facts, it may be, of which a full account
can hardly, if at all, be given. They are fragmentary, isolated,
imponderable; clearer at one time than at another; largely
dependent, for anything like due recognition, upon the individual
mind, and heart, and will. Yet there they are, flashing out
at times with an intensity which makes all else seem pale and
cold; disclosing, or ready to disclose, to any quietness of
thought, great hints of worlds unrealised and possibilities of
overwhelming glory.
And it is on loyalty, on justice to such fragments of truth,
unaccounted for and unarranged, that for many men the trial of
faith may turn. All is not lost, and everything is possible, so
long as the mind refuses to doubt the reality of the light that
has come, perhaps, as yet only in broken rays. Of such justice
and loyalty George Romanes set a very high example. The strength
and simplicity and patience of his character appeared in nothing
else more remarkably, more happily, than in his undiscouraged
grasp of those unseen realities which invade this world in the
name and power of the world to come. The love of precision and
completeness never dulled his care for the things that he could
neither define, nor label, nor arrange; in their fragmentariness
he treasured them, in their reserve he trusted them, waiting
faithfully to see what they might have to show him. And they did
not fail him. This is not the place in which to try to speak
of the graces and the gladness which from such loyal sincerity
passed into his life, nor of the clearer light that grew and
spread before his wistful, hopeful gaze. But it hardly can be
wrong to have said thus much of so noble and so timely a pattern
of allegiance to all truth discerned; and of this great lesson
in a life which seemed even here to have the earnest of that
promise--'He that seeketh, findeth'--a life which seemed to be
moving steadily towards the blessing of the pure in heart, the
vision of Almighty God.[129]
F. P.
A letter from Mr. Gladstone cannot be omitted, and seems to come in
fittingly at this place:
1 Carlton Gardens: June.
Dear Mrs. Romanes,--My present circumstances are not very
favourable to direct personal communication, and my personal
intercourse with Mr. Romanes was so scanty in its quantity as
hardly to warrant my present intrusion, but I cannot help writing
a few words for the purpose of conveying my deep sympathy on the
heavy bereavement you have sustained, and further of saying how
deep an impression he left upon my mind in the point of character
not less than of capacity. He was one of the men whom the age
specially requires for the investigation and solution of its
especial difficulties, and for the conciliation and harmony of
interests between which a factitious rivalry has been created.
Your heavy private loss is then coupled in my view with a public
calamity; but while I can rejoice in your retrospect of his
labour, I also trust it may please God in His wisdom to raise up
others to fill up his place and carry forward his work. May you
enjoy the abundance of the Divine consolations in proportion to
your great need.
Believe me, most truly yours,
W. E. GLADSTONE.
Not much remains to be said. The life here described would seem to
have been cut short, but, as was said by a friend, 'in a short time
he fulfilled a long time,'[130] and few have won for themselves more
love in the home and beyond it. He left no enemy, and those who loved
him and to whom his loss has left a blank and desolation of which
it is not well to speak, can only be thankful for what he was and
for what he is. Not indeed that one would forget those words of Dean
Church quoted in the beautiful preface to his Life:[131]
'I often have a kind of waking dream: up one road, the image of a
man decked and adorned as if for a triumph, carried up by rejoicing
and exulting friends, who praise his goodness and achievements; and,
on the other road, turned back to back to it, there is the very man
himself, in sordid and squalid apparel, surrounded not by friends
but by ministers of justice, and going on, while his friends are
exulting, to his certain and perhaps awful judgment. That vision
rises when I hear, not just and conscientious endeavours to make
out a man's character, but when I hear the loose things that are
said--often in kindness and love--of those beyond the grave.'
But there have been men and women who have lifted the minds and
the hearts of those who knew and loved them to increasing love for
goodness, to increasing loftiness of ideal, and for these, whom now
no praise can hurt, no blame can wound, one can but lift one's heart
in ever growing thankfulness for the gifts and graces which made them
what they were, and which will grow and increase in them until the
Perfect Day.
_Beati mundo corde, quoniam ipsi Deum videbunt._
May 23, 1895.
FOOTNOTES:
[68] Mr. Romanes had belonged for many years to the Aristotelian
Society, and had contributed papers to the Journal of the Society.
He also once belonged to the Psychological Club, which used to meet
at Professor Croom Robertson's house. The other members of the club
were Mr. Francis Galton, Mr. Sully, Mr. Shadworth Hodgson, Professor
Edgeworth, Professor Dunstan, Mr. Edmund Gurney, Mrs. Bryant, and one
or two others.
[69] See _Thoughts on Religion_, p. 92.
[70] The beautiful cemetery adjoining Holywell Church, Oxford.
[71] Dr. Liddon died in September 1890.
[72] The house which Mr. Romanes had taken was originally an
almshouse.
[73] The Physiological Society has a yearly meeting at Oxford.
[74] Professor Victor Horsley, F.R.S., Univ. Coll. London.
[75] Professor of Physiology at Oxford.
[76] Professor W. Dunstan, F.R.S.
[77] 'Lights of the Church and of Science.'
[78] Professor Kitchen Parker, F.R.S.
[79] Mr. R. Scott, F.R.S.
[80] _The Colours of Animals_, by E. B. Poulton, M.A., F.R.S.,
International Scientific Series, vol. lxviii.
[81] A beautiful terrier.
[82] Two more dogs.
[83] This was the last summer at Geanies.
[84] Mr. E. B. Turner, F.R.C.S.
[85] Psalm xxvii.
[86] A pet name for his daughter.
[87] He had slipped on the rocks and hurt his arm.
[88] His third son.
[89] On 'Physiological Selection.' See _Nature_, vol. xlii. pp. 5, 7,
and vol. xliii. pp. 79 and 127.
[90] The late Professor Sellar.
[91] The Oxford Natural History Society.
[92] The Astronomer Royal at the Cape and his wife.
[93] The Rev. Bartholomew Price, D.D., F.R.S.
[94] Mr. Gladstone had declined at first, but yielded to a second
urgent request from the founder.
[95] The home of Sir William and the Hon. Lady Welby-Gregory.
[96] On the work alluded to in a letter to Professor Schäfer.
[97] The Rev. Philip Napier Waggett, now of Cowley St. John, who was
one of Mr. Romanes' most intimate friends, Mr. Waggett's scientific
attainments made him a valuable as well as a much loved friend.
[98] The Rev. E. Moore, D.D.
[99] Since this letter has been in type the world has had to lament
Mr. Huxley's death.
[100] Privy Councillor.
[101] The proprietor of an hotel in Madeira.
[102] Miss Pollock's marriage to Mr. Vernon Boys, F.R.S., is here
referred to.
[103] A pet name for his sister.
[104] A window to his memory is to be placed in Caius College Chapel.
[105] A favourite cousin, who died a few mouths after Mr. Romanes.
[106] See p. 289, above.
[107] His wedding-day.
[108] Dr. Paget had been very ill.
[109] Mr. Waggett.
[110] It was 'book-plate.'
[111] _Contemporary_, April 1892.
[112] His butler, an old and valued servant.
[113] F. J. Moulton, Esq., M.P., F.R.S.
[114] Professor W. Crookes, F.R.S.
[115] Mr. Herbert Spencer on 'Natural Selection,' _Contemporary
Review_, April 1893.
[116] Now Bishop of Rochester.
[117] About eighteen months before, when a very temporary attack of
aphasia had come on.
[118] His brother was making additions to the house at Dunskaith.
[119] He did see one more.
[120] See _Life and Letters of C. Darwin_, vol. iii. p. 358.
[121] Mr. G. R. Turner, F.R.C.S., one of Mr. Romanes's dearest
friends; as was also his brother, Mr. E. B. Turner, F.R.C.S.
[122] Regius Professor of Pastoral Theology at Oxford.
[123] Of St. Giles's Parish Church.
[124] A pet name for the two babies.
[125] By Professor Knight of St. Andrews.
[126] The Dean of Christ Church.
[127] Dante's _Purgatorio_, I.
[128] The Dean of Christ Church.
[129] Reprinted from the _Guardian_ of June 6.
[130] Wisdom, iv. 13.
[131] Preface to _Life and Letters of Dean Church_, p. xxiv.
INDEX
Acton, Lord, 286
Agassiz, 15, 31, 32
Allen, Grant, 55
Allman, Professor, 149, 150
Arnold, M., 82
Balfour, Rt. Hon. A. J., 142
-- Mr. Francis, 15, 148
Bishop of Oxford (Wilberforce), 81
Boys, Mrs. Vernon, letter to, 294
Bramwell, Sir F., 222, 223
British Association, 65, 71
Browning, Robert, 142, 149
Brunton, Dr. Lauder, 61, 148
Brydon, Dr., 14
Burney prize, won by G. J. Romanes, 9, 83
Butcher, Professor, 148, 193, 266, 277
Caird, Professor (now Master of Balliol), 40, 348
Cats, sense of direction in, 107
Cautley, Rev. Proby, 6, 7
Children, poem to, 139
Church, Dean, 156, 157, 229, 343, 356
Churchill, Mr., 204, 209
Clodd, E. M., 149
Compton, Earl and Countess, 272, 273, 276, 277, 286
Correvon, Professor, 177, 212, 213
Crookes, Professor, 303, 304
Croonian Lectures, 15, 92
Curteis, Canon, 151
Darwin, Charles, first introduction to, 12
-- first meeting with, 14
Darwin, Charles, letters from, 32, 34, 35, 45, 47, 49, 56, 60, 62, 65,
66, 72, 74, 75, 76, 78, 85, 97, 101, 102, 105, 108, 109, 114,
115, 117, 120, 123, 126
-- letters to, 19, 20, 33, 34, 38, 42, 45, 50, 53, 55, 57, 61, 63, 68,
70, 71, 73, 77, 79, 86, 93, 98, 99, 100, 103, 104, 106, 112,
116, 118, 119, 120, 121, 125
-- quoted, 196, 200, 203, 211, 220, 221, 224, 307, 320, 339
-- death of, 130
-- memorial volume, 133
-- Mr. F., 8, 50, 51, 54, 59, 78, 73, 105, 130, 131, 132, 135, 170,
171, 186, 209, 303, 317
_Darwin and after Darwin_, 177, 279
Dawkins, Professor Boyd, 151
Delbœuf, _La Psychologie, son Présent et son Avenir_, 74
Dyer, Mr. Thiselton, 90, 198, 200, 211, 213, 239, 304, 307, 314, 315,
316
Eimer, Dr., 45, 224, 290
Eliot, George, 48
Evidences of Organic Evolution, lectures on, 66
Ewart, Professor Cossar, 14, 92, 100, 128, 150, 256, 290, 311
Fabre, M., 111, 113, 196
Flower, Sir W., 74, 302
Foster, Dr. Michael, 8, 13, 31, 38, 51
Galton, Mr. Francis, 55, 161, 162, 239, 262, 302, 317
Germination, experiments on, 303, 324
Gill, Mr. and Mrs., 272
Gotch (Professor), 258
Gladstone, Rt. Hon. W. E., 162, 231, 275, 286, 355
Gore, Rev. C., 81, 272, 278, 303, 311, 342, 349, 351
Gosse, Mr. E. W., 229, 277
Gounod, 69
Graham, Mr. H. M., M.P., 273, 277
Gray, Professor Asa, 153, 154
Green, Mr. J. R., 144
Gulick, Rev. J., 216, 217, 232, 236, 255
Häckel, 47, 49, 51, 52, 61, 66, 93
Heliotropism, experiments on, 325
Helmholtz, Professor, 320
Henslow, Rev. George, letters to and from, 327-341
Hobhouse, Sir A., 76
-- Rev. W., 277, 297
Holland-Scott, Rev. H., 144, 185, 284
Hooker, Sir Joseph, 20, 54, 74, 176
Horsley, Mr. Victor, 222, 259, 265
Huxley, Professor, 16, 55, 74, 144, 259, 278, 286, 287, 303, 316
Hybridism, 101, 102, 103
Instinct, article on, 129
Joachim, Dr. Joseph, 70, 273
Lamarck, 222, 224, 308
Lankester, Professor, 46, 90, 277
Latham, Dr., 9
Lawless, Hon. E., 56, 57
Lecky, Mr., 162, 285
Le Conte, Professor, 238, 278
Liddon, Rev. Dr., 143, 160, 257, 258, 259
Lincoln, Bishop of, 348
Linnean Society, 38, 116
Lister, C. E., 5, 256
Lockyer, Mr. Norman, 126, 142, 148
Logan, Mr. C., 193
_Lux Mundi_, 249, 250, 259
McKendrick, Professor, 91
Medusæ, work on, 15, 16, 17, 18, 22, 23, 24, 25, 26, 27, 28, 29, 30,
31, 32, 33, 37, 47
Meldola, Professor, 90, 161
Mivart, Professor St. George, 100
Moberly, Rev. Dr., 342, 343
Moore, Rev. Aubrey, 249, 250, 251, 252, 253
Morgan, Professor Lloyd C., 311
Myers, Mr. F. W., 80
Newall, Mr., 99
Paget, Rev. H. L., 2, 232
-- Miss M. M., 139, 140, 286
-- Very Rev. Francis, 2, 143, 149, 151, 157, 159, 228, 297, 310, 320,
343, 346, 351
-- Sir James, 344, 349
Palgrave, Professor, 229, 278
Pangenesis, letters on, 18, 19, 21, 35, 47, 49, 107, 108, 195, 223,
225, 254
Panmixia, 198, 212, 224, 239, 254
Pascal, 342
Pembroke, Master of, 346
Perrier, M., 196, 198, 222
Pfleiderer, Professor, 160
Physiological selection, 162-176, 201-208, 209-217, 235
Physiological Society, 51, 65
Pollock, Mr. W. H., 92
-- Mrs. H., letters to, 263, 288
Poulton, Professor E. B., 192, 193, 195, 197, 220
Psychology, work on, 188, 190
Rede Lecture, 153
Romanes, Rev. Dr., 1, 2
-- Mr., 1, 9, 92
-- Miss C. E., letters to, 65, 129, 142, 144, 161, 166, 178, 184, 185
-- Miss Georgina, 69
-- Mrs. G. J., letters to, 91, 262, 266, 296-301, 346
-- Mr. James, letters to, 11, 151, 187, 240, 289, 292, 295, 312, 319
Rosebery Lectureship, 177
Roux, Dr., 109, 110, 125
Ruskin, John, 98
St. Albans, Bishop of, 156
'Sally,' letter on, 241
Sanderson, Professor Burdon, 13, 18, 51, 66, 69, 117, 130, 148, 192,
259, 311, 326
Schäfer, Professor, letters to, 22, 25, 28, 37, 279, 348
Sharpey, Professor, 13
Shorthouse, Mr., 144
Smith, Rev. Robert, 1
Spencer, Herbert, 48, 93, 96, 144, 221, 239, 301, 305, 307
Spottiswoode, Mr. William, 14, 142, 149
Sully, Mr., 96, 277
Tait, Lawson, 21
Talbot, Dr., 311
Taylor, Canon Isaac, 291, 296
Teesdale, Mr. J. M., 99, 100, 129
_Theism, a Candid Examination of_, 83, 149, 153, 154, 342
Thompson, Sir W. (Lord Kelvin), 91
_Thoughts on Religion_, 342
Tyndall, Professor, 104, 143
Vivisection, 61, 62, 117, 121, 122, 123, 124, 125, 126
Waggett, Rev. P. W., 311, 348, 350
Wallace, Mr., 55, 90, 170, 210, 211, 219, 255, 261, 337
Wedgwood, Miss, 99, 100, 101
Weismann, Professor, 194, 195, 196, 197, 211, 220, 223, 224, 225, 226,
235, 236, 237, 239, 240, 253, 254, 266, 288, 300, 301, 347
Yeo, Professor Gerald, 65
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TRANSCRIBER'S NOTE
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Obvious punctuation errors have been corrected after careful
comparison with other occurrences within the text and consultation
of external sources.
Except for those changes noted below, all misspelling in the text,
and inconsistent or archaic usage, have been retained. For example:
develop, develope; dulness; inclose; starfish, star-fish.
Table of Contents. '228' replaced by '248'.
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Pg 50. 'Rosshire' replaced by 'Ross-shire'.
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