Transcriber’s Note: This is a reprint edition provided by the Negro
Universities Press, New York, 1969. Articles split across pages of the
magazine have been re-joined. Adverts have been moved to the end of the
publication.
THE HALF-CENTURY MAGAZINE
AUGUST, 1916
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Half-Century Magazine
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=Most Important of All.=—In every letter that you write us never fail to
give your full address plainly written, name, post-office, County and
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=We Always Stop the Magazine= at the expiration of the time paid for
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VOLUME I AUGUST, 1916 NUMBER 1
CONTENTS
Cover Mrs. Florence Cole-Talbert
Page
Editorial 3-4
An Orator 5
Centennial General A. M. E. Conference 6
National Republican Convention 6
An Act of Charity (A Story) 7
The National Association of Colored Women 8
Musical and Dramatic 9
A Salesmen’s Convention 10
Beauty Hints 11
Domestic Science 12
Opportunity (A Poem) 16
The Man Who Wins (A Poem) 16
With Our Exchanges 18
EDITORIAL
As there are already many race publications on the market, it is expected
of a new one that an excuse be offered for its entering the field and an
explanation be made of its object, its purpose and its policy.
The excuse that it is “to fill a long felt want,” although a stereotyped
expression, is an appropriate one in this case; for notwithstanding there
are already many race publications on the market, none of them seems to
meet the requirements, judging from the general expressions so repeatedly
heard.
There are so many features that we plan to cover, and so many things that
are done by other publications that we think are subject to criticism,
which we propose _not_ to do, that we will make mention of only a few of
them at this time, leaving the balance to be reviewed later.
It will not be our sole ambition to make this magazine a “literary gem”
either for our own gratification or to suit the fancy of the “highbrows,”
but to present facts in plain, commonsense language, so that the masses
may read and understand; or, in the words of Brother Taylor, we propose
to call a “spade a _spade_” and not an “excavating instrument for manual
manipulation.”
It is our intention to chronicle such doings of the race as may be of
interest to a majority of our readers. Such men and women of the race as
may attain eminence or affluence by perseverance, we shall be pleased
to make mention of in these columns, as we feel assured that the masses
are interested in the same; but we shall refrain from publishing such
articles as “Sister Smith of Bastrop gave a chicken dinner last Sunday
for Brother Jones of Monroe,” as we believe that of all our readers only
four persons would be interested in such an item—Sister Smith, because it
tickled her vanity to see her name in print; Brother Jones, to the extent
that as he had partaken of many similar dinners under more agreeable
surroundings, the recalling to his memory of this affair reminded him how
bored he was; Brother Jones’ wife, who was in a quandary as to why Sister
Smith should go to the expense to give her husband a dinner, and Mrs.
Brown, who lives next door to Sister Smith, who expresses her interest
with these remarks: “I think it would be better if Sister Smith would
pay her debts before she starts giving big dinners.” As such news items
are fully covered by our leading Colored weeklies, we leave the field to
their complete monopolistic control.
As the Race Problem is ever with us, we shall discuss and shall entertain
discussions of the same from time to time. We appreciate that we are now
living in a commercial era and that the factors of paramount importance
in the solution of this problem are economy, industry—the making and
saving of money—and business development. We also appreciate that in
the upbuilding of the race, unity, co-operation and race patronage are
essential. We believe where other things being equal, our business
enterprises should receive the patronage of our _leaders_ as well as
the masses. There seems to be a well-founded complaint that some of our
leaders, from indifference, selfishness or neglect, fail to patronize
our business enterprises or give them the consideration they deserve.
The Good Book says: “If you are not for us you are against us.” We shall
endeavor to “show up” from time to time which side our leaders are on.
Unfortunately, we have three classes of leaders. In the first class we
have the men and women who, through thought and sacrifice and action, are
actually _doing things_ for the race’s advancement. We will take pleasure
in mentioning them and their work, as they are entitled to every praise.
In another class we have leaders that have been selected _for us_ by
the white race, on account of their willingness to advocate inferiority
and practice submission. We have still another class that has assumed
leadership based upon falsification, gall, treachery, bigotry, egotism
and borrowed oratory. These two latter classes are appropriately
designated as “old aces” and it is customary for our race journals to
give publicity to such persons for so much per. When such persons _do_
something for the advancement of the race we will be pleased to make note
thereof, but we will not use valuable space in rehashing and gleaming
before the public, falsely assumed virtues and accomplishments to which
they are not entitled, but for which they have been given credit solely
for the reason that they have “divied up” with someone, to falsely
represent them before the public.
We should like to send every one of our Subscribers a letter telling of
our plans and ambition to give them the greatest value in the columns of
=The Half-Century Magazine= that can be obtained anywhere.
We are very pleased to announce that we have secured the services of Miss
Leona Porter to conduct our Domestic Science Department. She is, without
question, one of the leading cooking authorities in this country today
and needs no introduction. To secure Miss Porter’s services exclusively
for the =Half-Century=, it cost a great deal of money, but we wanted
to have the “real authority” to conduct this department. The recipes
which will be published each month should be saved. They are arranged
in convenient form, so that they can be cut out and pasted in your cook
book. You are at liberty to write Miss Porter at any time and she will
give you, without cost, helpful advice on all questions of marketing and
cooking, household economies, recipes, menus, left-overs and problems of
housekeepers.
Miss Evelyn Northington will conduct our Department of Beauty Hints.
Miss Northington needs no introduction, as she is of national renown
as an authority on Beauty Culture. You can rest assured that when Miss
Northington indorses anything, it has had her personal investigation and
her indorsement cannot be purchased for money. The article itself must
come up to the standard or she will not indorse it. Little aids to beauty
and good health—hints on complexion, hair trouble, skin, etc.—are matters
on which you will receive advice promptly from a source you may trust.
We shall note each month, as the information comes to us, the latest
books by Colored authors or about the Negro. The latest songs and music
by Negroes and the latest talking machine records.
We want short stories with plots and settings dealing with Negro
life and will pay a good price for all such stories as are accepted
for publication in our columns. Stories must not exceed 5,000 words,
must be typewritten and written only on one side of paper. Please
understand—manuscripts that are not accepted will not be returned unless
sufficient stamps are inclosed to pay postage on the same.
Politics! Oh, yes! The Negro is a born politician, and although we shall
try to avoid following our natural instinct to jump into the Political
Pot, at the same time we are going to reserve the right to discuss fairly
and impartially, men and measures as they may come up to affect the
welfare of the race.
We are planning a Special Fashion Number for our September issue. This
will be a unique number in which we have a big surprise in store for you.
We will show the latest fall styles in ladies’ wearing apparel. A corps
of trained fashion experts of our race in Chicago and New York have been
engaged and will especially feature our people in the latest styles.
The advertisements of a modern publication have become one of its most
important features, as it is the medium by which the manufacturer or
distributor and the consumer are brought together. It is a fact that many
persons are more interested in the advertisements of a publication than
in any other of its features, which is evidenced by the fact that they
often read the advertisements first; for it enables one not only to keep
abreast with the new developments, but also offers many opportunities for
saving in expenses, which is very important in these days of “high cost
of living”!
We believe in truthfulness in advertising, and, therefore, will not
knowingly insert in our columns, false or extremely exaggerated
advertisements; nor will we accept the advertisements of clairvoyants,
fortune tellers, promoters of questionable oil wells or mining stocks or
other get-rich-quick concerns as have fleeced our people in the past. It
is our intention to investigate the responsibility and reliability of
each advertiser before we accept same for publication. We shall aim to
set a standard that if the advertisement appears in this publication, it
is reliable; a policy that should produce such a confidence between the
advertiser and our readers, as to result in a mutual benefit.
These are only a few of the many things we have planned, to give you the
best value possible for your subscription money.
THE EDITOR.
Making up your mind about people—whether you will like them or not—the
first instant you meet them, is like reading the end of a book first. You
may (though you frequently don’t) secure a fairly accurate impression,
but all the thrill of suspense, the gradual unfolding of surmise into
certainty, is lost forever.
THE AMBITIOUS FROG.
In old Aesop’s fable we read of a frog
Who burst, like a bubble in air,
While trying to show to his friends in the bog
The size of an ox who’d been there.
And the moral was drawn from the homely old tale
That a man should take care what he tries,
And plod on through life, on a nice, modest scale,
Since only contentment is wise.
But my heart goes out to that cocky young frog,
Whose life was so recklessly spent;
Who burst into bits in the midst of his bog
Because on ambition intent.
But tho’ he was highly conceited, I know,
I’m strong for his courage and gall;
For it’s better to burst in attempting to grow
Than to have no ambition at all.
—Berton Braley in Life.
NEWS ITEMS
The National Association of Colored Women will hold their biennial
meeting at Baltimore, August 6 to 11.
* * * * *
The National Meeting of Colored Odd Fellows, that is known as the B. M.
C., will be held at Washington, September 11 to 16.
* * * * *
The Boyd faction of the National Baptist Convention will hold its
convention September 6th at the Second Baptist Church of Kansas City.
* * * * *
The Morris faction of the National Baptist Convention will hold its
convention September 13th at the First African Baptist Church of
Savannah, Ga.
* * * * *
The National Negro Business League, of which the late Dr. Booker T.
Washington was president, will meet at Kansas City, Mo., August 16, 17
and 18.
* * * * *
The National Negro Press Association will also meet at Kansas City at the
same time.
* * * * *
The National Medical Association of Colored Physicians, Surgeons,
Dentists, and Pharmacists meets at Kansas City, Mo., August 22, 23, 24.
Dr. U. G. Dailey, of Chicago, is president of this organization.
An Orator
[Illustration: WILLIAM HARRISON HAYNES]
Among the four contestants for a prize in oratory at the University of
Chicago was William Harrison Haynes of Nashville, Tenn. The first prize
of $100, which is awarded annually to a student of this university for
excellence in oratory, is given by Mr. Julius Rosenwald of Chicago.
The contest was held on the evening of June 1st, in Leon Mandel Assembly
Hall. A brown face and such a title—“A Plea for Justice”—without
difficulty attracted for the speaker the keenest attention of an audience
almost entirely white. Confident in his skill and ability and rejoicing
in this marvelous opportunity to speak before such an audience in behalf
of his people, Mr. Haynes delivered his oration in a style and manner
that has never been equaled in previous contests. It was evident by the
heavy waves of applause, that to him belonged the victory, and when the
announcement of the first prize was made, the colored speaker was hardly
able to hold his position because of the crowd that thronged about him to
extend congratulations and to express lofty words of praise.
Mr. Haynes, an A. B. from Morehouse College of the class of 1915, came to
the University of Chicago last fall and shortly after was made a member
of the Varsity Debating team. He debated for Chicago twice, winning
both times, and on the day of his graduation he was given an elegant
gold watch fob by the Delta Sigma Rho debating fraternity as a token of
appreciation of his good fellowship and excellent scholarship displayed
during his short stay at the university.
A Plea for Justice
Recently ex-President Roosevelt in a speech before the Chicago Bar
Association sounded the note for military preparedness. He and the
foremost leaders in political circles in the United States today
are trying to make the American people squarely face the issue of
preparedness from a military point-of-view.
All of this sentiment for preparation may be for future military
emergencies, or it may be to meet the growing responsibility of the
nation. In either case, if the best results are to be realized, it is
necessary that in every section of the country the fundamental principles
upon which our democracy is based shall be properly administered. If we
are to be really prepared for any emergency, then the vital principles
of this government must be understood by every man. Every section of our
great country and every man in it must know that this country stands
for justice and equal opportunities to all, and that each man is to be
permitted to work out and develop himself to his highest powers. Yet
there is a section of our country where every day the basic principles
on which our government is founded are being violated. Every day sees
men subjected to injustice and arbitrary discrimination. Every day sees
men deprived of that opportunity and equal protection of the laws which
have been so cherished by the American people. If preparedness means the
development of manhood and womanhood in order that we shall be able to
repel the injustice of a foreign invader, then we must begin by granting
justice to those here at home. Tonight, ladies and gentlemen, I wish to
speak to you on one phase of the great American problem—the relation of
the Negro to the South, and the South to the Nation.
Allow me to present briefly, if you please, an analysis of the most
prevalent forms of injustice that are practiced in the South today.
In the matter of suffrage, six states in the South have in practice
laws which virtually take away the right of the colored man to vote.
Politicians are elected to office not on the basis of their ability, but
simply willingness to design and support legal technicalities which are
prolific of this sort of injustice. These suffrage laws are based upon
property ownership, or ability to read and interpret the Constitution,
or payment of taxes; but the power of decision as to who is qualified
under these laws is in the hand of a few unscrupulous politicians, who
decide eligibility purely on the basis of race. An illustration will
serve to show how these laws operate and the evils resulting from them.
Before the disfranchisement act went into operation in Alabama there were
232,000 white and 181,000 colored male citizens of voting age, making
a total of 413,000. The total number of qualified voters in the state
today will not aggregate more than 200,000. There are 181,000 colored
male citizens of voting age in Alabama today, at least 8,000 of whom
are college graduates, and yet there are only 3,000 of them permitted
to register and vote. Nevertheless, ladies and gentlemen, these people
are counted as a basis of representation, and since they are denied the
ballot they are even misrepresented, and the power of those who do the
injustice is doubled. There are tonight almost 5,000,000 colored citizens
of this country who reside in the purview of these discriminating laws,
who are denied the right of the ballot, despite the fact that more
than 53 per cent of them pay taxes on property owned. Can these states
consistently deny the rights of citizenship to 5,000,000 men, and then in
time of crisis call upon them to support the government which has kept
them down? Can Americans who believe in justice and equal opportunity
to all afford to see these men deprived of their rights? These people
have shown that they can successfully take part in the industrial life
of the South. But what good will that do unless they can protect the
fruits of their labor by means of the ballot—the ballot that elects the
representatives who make the laws—the ballot which elects the judges who
enforce them?
We hear so much of ignorance and its attendant evils as a menace in the
South, we would suppose that the funds for public education would be
adequately and justly distributed. But such is not the case.
Forty per cent of the children of school age in eleven states in the
South are of the colored race, and yet they receive only fifteen per
cent of the school fund. In the state of Georgia the population of the
two races is almost equal and millions of dollars of the public fund are
annually spent for high school education, but nowhere in this great state
is there one public high school for members of my race. In the city of
Atlanta, last year, 4,503 colored children applied for admission to the
public school, and these came voluntarily, not forced by a compulsory
education law. The seating capacity of the schools provided for their
education was 2,951. Instead of increasing the seating capacity the board
of education abolished the eighth grade, and even to this night the
seventh grade measures the extent of public education for my race in the
city of Atlanta.
A third form of injustice in the South which shows signs of increasing
is segregation of residential sections by city ordinances. These laws
are unconstitutional because they prevent a man from selling or renting
his property to whomsoever he chooses. But, they are also teeming with
evils which do not appear on the surface. Segregation does not simply
mean that the races live apart in separate districts. It means that these
segregated divisions for colored people will be almost automatically
converted into slums. For, in them police improvement and sanitation
will be of the poorest sort, appropriations for street improvement and
sanitation will be few and far between. It means that there will be no
escape from this environment within the city limits for even the most
worthy and aspiring citizens of my race. You can easily see the dilemma
which exists in the South today where segregation is enforced. If we are
not thrifty and have no desire for education and moral uplift, we are
depicted to the world as the most worthless of human beings. On the other
hand, if we wish to develop ourselves and our children into citizens
worthy of this great Republic, in the South we are prevented by the Law.
If we ask for those privileges of the law to which we are entitled, we
are told we are not yet ready for them. If we ask for the opportunity
to prepare to exercise those privileges, we are told we would not make
use of them if we had them—and they are denied to us. The policy of the
South is illogical, inconsistent, indefensible. Unless the South squarely
faces the problem before its doors, unless it seeks to solve the problem
instead of repressing it, and deals with the problem with intelligence
and sympathy, then inevitably there must result, for my people and for
yours, stagnation, disease and death!
It is not necessary for me to call your attention this evening to the
widespread practice in the Southern states of denying the right of trial
by jury. Can any state expect to develop law-abiding citizens while
the laws themselves are freely broken in the matter of punishment? To
summarize the situation in the South, life is cheap, property is always
in danger, and lawlessness reigns supreme. As a result of it all, the law
of retributive justice brings it about that the South is the retarding
cog in the machinery of our democracy. World conditions demand that the
machine be set in prime to meet future responsibilities and duties.
The problem is neither local or racial—it is national. It is not a matter
of racial misunderstanding involving only one section of the country.
It is a matter of eleven million citizens of the United States being
subjected to flagrant injustice. Its solution involves not only the
welfare of my race, but the future of the Republic.
A correct and permanent solution of this problem involves the ready
co-operation of the colored race, the South, and the National government.
The colored race, which constitutes one-third of the population of the
South, is such a factor in the life of the South, that no plan of civil
and material welfare can ignore his rights if it hopes to reach the
highest success. We are learning the value of industrial independence and
education. Leaders of my race are coming forward, men of ideals and of
vision, who are giving to millions inspiration, ambition and hope. Given
but the opportunity, we will help to make industrious, intelligent and
patriotic citizens of our people.
Today the South is half a century behind the North in the development of
her resources and her industries. It is to the interest of the South to
learn that the time spent in repressing the negro is just that much time
lost from the promotion of its industrial and civic welfare. It is to the
interest of the South to learn that those efforts which tend to curtail
the fullest growth of one-third of this population must inevitably
curtail the fullest growth of the South itself. It is to the interest
of the South to have a spiritual awakening, if it hopes to develop its
material and civil resources.
The National government that poured out its treasures and the blood
of its sons that men might be free, cannot stop short of their full
enfranchisement through the freedom of knowledge and culture. The
National government must give its aid to develop skilled hands,
disciplined minds, and patriotic hearts. For the colored race is the one
asset of this country, especially of the South, which at present shows
promise of the greatest returns in proportion to the money and energy
spent in its development.
We, the younger generation of the colored race, realize the gravity of
the situation, and that we are factors in its solution. We are aware of
the fact that we are in the midst of a people that is the product of
twenty centuries of human progress.
At present we have every reason to be hopeful. When, during the last
half of the nineteenth century, the cries of my people were for
charitable help to combat ignorance and poverty, the philanthropists
of the North responded in the form of Morehouse, Fiske, Tuskegee and
other institutions of both higher education and industrial training.
These schools today have thousands of graduates scattered in all parts
of the South, giving their lives in fighting poverty and ignorance. At
the beginning of the twentieth century, the cry from the South is for
equal opportunity and a proper administration of justice. We expect the
government to respond. We have faith in American ideals—in the ultimate
triumph of Americanism.
We have faith in the greatness of our country, and in the ability of
its people to meet and overcome all difficulties which may beset it. We
have faith in the determination to realize for all men, both white and
black, the broadest possibilities of life and to seek its highest powers.
We have faith in the Union of knowledge, cheerful co-operation, and
broad-minded sympathy to advance the common good. Let us pray God that
the heart hurting plights of race dislikes, the sectional differences
and racial animosities and suspicions will pass away, and their place
be taken by that broader republic of human attainment which knows no
limitations of race, color, or clime!
[Illustration]
The Centennial General A. M. E. Conference
The Centennial General A. M. E. Conference held its twenty-fifth
quadrennial meeting in Mother Bethel Church, Philadelphia, Pa., on Sixth
street below Pine, just two blocks from Old St. George Church, where
Richard Allen and his followers left one hundred years ago and organized
the first A. M. E. Church in a little blacksmith shop on the spot where
Mother Bethel now stands.
Conference was called to order May 3rd, and was presided over by
thirteen Bishops, fifty-one general officers and attended by six hundred
thirty-two delegates, one hundred alternates and two hundred visiting
ministers. These delegates came from all sections of the United States,
Africa and other foreign lands, where the A. M. E. Churches are located.
Senior Bishop Lee presided over the first session and the following
sessions were presided over by the Bishops in their turns of elevation.
It was sad to note the absence of twenty members that met with the
twenty-fourth General Conference who had passed away during the past four
years, three of which were Bishops of the Church and one a very prominent
minister and officer in the Conference, and beloved pastor of Bethel
Church, Chicago. The following were greatly lamented.
Bishop Henry McNeal Turner—Twelfth Bishop of the Church, at Windsor,
Canada, May 8, 1915.
Bishop Moses Buckingham Salter—Twenty-first Bishop of the Church, at his
residence Charleston, S. C., March 21, 1913.
Bishop William Derrick—Twenty-third Bishop of the Church, at his
residence Flushing, N. Y., April 15, 1915.
Rev. James M. Townsend—Ex-Secretary of Missions, at his home, Richmond,
Ind., June 18, 1913.
Rev. T. M. Smith en route to his home in Georgia, June 1, 1913.
Rev. Wm. Conwell Banton—At his home in Montgomery, Ala., June 25, 1913.
Rev. Horace S. Graves—At Asheville, N. C., where he had gone in quest of
health, July 4, 1913.
Rev. W. H. Jones—At Gordon, Ark., March 12, 1915.
Rev. H. W. Bennett—At his home, Charleston, S. C., Oct. 1, 1913.
Rev. Theobald A. Smythe—Beloved pastor of Bethel Church, Chicago, at his
home Jan. 25, 1916.
Rev. J. W. B. Jackson—Florida, Sept. 7, 1913.
Rev. A. J. Bennett—Florida, July 2, 1915.
Rev. James Dean—Florida, Dec. 19, 1914.
Rev. A. Scott—Florida, Dec. 5, 1915.
Rev. R. M. S. Taylor—Georgia Conference, Feb. 19, 1914.
Rev. A. J. Wilkinson—North Georgia Conference, April 10, 1916.
Rev. T. F. Boddie—Macon, Georgia Conference, Feb. 22, 1916.
Rev. Bruce H. Williams—His home, Charleston, April 9, 1916.
Rev. L. W. McMillan—South Georgia Conference, Feb. 22, 1915.
Mrs. Francis E. Booker Watson—Wife of Dr. B. F. Watson, Sec. of Church
Extension, Jan. 10, 1915.
Mrs. Laura Lemon Turner, widow of Bishop H. M. Turner, Oct. 11, 1915.
Two of the lamented Bishops were among the most prominent leaders the
race had. They were born leaders and men with remarkable characters and
abilities. Their loss is keenly felt not only by the A. M. E connection,
but by the race in general.
Mother Bethel should be highly complimented on the arrangements made for
the convenience of the delegates. A telegraph office, post office, dining
room and all other necessary things were located in the church. In spite
of arrangements the throng that filled the church the first few days of
the Conference to pay their respects was so large and the confusion so
great that very little was accomplished until May 7.
On May 7 the ministers listened to what they declared the finest
addresses ever heard, delivered by Dr. Isaac N. Ross of Baltimore, Md.,
and Dr. W. H. Mixon, Selma, Ala. It is believed by all present at the
time that Dr. N. Ross’s address had a great influence on the ballots cast
in his favor in the race for Bishop.
On May 8 the big fight started for the election of Bishops. Many
ministers and Bishops did not endorse an elevation of any more clergymen
to the bench, as they felt that their present number could take care of
the business and under the existing unsettled conditions and increasing
expenses that it would not be advisable; but the sentiment among the
majority was so strong for new Bishops that the Episcopal Committee
passed on the election of two.
Fifty-three ministers entered the race. They began a systematical
campaign. Three or four districts had their headquarters together and
they kept a printer busy day and night putting out all manner of cards
and pamphlets explaining why each of the fifty-three individuals would be
best suited for Bishop.
After weeks of campaigning two Bishops were finally elected. Before the
ballots were cast Rev. R. C. Ransom asked for prayer and Bishop Parks
prayed. It would be a hard matter to eradicate from the minds of Bishops,
candidates, delegates, and visitors that fifteen minutes of prayer. All
minds were lifted to higher planes and the two weeks of campaigning were
forgotten along with personal aims and selfish ambitions as they turned
their thoughts to God and voted for the men whom they sincerely believed
would help make his kingdom on earth what he would have it to be.
The ministers elevated to the bench were Revs. I. N. Ross and W. W.
Beckett.
Rev. Dr. Beckett was born in Edisto Island in 1856, and was educated at
Clarke University and Gammon Theological Seminary, Atlanta, Ga. From
1908 he served as missionary secretary of the A. M. E. Missionary Board.
How well his services to his Church were appreciated was shown in his
elevation.
Rev. Dr. Ross comes from a grand old Tennessee family. Four of his
brothers, now deceased, were A. M. E. ministers. He served the Church
since 1880 as pastor. His fame as an orator and his faithful and tender
leadership over the flocks that he was appointed to lead were two chief
factors that stood out in his success.
The National Republican Convention
This issue of the Half-Century was delayed so as to include a review of
the proceedings of the National Republican Convention which assembled in
this city on June 7th.
From a Racial standpoint the convention was somewhat a disappointment, as
it furnished conclusive proof that the Negro is gradually, but surely,
being eliminated from National Politics. For notwithstanding practically
all of the “old guards” of the race were here—they were principally
“hangers-on”—members of the “third house,” or contestants, as but few of
them were regular delegates or even alternates.
Considering, the unfriendly attitude of the Democratic administration
toward our people, it was hoped that the Convention would go on record
by making an expression by resolution, or through its party platform, of
its recognition of the equal rights of all men without regard to race
or color, but in that there was also a disappointment. A resolution of
similar purport was offered, but failed to carry.
Concerning Mr. Hughes, the Presidential Nominee, but little is known
as to his attitude toward the race, for he has held but few official
positions in which he has come into contact with our people. As Governor
of the state of New York he was fair. However, anything to beat the
present Democratic Administration. Let us hope!
The fifteen Bishops were assigned to the following districts:
First District—Bishop Evans Tyree, D. D. Conferences, Philadelphia, New
York, New England and New Jersey.
Second District—Bishop J. Albert Johnson, D. D. Conferences, Baltimore,
Virginia, North Carolina and Western North Carolina.
Third District—Bishop C. T, Shaffer. D. D., M. D. Conferences, Ohio,
North Ohio, Pittsburgh and West Virginia.
Fourth District—Bishop L. J. Coppin, D. D. Conferences, Indiana,
Illinois, Chicago, Kentucky and West Kentucky.
Fifth District—Bishop H. B. Parks, D. D. Conferences, Missouri, North
Missouri, Southwest Missouri, Kansas, Colorado, Puget Sound, California
and Arizona.
Sixth District—Bishop J. S. Flipper, D. D. Conferences, Georgia, Macon,
Georgia; Southwest Georgia; Atlanta, Georgia, and Augusta, Georgia.
Seventh District—Bishop W. D. Chappelle, D. D. Conferences, South
Carolina, Columbia, Northeast South Carolina, Palmetto and Piedmont,
South Carolina.
Eighth District—Bishop W. H. Heard, D. D. Conferences, Mississippi,
North Mississippi, Northeast Mississippi, Central Mississippi, East
Mississippi, Louisiana and North Louisiana.
Ninth District—Bishop B. F. Lee, D. D. Conferences, Alabama, Central
Alabama, North Alabama, East Alabama, Tennessee, West Tennessee, East
Tennessee and Central Tennessee.
Tenth District—Bishop J. H. Jones, D. D. Conferences, Texas, Central
Texas, West Texas, Northeast Texas, Southwest Texas and Mexico.
Eleventh District—John Hurst, D. D. Conferences, Florida, East Florida,
South Florida, Central Florida and West Florida.
Twelfth District—Bishop J. M. Conner, D. D. Conferences, Arkansas, West
Arkansas, East Arkansas, South Arkansas, Oklahoma, North Oklahoma and
Central Oklahoma.
Thirteenth District—Bishop I. N. Ross, D. D. Conferences, Liberia and
Sierra Leone.
Fourteenth District—Bishop W. W. Beckett, D. D. Conferences, Cape Colony,
Transvaal, Orange Free State, Zambesi and Natal.
Fifteenth District—Bishop C. S. Smith, D. D. Conferences, Michigan,
Ontario, Nova Scotia, Bermuda, West India and South America.
There was very little legislation accomplished in the Centennial General
Conference. One hundred and sixty-eight bills were put off to the next
quadrennial.
We all look with admiration on the progress made by the A. M. E. Church.
It shows how a few people with comparatively nothing, started out
one hundred years ago and now own and support hundreds of churches,
ministers, and schools in every section of this country, and are now
leading in missionary work in foreign lands.
The dollar money alone contributed since the last quadrennial amounted
to $850,214.14. A small portion of this total went to needy churches and
foreign missions, widows and families of deceased ministers and Bishops,
annual conference expenses, officers’ and Bishops’ salaries and various
other sources too numerous to mention.
We look with pride upon their accomplishments and when we think of the
basis upon which their denomination is founded, “GOD OUR FATHER, CHRIST
OUR REDEEMER, AND MAN OUR BROTHER,” we cease to marvel at their success.
G. B. Campbell.
An Act of Charity
_A STORY_
There were six of us, enough to make a sextette, and when we thought of
the wasted years we spent before we knew one another, it made us sad. We
spent the greater part of our time at one another’s homes, and we usually
had a great deal to talk about. For this reason, my mother decided that
she would give us the house for two weeks. She said we could do as we
pleased, but we had to do all the cooking and house cleaning.
Early in April the other five girls came to my house to have a good time.
In all the world there is not another bunch of girls who can accumulate
more experiences to the square inch than we of the “Sextette.” Helen
even brought her dog with her. He was a beautiful dog, and as we could
observe, had only two faults. One was that he was such a friendly soul
that he would even hobnob with a burglar, and the other that he sometimes
stayed away two weeks at a time. Thus we called him Dynamite, not because
of any energy or character, but because he was likely to go off at any
time.
One night, when a few callers dropped in, we had a merry chafing dish
supper. When they had gone, we sat down to talk things over. During the
conversation, Dorothy, a very kind and sympathetic girl, suggested that
we give a dinner, and instead of giving it for our own pleasure and
that of our friends, we would give it to some of the poor unfortunates,
who never had any pleasures. We all agreed to do this, and each was to
invite a poor unfortunate one as her guest. Helen and I were to prepare
the dinner, and Ruth, Edyth and Dorothy were to arrange and decorate the
other rooms of the house.
The first guest to arrive was Mrs. Craig, a janitress in the office
building where Dorothy’s father had his office. Next came Helen’s guest,
a little newsboy that sold papers in the block where Helen lived. Then
Dr. Lyons, who was Ruth’s guest, arrived. He explained that as he was
lonesome for warmth and cheer of a real home table, instead of the cold
glitter and ceremonious services of the hotel, Ruth took pity on him,
and invited him to our jolly little party. I don’t know what we would
have done without him, for he had that tact which comes from knowing
and loving people, and he knew just how to fill in the awkward pauses,
which were bound to occur in such a mixed gathering. Edyth selected for
her guest an old man, whom she found lying on a bench in Swope Park. His
scraggly hair and beard, and his smoked glasses left a very little of his
face visible, but there was a suggestion of strength and firmness about
his mouth. I selected for my guest a poor little cripple girl who stayed
all alone at home, while her mother worked hard every day.
Well, the dinner was a success, and we girls felt fully repaid for the
little sacrifice we had made. Everyone responded to all the fun but
Edyth’s little old man, who gave his name as “just plain Mr. Jones.”
Everyone enjoyed himself, and the party didn’t break up until late in
the afternoon. As we were expecting other company in the evening, we
started to put on our jewelry, which we had taken off for the dinner,
because we didn’t think it looked well to wear diamonds and other
precious stones when our guests were so poorly clad. I had not thought
of my locket until the first guest had arrived, so I had placed it in
a vase on the dining room mantel. Now I slipped my hand into the vase,
and horrors! It was gone! All was confusion as we rushed around looking
everywhere, for we could not bear to think that anyone, who had sat at
our table and enjoyed our hospitality, would play the part of a thief.
As we were excitedly discussing the pros and cons in the case the bell
rang, and Dorothy ushered in a stranger. He was a man of some thirty-five
years, with a frank face and a firm jaw. He leaned against the wall and
said:
“I come to bring a message from an old man, whom you so kindly befriended
this morning. He wishes you to know the truth about him, for with all
his faults and sins, he finds that he still has a spark of manhood. He
is the great robber, “Desperate Jim,” in his latest disguise. All the
authorities are searching for him. He came to your home, and while he
sat at your table so silently his mind was torn by conflicting emotions.
At one moment he felt like standing up, taking off his disguise and
confessing everything and see if there was yet a chance for him to be
a man. He noticed that, in passing the mantel, one of the young ladies
glanced in the vase, and he surmised that it must contain some valuables.
He saw what it was, and took it.”
From his inner pocket he drew out a parcel, saying, “Desperate Jim” told
me to tell you that he regrets that he returned theft for hospitality
and faith, and to express his gratitude that you have made him feel that
he may yet make something of his life. Take this, and good night, young
ladies, and God bless you.”
As he turned to leave, his hat fell to the floor and when he reached for
it I saw a dark scar on his wrist, a scar just such as I had noticed on
the wrist of the old man who called himself “just plain Mr. Jones,” and I
knew that the old man and this one were one and the same person.
As soon as the door was closed I told my mother and the girls what I
had discovered and they were quite ready to call me Sherlock Holmes II.
We talked the matter over wildly and enthusiastically. We knew it was
our duty to ’phone to police headquarters and put them on the track
of the outlaw, but in some way we wanted to give him the opportunity
of reforming. Every little while we wondered what had happened to our
reformed burglar. But a few days later Ruth came in, waving a paper
frantically and calling excitedly, “Come, girls! Listen!” In a minute we
were all there looking over her shoulders and trying to get a glimpse of
the paper with the startling headlines: “The Capture of Desperate Jim.”
The National Association of Colored Women
[Illustration]
One of the interesting meetings for the coming month will be that of the
National Association of Colored Women, which will be held in Baltimore,
Md., August 6th to 11th inclusive, opening on Sunday, August 6th, with a
platform meeting.
The ninth biennial session of the Association was held in Wilberforce,
Ohio, in August, 1914, during which session invitations were extended to
them from four cities for the 1916 session—Washington, D. C., Tuskegee,
Ala., Kansas City, Mo., and Baltimore, Md. Hon. James Preston, mayor of
the latter city, cordially invited them, by long distance telephone, to
meet in his city, and Baltimore was the place selected for the meeting
this year.
The National Association of Colored Women was organized in Washington, D.
C., in July, 1896. It is a consolidation of the National League and the
National Federation of Colored Women. This organization was incorporated
in 1904. The present officers are:
Mrs. Booker T. Washington, Tuskegee, Ala., president.
Mrs. Mary V. Talbert, Buffalo, N. Y., vice-president.
Miss Ida R. Cummings, Baltimore, Md., secretary.
Mrs. Ida Joyce Jackson, Columbus, O., treasurer.
Mrs. Elizabeth Lindsay Davis, Chicago, Ill., national organizer.
These women are working constantly, yet quietly, for the betterment
of the race. They are urging more modesty in dress, especially among
our younger women, because the modern bizarre styles attract undue
attention. It is a well known fact that our men do not always show as
much respect for our women as they should; it is not an uncommon thing
to walk into a crowded car and see all the men seated, and the women
standing; some of them are old women, too. Frequently, in the larger
cities, audible comments are passed upon the women as they pass down the
streets,—all these things show a lack of respect. Possibly some of it is
thoughtlessness, but it is none the less annoying; that is why the women
of the National Association are urging our men to show more respect for
womankind.
A number of resolutions adopted at the last biennial session, held at
Wilberforce in 1914, show that they are trying to live up to their motto,
“Lifting as we climb,” by lifting the moral status of the race. They
endorse National Constitutional Prohibition because it will save not
only our present race, but posterity, from the consequences of alcohol.
Statistics show that more colored people die of tuberculosis and other
filth diseases every year than any other race. These women are working
for better living conditions for colored people, more sanitary homes and
more modern conveniences to prevent the spread of the White Plague among
our people.
For the betterment of conditions in general, and to reach the individual
as well as the masses, this association places the work into the hands
of the women in charge of the various departments, some of which are:
Social Service, Young Women’s Work, Domestic Science, Suffrage, Mothers’,
Rescue, Humane, Kindergarten, Business, Juvenile Court, Civics and
Forestry, Religious Work, Health and Hygiene, Children, Charities,
Temperance, Rural and Railway Conditions, and Educational. Through these
departments they are able to do very effective work.
The State of Illinois will be well represented at the sessions this year.
There will be fifty or sixty delegates from Chicago alone, and they will
take a special car. The state is to be represented by six delegates from
four leading cities. Mrs. Theresa G. Macon and Mrs. C. M. West will
represent Chicago; Mrs. S. B. Jones and Mrs. Carrie Lee Hamilton, Peoria;
Mrs. Eva Monroe, Springfield, and Mrs. J. C. McClain, Rock Island. There
will be four numbers on the program from Illinois. Mrs. Joanna Snowden
Porter will talk on “The City Child.” There could hardly have been any
one chosen to talk on this subject who is better able to do so, as this
woman’s work as trained nurse takes her all over Chicago, and she comes
in contact with the city child of all classes. Mrs. Eva Monroe will
tell how we can best improve our clubs. Mrs. Theresa G. Macon, state
president, will report on the work accomplished during the past two years
by the clubs in the State of Illinois. Dr. Mary Fitzbutler-Waring, the
national chairman of health and hygiene, will talk on sanitation.
About two hundred members of the various clubs in Northern Illinois
and Southern Wisconsin attended the joint meeting in Milwaukee, Wis.,
on June 9th. Interesting and beneficial talks were given by Miss Grace
Wilson, policewoman at the State Training School for Girls; Mme. Victoria
Clay-Haley of St. Louis, Mo., assistant secretary of Civic Conditions;
Mrs. Goins, chairman of Civic Conditions; Mrs. Perry Williams of
Milwaukee, Wis.; Mrs. Lou Ella Young, the corresponding secretary, and
many others.
Katherine E. Williams.
Musical and Dramatic
Mme. Florence Cole-Talbert, whose photograph is reproduced on the
cover, one of Chicago’s favorite sopranos, recently won the Diamond
Medal at the Chicago Musical College, having made the highest average
in the graduating class. She is the first of her race to take part on
the commencement program at the Chicago Musical College in the Vocal
Department. She sang “Caro No Me” from Rigoletto, in Italian, accompanied
by the Chicago Symphony Orchestra. Her singing was heartily received and
endorsed by the leading music critics.
The average student spends about four years in the Chicago Musical
College: Mme. Talbert, however, took an examination that permitted her to
enter the graduating class immediately, and she finished in one year.
Mme. Talbert is the daughter of Mr. and Mrs. Thomas A. Cole, formerly
of Detroit, Michigan, now residents of Los Angeles, Cal. As a child,
she was well known as a dramatic reader, later, however, she began the
study of the piano and taught instrumental music to help pay for her
vocal instruction. She made her debut as a singer on the high school
commencement program, being the first girl of her race to take part in
a high school commencement program in the city of Los Angeles. After
graduation from high school she made a thorough study of modern languages.