two several letters to these two different persons, from one of which
the Spanish text was printed, and from the other the Latin translation
was made and subsequently printed. And having reached this point, we
see clearly that my suggestion of Columbus having altered the date of
4th March to 14th _must_ have been correct; and, furthermore, that he
copied the date of “14th,” on whichever of these two letters was written
last, because, while it stands March 14th _in totidem verbis_ in one,
it is rendered “pridie idus Martii” (which means the same thing) in the
translation from the other. We see in this date “Ulisbone, pridie idus
Martii,” a proof that the copy from which the Latin was made, consisted,
like the original of the Ambrosian Spanish text, of a complete letter
with the “nema” added, because the place Lisbon is derived from the
language at the beginning of the nema, and the date from Columbus’s
alteration at the end. Although the printer, Plannck, inserted nothing
of the “nema” beyond the said place and date, which he placed at the
end of the body of the letter in lieu of February 15th, we have a clear
proof that De Cosco had really translated the letter and nema as they
stand in the Spanish, for when we come to look into Dati’s poem, which
he distinctly states to be translated from the Latin, we find _the
date of February 15th retained, but no allusion to the contents of the
nema, which, being detached, had evidently not reached his hands_. This
fact, and others observable in his text, especially when examined in
combination with the Italian, which also came from the Sanchez original,
show that Dati worked from Cosco’s manuscript translation. As to whether
of the two printed texts, the Ambrosian Spanish or Plannck’s Latin,
can claim priority, we have no present means of deciding, but that the
preference is due to the Spanish under critical correction is manifest,
since it has been exposed to modifications from a compositor only, while
the Latin has passed through the two ordeals of a translation and a
compositor’s alterations. For this reason I have adopted the Spanish
in my text, observing that it replaces the very worst Latin text which
I could have adopted, viz., that taken by Navarrete from the _España
Illustrada_. The faults in the Ambrosian text are many and great, and
this has led Señor de Gayangos to suggest that it was printed, not in
Spain, but in Portugal, probably Lisbon. An opinion from one so eminent
has great weight, but while yielding to none in sincere respect for
the judgment of my distinguished friend, I confess I think that the
circumstances of the letter point, as Senhor de Varnhagen has stated,
to Barcelona for the place of printing. Mr. Winter Jones, the Principal
Librarian of the British Museum, and late Keeper of the Department of
Printed Books, whose bibliographical knowledge is so well known, tells
us that he recollects having seen the initial letter S, which commences
the Ambrosian text, but, in spite of great research, I have failed to
find it or the corresponding type in any work in our vast library. It
is here well to remark that no kind of _fac-simile_ is so baulking to
bibliographic comparison as the photographic. The respective sizes of
the letters are altered, and the outline is rendered broken and rotten.
A _fac-simile_ of this same letter, done by the hand, was published in
Milan in 1863, in the sixteenth volume of the _Biblioteca Rara_ of G.
Daelli, and gives the type a far firmer appearance than that in the
photograph. It is obvious that an opportunity is afforded of correcting
the mistakes in the Ambrosian text from the other texts which we possess.
This has been done with great skill and judgment by Senhor de Varnhagen
by collation with the Simancas, the Valencia, and the Latin texts; to
these aids I have added the Italian poem of Giuliano Dati, and the
Italian fragment, for which I have been indebted to the kindness of the
Marquis d’Adda.
We possess no detailed description of the second voyage of Columbus from
his own hand. That which is here printed is the translation of a letter
addressed to the Chapter of Seville by Dr. Chanca, a native of that city,
who was physician to the fleet in this voyage, and was an eye-witness of
the events that he related. For this reason it is preferred to two other
accounts in Latin which are in existence, but which have both been made
up from hearsay. One of these occurs in the second book of the _Decades_
of Peter Martyr of Anghiera, published first at Seville (Hispali) in
1511, and afterwards at Alcala de Henares (Compluti) in 1516, and often
subsequently printed. The other is a compilation by Nicolò Scillacio,
of Messina, who, while studying philosophy at Pavia in 1494 (?), and
living with Giovanni Antonio Biretta, received from Spain, from a certain
nobleman named Guglielmo Coma, a description of the recent discoveries
of Columbus. This, as Mr. Lenox tells us, he translated into Latin,
and inserted such other accounts as were then universally current, but
without changing or adding anything. Mr. James Lenox, of New York, who
is the possessor of one of the only two copies of this work known (the
other being in the possession of the Marquis Trivulzio of Milan), and who
states that it was first published in 1494, or early in 1495, reprinted
it in 1859, with a translation by the Rev. John Mulligan, giving as an
appendix my translation of Doctor Chanca’s letter, as printed in the
first edition of the present work in 1847. It is obvious that this work
of Scillacio’s, which is a pedantic compilation, cannot compare for
authenticity with the account of Dr. Chanca; while the latter contains
more incidents, and is more agreeably written than the narrative of Peter
Martyr.
This letter by Dr. Chanca was copied by Navarrete (as he himself says at
the end of the letter in his work) from a manuscript in the possession
of the Royal Academy of History at Madrid, written in the middle of the
sixteenth century, and was amongst the collection of papers referring
to the West Indies, collected by Father Antonio de Aspa, a monk of the
order of St. Jerome, of the monastery of the Mejorada, near Olmedo.—This
document was unpublished previous to Navarrete’s compilation. A copy
was taken from the original by Don Manuel Avella, and deposited in
the collection of Don Juan Bautista Muñoz, and from that copy, after
collation with the original manuscript, the transfer was made by
Navarrete into his valuable work. This letter is followed by a Memorial
respecting the second voyage, addressed to the sovereigns by Columbus,
through the intervention of Antonio de Torres, governor of the city
of Isabella. At the close of each chapter or item is affixed their
highness’s reply. The document was taken by Navarrete from the Archives
of Seville.
The two letters next in order in the present translation, are from the
hand of Columbus himself, and are descriptive of the events of the third
voyage. The first, addressed to the Sovereigns, was taken by Navarrete,
under careful collation by himself and Muñoz, from a manuscript in the
handwriting of the bishop Bartolomé de la Casas, found in the archives
of the duke del Infantado. The second, addressed to the nurse of Prince
John, is taken from a collection of manuscripts, relating to the West
Indies, made by Muñoz, and deposited in the Real Academia de la Historia
at Madrid. The text was collated by Navarrete with a copy inserted in the
Codice Colombo-Americano, said to have been written in the monastery of
Santa Maria de las Cuevas in Seville.
The letter by Columbus, descriptive of his fourth voyage, was taken by
Navarrete from a manuscript in the king’s private library at Madrid,
written in the handwriting of the middle of the sixteenth century,
and probably the same copy as that which Pinelo, at page 61 of his
_Biblioteca Occidental_, 4to., 1629, describes as having been made by Don
Lorenzo Ramirez de Prado, from an edition in 4to., which does not appear
to be now in existence. It was translated into Italian by Constanzo
Bayuera of Brescia, and published at Venice in 1505, and, on account of
its extreme scarcity, was republished, with some learned comments, by
Morelli, the librarian of St. Mark’s at Venice, in 1810.
That it had been printed in Spanish is asserted both by Pinelo and by
Fernando Columbus.
It is presumed that the manuscript from which Navarrete made his copy was
that made by Ramirez de Prado, because it had been removed to the king’s
library, from the Colegio Mayor de Cuenca, in Salamanca, where the papers
of Ramirez had been deposited.
I must not close this bibliographical notice without tendering my warmest
thanks to my friends, William Brenchley Rye, Esq., the learned Keeper of
the Printed Books in the British Museum; and Robert Edmund Graves, Esq.,
one of the most accomplished of his Assistant-Librarians;—to the former
for most kindly making out the foregoing list of incunabula of the first
letter, and the latter for very valuable help in my search for collateral
texts by which to fortify my conclusions in the toilsome examination
which I have here brought to a termination.
FOOTNOTES:
[24] It should be 29th. The mistake is copied from Navarrete.
[25] In pursuance of his idea that not two, but only one letter, was
despatched to head-quarters, Senhor de Varnhagen has translated the
words of the endorsement “Contenida a otra de Sus Altezas.”—“Contenida
_en_ otra, etc.” and then, reasoning from the impossibility of Columbus
showing such familiarity with the Sovereigns, argues, that the letter
was in fact addressed to them only. With all respect I submit that the
natural rendering is “Contenida la otra de Sus Altezas”; Angl. “Contained
the other of their Highnesses”; or, as it would be clearer in French, “Y
contenue l’autre de Leurs Altesses;” and Santangel appropriately appears
as bearer of the missive to the Sovereigns.
SELECT LETTERS OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. ETC.
Transcriber’s Note: In the original, the English text was printed at the
top of each page with the Spanish text below. This is not practical to
reproduce in an e-text, so the English is given first, followed by the
Spanish.
FIRST VOYAGE OF COLUMBUS.[26]
_A Letter sent by Columbus to [Luis de Santangel] Chancellor of the
Exchequer [of Aragon], respecting the Islands found in the Indies,
enclosing another for their Highnesses._
SIR,—Believing that you will take pleasure in hearing of the great
success which our Lord has granted me in my voyage, I write you this
letter, whereby you will learn how in thirty-three days’[27] time I
reached the Indies with the fleet which the most illustrious King and
Queen, our Sovereigns, gave to me, where I found very many islands
thickly peopled, of all which I took possession without resistance,
for their Highnesses by proclamation made and with the royal standard
unfurled. To the first island that I found I gave the name of _San
Salvador_,[28] in remembrance of His High Majesty, who hath marvellously
brought all these things to pass; the Indians call it _Guanaham_. To
the second island I gave the name of _Santa-Maria de Concepcion_;[29]
the third I called _Fernandina_;[30] the fourth, _Isabella_;[31] the
fifth, _Juana_;[32] and so to each one I gave a new name. When I reached
_Juana_, I followed its coast to the westward, and found it so large
that I thought it must be the mainland,—the province of _Cathay_; and,
as I found neither towns nor villages on the sea-coast, but only a few
hamlets, with the inhabitants, of which I could not hold conversation,
because they all immediately fled, I kept on the same route, thinking
that I could not fail to light upon some large cities and towns. At
length, after the proceeding of many leagues, and finding that nothing
new presented itself, and that the coast was leading me northwards
(which I wished to avoid, because winter had already set in, and it
was my intention to move southwards; and because moreover the winds
were contrary), I resolved not to wait for a change in the weather, but
returned to a certain harbour which I had remarked, and from which I sent
two men ashore to ascertain whether there was any king or large cities
in that part. They journeyed for three days and found countless small
hamlets with numberless inhabitants, but with nothing like order; they
therefore returned. In the meantime I had learned from some other Indians
whom I had seized, that this land was certainly an island; accordingly,
I followed the coast eastward for a distance of one hundred and seven
leagues, where it ended in a cape. From this cape, I saw another island
to the eastward at a distance of eighteen leagues from the former, to
which I gave the name of _La Española_.[33] Thither I went, and followed
its northern coast to the eastward (just as I had done with the coast
of _Juana_), one hundred and seventy[34]-eight full leagues due east.
This island, like all the others, is extraordinarily large, and this one
extremely so. In it are many seaports with which none that I know in
Christendom can bear comparison, so good and capacious that it is wonder
to see. The lands are high, and there are many very lofty mountains with
which the island of _Cetefrey_ cannot be compared. They are all most
beautiful, of a thousand different shapes, accessible, and covered with
trees of a thousand kinds of such great height that they seemed to reach
the skies. I am told that the trees never lose their foliage, and I can
well understand it, for I observed that they were as green and luxuriant
as in Spain in the month of May. Some were in bloom, others bearing
fruit, and others otherwise according to their nature. The nightingale
was singing as well as other birds of a thousand different kinds; and
that, in November, the month in which I myself was roaming amongst them.
There are palm-trees of six or eight kinds, wonderful in their beautiful
variety; but this is the case with all the other trees and fruits and
grasses; trees, plants, or fruits filled us with admiration. It contains
extraordinary pine groves, and very extensive plains. There is also
honey, a great variety of birds, and many different kind of fruits. In
the interior there are many mines of metals and a population innumerable.
_Española_ is a wonder. Its mountains and plains, and meadows, and
fields, are so beautiful and rich for planting and sowing, and rearing
cattle of all kinds, and for building towns and villages. The harbours
on the coast, and the number and size and wholesomeness of the rivers,
most of them bearing gold, surpass anything that would be believed by one
who had not seen them. There is a great difference between the trees,
fruits, and plants of this island and those of _Juana_. In this island
there are many spices and extensive mines of gold and other metals. The
inhabitants of this and of all the other islands I have found or gained
intelligence of, both men and women, go as naked as they were born, with
the exception that some of the women cover one part only with a single
leaf of grass or with a piece of cotton, made for that purpose. They have
neither iron, nor steel, nor arms, nor are they competent to use them,
not that they are not well-formed and of handsome stature, but because
they are timid to a surprising degree. Their only arms are reeds cut in
the seeding time,[35] to which they fasten small sharpened sticks, and
even these they dare not use; for on several occasions it has happened
that I have sent ashore two or three men to some village to hold a
parley, and the people have come out in countless numbers, but, as soon
as they saw our men approach, would flee with such precipitation that
a father would not even stop to protect his son; and this not because
any harm had been done to any of them, for, from the first, wherever I
went and got speech with them, I gave them of all that I had, such as
cloth and many other things, without receiving anything in return, but
they are, as I have described, incurably timid. It is true that when
they are reassured and have thrown off this fear, they are guileless,
and so liberal of all they have that no one would believe it who had not
seen it. They never refuse anything that they possess when it is asked
of them; on the contrary, they offer it themselves, and they exhibit
so much loving kindness that they would even give their hearts; and,
whether it be something of value or of little worth that is offered
to them, they are satisfied. I forbade that worthless things, such as
pieces of broken porringers and broken glass, and ends of straps, should
be given to them; although, when they succeeded in obtaining them, they
thought they possessed the finest jewel in the world. It was ascertained
that a sailor received for a leather strap a piece of gold weighing two
_castellanos_[36] and a half, and others received for other objects of
far less value, much more. For new _blancas_[37] they would give all that
they had, whether it was two or three _castellanos_ in gold or one or
two arrobas[38] of spun cotton. They took even bits of the broken hoops
of the wine barrels, and gave, like fools, all that they possessed in
exchange, insomuch that I thought it was wrong, and forbade it. I gave
away a thousand good and pretty articles which I had brought with me
in order to win their affection; and that they might be led to become
Christians, and be well inclined to love and serve their Highnesses
and the whole Spanish nation, and that they might aid us by giving us
things of which we stand in need, but which they possess in abundance.
They are not acquainted with any kind of worship, and are not idolaters;
but believe that all power and, indeed, all good things are in heaven;
and they are firmly convinced that I, with my vessels and crews, came
from heaven, and with this belief received me at every place at which I
touched, after they had overcome their apprehension. And this does not
spring from ignorance, for they are very intelligent, and navigate all
these seas, and relate everything to us, so that it is astonishing what
a good account they are able to give of everything; but they have never
seen men with clothes on, nor vessels like ours. On my reaching the
Indies, I took by force, in the first island that I discovered, some of
these natives, that they might learn our language and give me information
in regard to what existed in these parts; and it so happened that they
soon understood us and we them, either by words or signs, and they have
been very serviceable to us. They are still with me, and, from repeated
conversations that I have had with them, I find that they still believe
that I come from heaven. And they were the first to say this wherever
I went, and the others ran from house to house and to the neighbouring
villages, crying with a loud voice: “Come, come, and see the people from
heaven!” And thus they all, men as well as women, after their minds were
at rest about us, came, both large and small, and brought us something
to eat and drink, which they gave us with extraordinary kindness. They
have in all these islands very many canoes like our row-boats: some
larger, some smaller, but most of them larger than a barge of eighteen
seats. They are not so wide, because they are made of one single piece
of timber, but a barge could not keep up with them in rowing, because
they go with incredible speed, and with these canoes they navigate among
these islands, which are innumerable, and carry on their traffic. I have
seen in some of these canoes seventy and eighty men, each with his oar.
In all these islands I did not notice much difference in the appearance
of the inhabitants, nor in their manners nor language, except that they
all understand each other, which is very singular, and leads me to hope
that their Highnesses will take means for their conversion to our holy
faith, towards which they are very well disposed. I have already said
how I had gone one hundred and seven leagues in following the sea-coast
of _Juana_ in a straight line from west to east: and from that survey I
can state that the island is larger than England and Scotland together,
because, beyond these one hundred and seven leagues, there lie to the
west two provinces which I have not yet visited, one of which is called
_Avan_, where the people are born with a tail. These two provinces cannot
be less in length than from fifty to sixty leagues, from what can be
learned from the Indians that I have with me, and who are acquainted with
all these islands. The other, _Española_, has a greater circumference
than all Spain, from Catalonia by the sea-coast to Fuenterabia in Biscay,
since on one of its four sides I made one hundred and eighty-eight great
leagues in a straight line from west to east. This is something to covet,
and when found not to be lost sight of. Although I have taken possession
of all these islands in the name of their Highnesses, and they are all
more abundant in wealth than I am able to express; and although I hold
them all for their Highnesses, so that they can dispose of them quite
as absolutely as they can of the kingdoms of Castile, yet there was one
large town in _Española_ of which especially I took possession, situated
in a locality well adapted for the working of the gold mines, and for
all kinds of commerce, either with the main land on this side, or with
that beyond which is the land of the great Khan, with which there will be
vast commerce and great profit. To that city I gave the name of _Villa de
Navidad_, and fortified it with a fortress, which by this time will be
quite completed, and I have left in it a sufficient number of men with
arms,[39] artillery, and provisions for more than a year, a barge, and a
sailing master skilful in the arts necessary for building others. I have
also established the greatest friendship with the king of that country,
so much so that he took pride in calling me his brother, and treating
me as such. Even should these people change their intentions towards us
and become hostile, they do not know what arms are, but, as I have said,
go naked, and are the most timid people in the world; so that the men I
have left could, alone, destroy the whole country, and this island has
no danger for them, if they only know how to conduct themselves. In all
those islands it seems to me that the men are content with one wife,
except their chief or king, to whom they give twenty. The women seem to
me to work more than the men. I have not been able to learn whether they
have any property of their own. It seemed to me that what one possessed
belonged to all, especially in the matter of eatables. I have not found
in those islands any monsters, as many imagined; but, on the contrary,
the whole race is very well-formed, nor are they black, as in Guinea,
but their hair is flowing, for they do not dwell in that part where the
force of the sun’s rays is too powerful. It is true that the sun has very
great power there, for the country is distant only twenty-six degrees
from the equinoctial line. In the islands where there are high mountains,
the cold this winter was very great, but they endure it, not only from
being habituated to it, but by eating meat with a variety of excessively
hot spices. As to savages, I did not even hear of any, except at an
island which lies the second in one’s way in coming to the Indies.[40]
It is inhabited by a race which is regarded throughout these islands
as extremely ferocious, and eaters of human flesh. These possess many
canoes, in which they visit all the Indian islands, and rob and plunder
whatever they can. They are no worse formed than the rest, except that
they are in the habit of wearing their hair long, like women, and use
bows and arrows made of reeds, with a small stick at the end, for want
of iron, which they do not possess. They are ferocious amongst these
exceedingly timid people; but I think no more of them than of the rest.
These are they which have intercourse with the women of Matenino,[41]
the first island one comes to on the way from Spain to the Indies, and
in which there are no men. These women employ themselves in no labour
suitable to their sex; but use bows and arrows made of reeds like those
above described, and arm and cover themselves with plates of copper, of
which metal they have a great quantity. They assure me that there is
another island larger than _Española_, in which the inhabitants have no
hair. It is extremely rich in gold; and I bring with me Indians taken
from these different islands, who will testify to all these things.
Finally, and speaking only of what has taken place in this voyage, which
has been so hasty, their Highnesses may see that I shall give them all
the gold they require, if they will give me but a very little assistance;
spices also, and cotton, as much as their Highnesses shall command to
be shipped; and mastic, hitherto found only in Greece, in the island of
Chios, and which the Signoria[42] sells at its own price, as much as
their Highnesses shall command to be shipped; lign aloes, as much as
their Highnesses shall command to be shipped; slaves, as many of these
idolators as their Highnesses shall command to be shipped. I think also
I have found rhubarb and cinnamon, and I shall find a thousand other
valuable things by means of the men that I have left behind me, for I
tarried at no point so long as the wind allowed me to proceed, except
in the town of _Navidad_, where I took the necessary precautions for the
security and settlement of the men I left there. Much more I would have
done if my vessels had been in as good a condition as by rights they
ought to have been. This is much, and praised be the eternal God, our
Lord, who gives to all those who walk in his ways victory over things
which seem impossible; of which this is signally one, for, although
others may have spoken or written concerning these countries, it was
all mere conjecture, as no one could say that he had seen them—it
amounting only to this, that those who heard listened the more, and
regarded the matter rather as a fable than anything else. But our
Redeemer hath granted this victory to our illustrious King and Queen and
their kingdoms, which have acquired great fame by an event of such high
importance, in which all Christendom ought to rejoice, and which it ought
to celebrate with great festivals and the offering of solemn thanks to
the Holy Trinity with many solemn prayers, both for the great exaltation
which may accrue to them in turning so many nations to our holy faith,
and also for the temporal benefits which will bring great refreshment and
gain, not only to Spain, but to all Christians. This, thus briefly, in
accordance with the events.
Done on board the caravel, off the Canary Islands, on the fifteenth of
February, fourteen hundred and ninety-three.
At your orders.
THE ADMIRAL.