NOTES ON _Fam._, XXIV, 3, TO CICERO

[1]. In 1345 Petrarch discovered in the Cathedral Library of Verona

a manuscript containing the sixteen books of Cicero’s letters _ad

Atticum_, the three books _ad Quintum_, the two _ad Brutum_, and the

apocryphal letter to Octavianus. It has been proved that he did not

discover the _ad Familiares_, an honor which belongs to Coluccio

Salutati (P. de Nolhac, I, pp. 222, 255).

We can readily imagine Petrarch’s eagerness to possess a copy of

the precious manuscript. Owing, however, to the lack of intelligent

copyists, or perhaps because copyists were not admitted into the

Chapter Library, Petrarch was obliged to transcribe the large volume

himself, in spite of his physical debility at the time. This volume

later injured Petrarch in a peculiar way, and it is interesting to

hear the story from his own lips. In _Fam._, XXI, 10, dated October

15, 1358 or 1359, he says (Vol. III, pp. 87, 88):

But to return to Cicero, of whom I had begun to speak. You know

that from early boyhood Cicero has always been dear to me,

and that I have always treated him well. Now listen to what

a shabby trick he has recently played me. I possess a large

volume of his letters, which I copied years ago with my own

hand because the original was unintelligible to the copyists. I

was very low in health at the time; but my great love for the

author, the pleasure I took in reading his work, and my great

eagerness to possess a copy proved superior to my physical

infirmities and to the arduous task of transcription. That this

volume may always be at hand, I am wont to keep it at the door

of my library leaning against the door-post, where you have

often seen it. The other day, while entering the room with my

mind occupied on other matters (as is customary with me), it

happened that the fringe of my gown became caught in the book.

In falling, the volume struck my left leg just a little above

the ankle. It was a very slight blow. And I, addressing it

playfully, said: “What is the matter, my Cicero, why do you

injure me?” Of course there was no answer. The next day as I

passed the same spot, it again struck me, and again I returned

it to its place jestingly. To cut a long story short, after

being struck a third and a fourth time, I at last bestirred

myself, and supposing that Cicero could ill brook being kept

on the floor, I raised him to a higher station. By this time

the skin above my ankle had been cut open by the frequent

repetition of blows on the same spot, and an irritation had set

in that was by no means to be despised. And yet I did despise

it, thinking of the cause of the injury rather than of the

injury itself. Consequently I abstained neither from bathing

nor riding about, nor enjoying long walks, supposing that the

wound would heal of itself in time. Gradually the injured spot

began to swell, seeming offended at having been thus neglected;

and then the flesh about it became discolored as if poisoned.

Finally, when the pain had put an end, not only to my jesting,

but also to my sleep and rest, I was forced to call in the

doctors. Further neglect would have been madness, not bravery.

It is now many days that they have been attending to my wound,

which is no longer a laughing matter. Nor is their treatment

without pain, and they say there is danger of my losing the

use of the injured limb. I believe you know well enough what

little faith I place in their statements one way or the other.

And yet, I am weighed down with warm poultices, I am forbidden

my usual food, and am constrained to an inactivity to which I

am quite unaccustomed. I have grown to hate everything, and am

particularly vexed at this, that I am compelled to eat dinners

that are fit only for gourmands. Still, I am now on my way to

recovery, so that you too will have learned of my convalescence

before you had any knowledge of my accident.

This letter portrays Petrarch’s love for Cicero so clearly, and gives

us so vivid a picture of the human side of our author, that we cannot

resist the temptation to quote from another letter written about a

year later, which completes the story of the offending volume. He

writes to Boccaccio (_Var._, 25, Milan, August 18, 1360):

I greatly enjoyed the next portion of your letter, where you

say that I was undeservedly injured by Cicero because (as you

very neatly put it) of my too great familiarity with him. You

are right: those with whom we live on the most intimate terms

are the ones who most often molest us. It is a most rare and

unusual thing indeed for a Hindoo to offend a Spaniard. And so

it goes. Whence it happens that we are not surprised when we

read of the wars of the Athenians against the Spartans, and

when we witness our own wars against our neighbors. Much less

do we marvel at civil wars and internal dissensions. Indeed,

experience has made these so much a matter of course that it is

peace and harmony rather that have become a source of wonder.

If, on the other hand, we read of a Scythian king waging

war with the monarchs of Egypt, or of Alexander the Macedon

fighting his way into the heart of India, we are overcome by

amazement, which ceases the moment we recollect the examples

offered by our own history and recall the glorious and valorous

expeditions of the Romans into the most distant lands. Your

arguments proved to be of consolation to me, in so far as I was

hurt by Cicero, with whom I most ardently desire to live on

intimate terms. But I hope that I shall never be injured either

by Hippocrates or by Albumazar.

But to be serious, you must know that that wound which was

caused by Cicero and of which I had begun to jest, soon turned

my sport to grief. Almost a year slipped by, and the condition

of the wound was still going from bad to worse, while I was

growing gray in the midst of pain and discomforts, doctors and

poultices. Finally, when my restlessness had become intolerable

and I had become tired of life, I resolved to dismiss the

doctors and to await the outcome, no matter what it was,

preferring to entrust myself to God and to nature rather than

to those white-washers who were experimenting the tricks of

their trade to my detriment. And I lived up to my resolution.

I showed them the door, and placed full reliance in the aid of

the Divine Preserver. The youth who waits upon me, thanks to

my wound and at my expense, turned doctor. And I, remembering

which of the many remedies had been of real benefit to me, made

use of those only. To help nature I was careful of my diet;

and so very, very gradually I am regaining the health which I

lost in such short order. Now you have the story complete. Let

me add one word more, that this life is an arena for toils and

griefs in which I have often combated against strange mishaps,

strange not in themselves, but in that they should have fallen

to my lot. No one, I assure you, seeks peace more than I;

no one shuns such encounters more readily than I; and never

have I, hitherto, suffered such a strange calamity, whether

you consider its peculiar cause, or the pain which resulted

therefrom, or its long continuance. My Cicero wished to leave

upon my memory an imperishable and lasting impression. I always

should have remembered him, I vow; but lest I might possibly

forget him, Cicero has now taken due precautions--both internal

and external. And here again, what do you wish me to say? To

repeat, I now perceive that life is in itself a serious work.

So much for the tome itself; now as to the inspiration received from

its contents. The present letter to Cicero bears the date Verona,

June 16, 1345. Hence it is clear that before leaving the city in

which he had made the discovery, Petrarch had been prompted to

address this letter to his favorite author. In fact we have his own

testimony to this effect (see Introduction). Both this letter to

Cicero and the following (_Fam._, XXIV, 4) are mentioned again in

_Fam._, XXIV, 2, dated May 13, 1351. Petrarch here records for Pulice

di Vicenza the various details of a heated discussion they had had

with an old gentleman who was an idolatrous worshiper of Cicero. The

story runs that Petrarch had chanced to refer to the inconstancy

of Cicero, bringing utter dismay to his astonished opponents. He

continues (Vol. III, pp. 258 ff.):

The situation demanded that I draw forth from my traveling-case

the volume containing my correspondence. But this only heaped

coals upon the fire. For, among the numerous letters to my

contemporaries, there are a few which, for the sake of variety,

I have addressed to the more distinguished characters of

antiquity--a pleasant diversion, so to speak, from my wonted

labors. The reader, if not forewarned, would be greatly

astonished at finding such illustrious and ancient names

mingled with those of today. Two of these letters are to Cicero

himself; one of them censures his life, the second praises his

genius. After you had read them to the attentive gathering,

the friendly discussion was renewed with spirit. My writings

found favor with some, who acknowledged that Cicero had been

criticized justly. That venerable gentleman alone fought on and

on with ever-increasing obstinacy. Being held captive by the

splendor of the name and his love for the author, he preferred

to laud even the shortcomings of Cicero, and to accept the

vices of his friend together with his virtues. He did not wish

to make any discrimination, lest he might seem to cast even the

slightest aspersions on so praiseworthy an author. He could

make no other answer to me and the rest, except to oppose to

all our arguments the mere splendor of Cicero’s name. Authority

had driven out reason. Stretching out his hand, he exclaimed

time and again: “Have mercy on my Cicero, I beg of you; be more

merciful.” And when asked whether Cicero could be said to have

erred at all, he closed his eyes as if struck by the word, and

turning away his face groaned: “Woe is me! And is it my Cicero

who is thus reproved?” as if he were speaking, not of a mortal

but of some deity. Hence we asked of him whether he judged

Tullius a man or a god. Instantly came the reply: “A god.”

... After long discussion, and at a late hour, we arose and

departed, leaving the issue still undecided. But the last thing

before separating for the evening, you exacted from me the

promise to send to you a copy of those two letters the moment I

should arrive at a more fixed abode--for there was no time that

day.... I hereby send them to you.

[2]. Unfortunately for the commentator, Petrarch considered as

authentic the letter _ad Octavianum_, which was included in the

manuscript he discovered at Verona (see n. [1]). The letter is now

generally considered apocryphal. In sec. 6 occurs the phrase

referred to by Petrarch: “O meam calamitosam ac praecipitem

senectutem!”

[3]. _Rer. mem._, i, 1, p. 393, “De ocio,” has the following

paragraph on Cicero:

But I am done with leaders in war. I shall now speak of M.

Tullius Cicero. After countless hardships suffered in the

course of his career, after such numerous dangers incurred

during that most stormy consulship and in his immortal

fight against unprincipled men, when the liberty of his

fellow-citizens had at last been destroyed, Cicero escaped

as if from a sinking ship, and, stripped of all his honors,

retired into a life of seclusion. And now, in roving about

from one country home to another, as he himself says (_De

off._, iii, 1, 1), he found himself alone quite frequently.

But what activity in public life, I ask, was comparable to his

leisure? What crowded assemblies to his isolation? Although

Cicero may be pardoned for weeping bitterly over the fate of

his fatherland, still from out of that solitude there spread

abroad to all nations monumental products of his divine genius.

Indeed, as Cicero himself says (_De off._, iii, 1, 4), more

works were struck off in that brief period than in the many

years while the Republic was still standing. But his powers did

not avail him in warding off his destiny. He was safe in the

midst of dangers; but when at last in the haven he suffered

shipwreck.

(Consult the notes of H. A. Holden, in his edition of the _De

officiis_.)

[4]. This story is given more fully in _Rer. mem._, iii, 3, p. 440,

“De sapienter dictis vel factis, Q. Cicero”:

The following proves clearly how much easier it is for a man to

give good advice to others than to himself. Quintus Cicero once

offered advice to Marcus Cicero, his brother, and if Marcus had

accepted it, he would perhaps have died in his own bed, and

his body might have been laid to rest unmutilated. The advice

was that Marcus should consider carefully the wretched end of

his illustrious contemporaries, and should examine closely the

dangers by which he himself was beset; after which he should

beware of becoming involved in strifes and conflicts which

could bring no relief to the State, but which would, in the

end, bring destruction upon him. Most prudent counsel indeed!

For what is more fatuous than to become entangled in unending

quarrels, especially when one already despairs of attaining

the desired goal? Tullius himself somewhere admits that this

brotherly advice was both sensible and wise. But we all know

how wisely he followed it! Perchance it was the force of

destiny which urged him on--a compelling force which I know not

whether it was possible to resist. At any rate, such resistance

must have proved very difficult. And this fact is impressed

upon my mind by the subject of the following sketch.

[5]. Dante, _Purg._, XXII, 64-70 (tr. by Longfellow):

And he to him: “Thou first directedst me

Towards Parnassus, in its grots to drink,

And first concerning God didst me enlighten.

Thou didst as he who walketh in the night,

Who bears his light behind, which helps him not,

But wary makes the persons after him,

When thou didst say,”....

[6]. In _Fam._, XXIV, 2 (a letter from which we have already quoted

in n. 1) there are some passages fairly parallel to this one. The

first is (Vol. III, p. 258):

You may remember that Cicero’s name chanced to be mentioned

among us, as so often happens among learned men. This put

a stop to the desultory conversation in which we had been

engaged up to that time. We all became engrossed with this one

topic, and nothing else but Cicero was talked of thereafter.

We gathered round and each in turn sang the praises of Cicero

as seemed best to him. But nothing in this world is perfect

(as everyone knows), and there is no one in whom even a gentle

critic cannot find just cause for censure. And so it happened

that though nearly everything pleases me in Cicero--a man whom

I cherish beyond all my other friends--and though I expressed

admiration for his golden eloquence and divine intellect,

I could not praise the fickleness of his character and his

inconstancy, which I had detected in many instances.

And again, at the end of the same letter (Vol. III, p. 261), Petrarch

says:

As regards Cicero, I have known him as the best of consuls,

vigilantly providing for the welfare of the State, and as a

citizen who always evinced the highest love of country. But

what more? I cannot bestow praise upon the instability of his

friendships, nor upon the serious disagreements arising from

slight causes and bringing destruction upon him and benefit

to none, nor upon a judgment which, when brought to bear upon

questions of private and public affairs, did not well accord

with his remarkable acumen in other directions. Above all, I

cannot praise, in a philosopher weighed down with years, an

inclination for wrangling which is proper to youths and utterly

of no avail. Of all this, however, remember that neither you

nor anyone else can be in a fit position to judge, until you

will have read, and carefully, all the letters of Cicero; for

it is these which gave rise to the whole discussion.

[7]. Petrarch has here paraphrased the words of Cicero, who employs

such expressions as “maximo in discrimine res publica versatur” (_ad

Br._, i, 12, 1); “ferre praesidium labenti et inclinatae paene rei

publicae” (_op. cit._, i, 18, 2); “res existimabatur in extremum

adducta discrimen” (_ibid._, ii, 1, 1, and ii, 2, 2); “desperatam

et afflictam rem publicam” (pseudo-Cic., _ad Octavianum_, 4); and

“mortua re publica” (_ibid._, 7).

[8]. Cic., _ad Brutum_, i, 16 (written by Brutus at Athens, May, 43

B. C.):

I have read an extract (sent to me by Atticus) of the letter

which you wrote to Octavius.... I am most deeply afflicted by

that portion of your letter to Octavius which concerns us. You

give him thanks for the welfare of the State, and--what shall

I say? The conditions imposed by my present lot bring shame

upon me, but still the words must be written--you suppliantly

and submissively commend our safety to his mercy.... For my

part I do not believe that all the gods have abandoned their

protection of the Roman people to such an extent that Octavius

is to be implored for the safety of any citizen whatsoever,

much less, then, for that of the liberators of the entire

world.... And can you, Cicero, who confess that Octavius has

this power, can you still remain his friend?... For if you are

pleased with Octavius, of whom our safety is to be implored,

you will seem, not to have rid yourself of a master, but rather

to have sought a kindlier lord.

[9]. Cic., _ad Brutum_, i, 17, 5 (Brutus to Atticus, 43 B. C.):

“I, in truth, attach no importance to that knowledge with which I

know that Cicero was so thoroughly imbued. For what profited him to

discourse, and at such great length, on his country’s freedom, on

dignity, on death, on exile, and on poverty?”

[10]. The reference is very indefinite: “in tranquillo rure senuisse,

de perpetua illa, ut ipse quodam loco ais, non de hac iam exigua vita

cogitantem” (Vol. III, p. 263). The passages which Petrarch had in

mind may have been _De sen._, 49: “If, however, we have something

that may serve as food (so to speak) for study and learning, there

is nothing more pleasant than a leisurely old age;” and 51: “I come

now to the pleasures of a country life, with which I am infinitely

delighted. None of these finds an obstruction in old age, and they

are pleasures which appear to me to be most nearly suited to the

life of a philosopher.” These two passages affirm that the sage

should live a leisurely and studious old age in the country. As to

meditating on the eternal life, Petrarch may have been thinking of

_Acad. pr._, ii, 127:

By no means, however, do I hold that the studies of the natural

philosophers should be excluded. Indeed, a consideration

and contemplation of nature constitutes the natural food

(so to speak) for our minds and talents. We are elevated

thereby, and we seem to rise to a higher state of being. We

disdain human affairs; and, in meditating on the higher and

heavenly things, we scorn earthly matters as being small and

insignificant--“cogitantesque supera atque caelestia haec

nostra ut exigua et minima contemnimus.”

There is a marked similarity between the two passages, both in the

thought and the wording. As to the latter we must remember that

Petrarch was quoting from memory and not from an open book, an

inference which (we believe) may be justly drawn from his “ut ipse

quodam loco ais.” It is needless to add that the similarity of the

two passages lies only in the letter, and that the spirit of Cicero’s

words was thoroughly pagan. With Petrarch, in this instance, the wish

was father to the thought. Still he could not deceive himself on this

point, as is evidenced by the dating of this letter. Elsewhere, too,

he expresses his sincere regret, and regards Cicero as a potential

Christian, if we may use the phrase. In a letter written to Neri

Morando and dated October 15, 1358 or 1359, Petrarch is full and

explicit. He says (_Fam._, XXI, 10, Vol. III, pp. 85-87):

I am living in the country not far from the banks of the Adda.

I know that I am not more solicitous of your welfare than

you of mine. I suppose, therefore, you will be astonished at

hearing how I am spending my time. You are well aware that from

early boyhood of all the writers of all ages and of all races

the one author whom I most admire and love is Cicero. You agree

with me in this respect as well as in so many others. I am not

afraid of being considered a poor Christian by declaring myself

so much of a Ciceronian. To my knowledge, Cicero never wrote

one word that would conflict with the principles proclaimed by

Christ. If, perchance, his works contained anything contrary to

Christ’s doctrine, that one fact would be sufficient to destroy

my belief in Cicero, and in Aristotle, too, and in Plato. For

how could I place faith in man, I who should believe not

even an angel, relying on the words of the Apostle who says,

in the Epistle to the Galatians (1:8): “But though we, or an

angel from heaven, preach any other gospel unto you than that

which we have preached unto you, let him be accursed.” But to

return to Cicero. He frequently makes mention of the gods,

following, of course, the custom of his times. He devotes an

entire volume, it is true, to a discussion of the nature of

the gods. If you read beneath the surface, however, you will

be convinced that he does not so much pay honor to this throng

of gods with their empty names, but rather exposes them to

ridicule. Where he seriously expresses his own opinion Cicero

asserts that there is but one God, and that He is the Prince

and Ruler of the universe. I have often pointed out, both in

speech and in writing, that in this respect Cicero was fully

aware of the danger attending his statement of the truth. And

yet, somewhere, he has clearly stated that it is not befitting

a philosopher to say that there are many gods. Who, therefore,

will declare Cicero hostile to the true faith, or who, because

of his crass ignorance of the facts, will cast upon Cicero the

opprobrium of stranger and enemy? Christ is my God; Cicero, on

the other hand, is the prince of the language I use. I grant

you that these ideas are widely separated, but I deny that they

are at conflict one with the other. Christ is the Word, and the

Virtue, and the Wisdom of God the Father. Cicero has written

much on the speech of men, on the virtues of men, and on the

wisdom of men--statements that are true and therefore surely

acceptable to the God of truth. For since God is the living

Truth, and since, as St. Augustine says, all truth proceeds

from Him who is the Truth, then surely whatever truth is

spoken proceeds from God. I should desire to emphasize the fact

that Cicero could not have known Christ, having been called

from this world shortly before Christ God became man. Oh,

lamentable lot! For, considering his noble and almost divine

intellect, if Cicero had seen Christ or had merely heard of

His name, not only (in my opinion) would he have embraced the

faith, but, with his incomparable eloquence, would most ably

have spread the teachings of Christ.

[11]. Cic., _ad Att._, vii, 2, 6 (50 B. C.):

Indeed, I never cherished the slightest desire for a triumph

till I saw that Bibulus’ most shameless letters succeeded in

winning for him the decree of a thanksgiving. If he had really

performed the deeds he wrote of in his letters, I should

rejoice and be favorably disposed to the honor decreed him. But

that honors should be showered upon him, who never advanced one

step beyond the gate so long as the enemy remained on this side

of the Euphrates, and that I, in whose forces lay all the hope

of his army, should be denied the same honors, is an insult to

both of us, to both, I say, including you too in my disgrace.

Therefore I shall leave no stone unturned, and, I hope, success

will crown my efforts.

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