Historical Sketch of Cyrene — Its Foundation by a Lacedemonian
Colony — Dynasty of the Battiades, or Family of Battus — Cession
of the Country to Ptolemy Lagus — And afterwards to the Romans by
Apion, the last of the Ptolemies who possessed it — Cyrene becomes
a Roman Province, and is united in one Government with Crete —
Illustrious Persons who were natives of Cyrene — Tenets of the
Sect of Philosophers termed Cyrenaic — Decay of the City, and
its final Desertion in Christian times after the Transfer of the
Bishopric to Ptolemeta — Return of the Expedition to Bengazi,
and its subsequent Departure for Malta.
We learn from Herodotus, that Battus, a native of Thera, in
compliance with the injunctions of the Oracle at Delphi, first landed
with a party of his countrymen in Platæa; an island lying close
to the northern coast of Africa, and supposed to be that which is
at present called Bomba. Here he built a city; and after a lapse of
two years proceeded again to Delphi, in order to consult the Pythia
(or priestess) with respect to his future proceedings.
The new establishment appearing to be insufficient for the fulfilment
of the deity’s instructions, Battus removed his colony to Aziris,
a part of the continent opposite to Platæa, and described by the
historian as a most delightful spot. In this new abode they remained
for six years; and on the seventh, (by the advice of the Libyan
tribes in their neighbourhood, who promised to conduct them to a
much better place,) removed to the high ground then called Irasa,
on which they built the city of Cyrene, about the third year,
according to Eusebius, of the thirty-seventh Olympiad. We find
little more worth relating of Battus, except, perhaps, that he lost
the impediment in his speech, for which he had originally consulted
the oracle, in the following extraordinary manner. As he wandered
abroad one day unattended, a lion sprung very unexpectedly upon him;
and the cry of surprise and dismay which he uttered so terrified the
monarch of the woods, that he fled with the utmost precipitation. At
the same moment Battus discovered that he had lost the infirmity
under which he had laboured; for the sudden exertion of voice just
alluded to had taken it effectually away. After a reign of forty
years, Battus was succeeded by his son Arcesilaus, of whom little
further is known, than that he reigned for sixteen years. During
these two reigns, no accession appears to have been made to the
numbers of the original colony; under Battus the third, however,
who was distinguished by the appellation of Ευδαιμων, (the
prosperous,) another migration took place from Greece; and the lands
already occupied not being sufficient for the accommodation of the
new colonists, an inroad was made upon the territory of the Libyan
inhabitants, and one of their chiefs, whom Herodotus calls Adicran,
was deprived of a considerable part of his dominions.
The Libyans applied for support to the Egyptians; and Apries,
who at that time reigned over Egypt, (and is supposed to be the
Pharaoh Hophra of Scripture,) despatched a large army to their
assistance. The Cyreneans, aware of the approach of their invaders,
drew up their forces at Irasa, near the fountain called by Herodotus
Theste; and the Egyptians were routed with a loss so considerable,
that few of them escaped to bear the tale of their defeat[1]. In
the reign of Arcesilaus the third, who succeeded the last-mentioned
Battus, dissensions appear to have taken place among the colonists,
and the brothers of the king abjured his authority, and left Cyrene
with their followers. After some consultation among themselves with
respect to their future proceedings, they are said by Herodotus to
have founded the city of Barca, and established themselves in that
part of the country.
Not content with this measure, the founders of Barca endeavoured
to gain over the Libyan tribes to their party, and to stir
up dissensions between them and the Cyreneans, in which they
partially succeeded; Arcesilaus, in consequence, made war upon
both, and the Libyans, either fearing to meet him in the field,
or wishing to draw the Cyreneans from their heights to attack them
with more advantage in the plains, retreated to the eastward,
and joined the native tribes which occupied the country between
Cyrene and Egypt. Here they were imprudently followed by the king,
and an engagement took place, in which the Cyreneans were defeated,
and seven thousand of their heavy-armed troops were left dead upon
the field of battle. The consequences of this defeat were fatal to
Arcesilaus; for soon after his return to Cyrene he was strangled
by his brother Learchus, when disabled by weakness resulting from
indisposition; the murderer, however, did not long survive him,
for he was himself put to death by means of a stratagem, concerted,
we are told, by Eryxo, the wife of Arcesilaus, who revenged in this
manner the loss of her husband. To Arcesilaus succeeded another
Battus, who is said by Herodotus to have been lame; and in his reign
ambassadors were sent to Mantinea (according to the advice of the
Oracle), to entreat the mediation of the Arcadians, in the disputes
which had already been the cause of so much bloodshed. Demonax was
in consequence selected by the Mantineans, a person highly respected
for his probity; who, on arriving at Cyrene, divided the Greeks
into three separate classes, according to the countries from which
they originally came, and gave them a new form of government, which
continued in force during Battus’ reign. The son of this Battus,
however, Arcesilaus, refused to acknowledge the new constitution,
by which many privileges of the former kings of Cyrene had been
transferred to the body of the people. Insurrections of the populace
took place in consequence, and Arcesilaus was obliged to take refuge
in Samos, while his mother, Pheretime, went over to Cyprus, in order
to implore the assistance of Euelthon, who reigned at that time in
the island. The suppliant queen was received with great courtesy,
and Euelthon made her several valuable presents; but Pheretime, while
expressing her thanks for these attentions, suggested that an army,
which might accompany her to Cyrene, and avenge the wrongs which
her family and herself had sustained from the people of the city,
would be a much more desirable gift. Euelthon, however, adhered
to the line of conduct by which he had hitherto been regulated,
which was that of a strict neutrality; and sent the queen a distaff
and spindle of gold, assuring her that he was acting with much more
consideration towards a female, in making her a similar offering,
than if he had presented her with an army. Arcesilaus, in this
interval, had collected an army in Samos; and went to Delphi to
consult the Oracle on the probable consequence of his return to
Cyrene. The answer was, as usual, mysterious; and predicted his
death if certain events should take place which he was enjoined to
avoid; at the same time he was advised to return to his dominions,
and adopt conciliatory measures.
On recovering his possessions, Arcesilaus neglected the prudent
advice of the Pythia, and commenced a vigorous persecution of those
whose revolt had occasioned his flight from Cyrene. Some of them
contrived to escape his resentment; but a party of the fugitives who
had taken refuge in a tower, were burnt there by order of the king,
who caused his people to set fire to the building. In this act, one
of the injunctions had been neglected, on observing which the life
of Arcesilaus depended; and he was afterwards assassinated in the
market-place at Barca, together with Alazir, the king of the place,
whose daughter he had taken for his wife. The queen Pheretime had
established her son’s authority in Cyrene; but on hearing of his
death, she fled immediately to Egypt, and persuaded Aryandes, who at
that time commanded there as viceroy of Darius Hystaspis, to march
an army against the Barceans. Before proceeding to extremities,
Aryandes despatched a messenger to the people of Barca, desiring
to be informed, if they really had been guilty of the death of
Arcesilaus. On their acknowledging the act, he set his army in
motion, and gave the command of it to Amasis, while a fleet at
the same time was entrusted to Badres, and both proceeded to take
vengeance of the assassins. After a long and ineffectual siege,
Barca was entered by treachery: and Amasis, who had passed his word
to spare the lives of the Barceans, gave them over to the vengeance
of Pheretime; by whom all who were concerned in the murder of her son
were put to death in the most inhuman manner. The city was plundered
by the Persian army, and the lives and property of those persons
only were respected, who had been averse to the murder of Arcesilaus.
Their object accomplished, the Persians returned to Egypt[2],
leaving Barca, by desire of Pheretime, in possession of those who
had been spared for their adherence to the family of Battus. The
cruelties of Pheretime were visited upon her as those of Herod were
afterwards punished; for we are told that she was eaten alive by
worms, and died in the greatest torments.
The account which has descended to us of Cyrene and Barca, (with
that of the various tribes of Northern Africa,) from the pen of the
father of history, concludes with the death of Pheretime; which is
believed by Herodotus to have been a judgment of the gods for the
cruelties of which she had been guilty.
From this time the Cyreneans as well as the Libyans, with whom
they appear to have been intermixed, are little alluded to in
history till the conquest of the Persian empire. We are informed
by Aristotle that, in his time, Cyrene was a republic; and we may
perhaps suppose that, on the extinction of the family of Battus, that
form of government took place which had been recommended by Demonax;
although the Cyreneans may possibly have been tributary to, or under
the protection of, Persia. At the period when the dispute concerning
the limits of the countries took place between the people of Cyrene
and Carthage, we may presume, from the account transmitted of it by
Sallust, that democracy was the established form of government at
Cyrene; and Strabo has informed us, that the Cyreneans continued
to be governed by their own laws, till the reduction of Egypt by
the Macedonians. After the death of Alexander, Cyrene became the
prey of contending adventurers, and was at length delivered into
the hands of Ptolemy by Ophellas; although that general is supposed
to have obtained for himself the sovereignty of at least a part of
the country. Magas, the brother of Ptolemy Lagus, reigned in Cyrene
for fifty years; and it continued to be a part of the empire of the
Ptolemies, some of whom resided there at different periods, till it
was made over by his father to Apion, an illegitimate son of Ptolemy
Physcon, who left it in his will to the Romans. The senate accepted
the bequest, but allowed the several cities to be governed by their
own laws; and the country was in consequence a prey to civil discord,
and exposed to the tyranny and violence of many rival pretenders
to supremacy. Lucullus in some measure restored tranquillity, when
he visited it during the first Mithridatic war; but the evil was
never finally removed till the whole of the Cyrenaica was reduced
to the form of a Roman province. This event happened about twenty
years after the death of Apion, and seventy-six before the birth
of Christ: we find the country afterwards, in the time of Strabo,
united with Crete in one government.
The most flourishing period of Cyrene was probably that of the
Ptolemaic dynasty, and of the two or three centuries which preceded
it; an epoch when Grecian art was in the highest perfection, and
literature in great estimation.
At the time when the city, on account of an insurrection, was
destroyed by the Roman people (who afterwards, however, rebuilt it,)
it is probable that the temples were spared; for the architectural
remains of those which we have described are decidedly Greek of an
early style; and the same may be observed with respect to many of
the tombs, although in these we may find examples of architecture
in the style of many different periods.
Philosophy and literature were diligently cultivated at Cyrene; which
gave birth to Aristippus, the founder of the sect distinguished by
the name of Cyrenaic, and to many other celebrated men; among whom
we may reckon Callimachus and Eratosthenes, Aristippus the younger,
Anniceris, Carneades, &c.
The philosophy of Aristippus appears to have inculcated, that the
soul has two particular motions, or sensations,—those of pain and
pleasure; that all pleasures are alike; and that virtue is only to
be esteemed inasmuch as it conduces to our gratification. Carneades
denied that any thing could be perceived or understood in the world,
and was the first philosopher who introduced an universal suspension
of assent: he pretended to discover an uncertainty in the most
self-evident notions; and vigorously opposed the doctrine of the
stoics in his attempt to confute Chrysippus. When Carneades was sent
as ambassador to Rome, with Diogenes the stoic, and Critolaus the
peripatetic, he pronounced a very learned dissertation upon justice,
which strongly convinced all his auditors of its value and importance
in society: in another speech, however, the philosopher confuted
all the arguments which he had established in his first discourse;
and gave no existence at all to the virtue which he had just before
strongly recommended. The Roman youth were so captivated with the
eloquence and the reasoning powers of Carneades, that they are said,
on this occasion, to have forgotten their usual amusements and
thought of nothing else but philosophy. The effect produced upon
the public mind was at all events so strong, that Cato the censor
gave immediate audience to the Athenian ambassadors in the Senate;
and dismissed them in haste, expressing his apprehension that they
would corrupt the opinions of the Roman people[3].
Cyrene appears to have not long survived the introduction of
Christianity into Northern Africa; for we find it described as—a
mass of ruin—by Synesius, who lived in the time of Theodosius the
younger. It is probable, that when the bishopric was transferred
to Ptolemais, this once beautiful city no longer existed; and
it is certain that the remains of Christian churches at Mersa
Suza and Ptolemeta, (the Apollonia and Ptolemais of antiquity,)
are superior in every respect to those which are found at Cyrene,
and apparently of much more recent construction.
* * * * *
In returning from Cyrene to Bengazi, we proceeded by a different
route from that which we had taken in approaching it; and passed
through a country rich in vegetation, and producing abundance of
grain; in which we observed frequent traces of building, particularly
on the elevated spots of ground.
At Jenain, about two hours distance from Cyrene, we found two
wells of excellent water, apparently of ancient construction;
and observed remains of building on a rising ground adjoining,
and some tombs excavated in the rock. An hour more, travelling
along the brow of the ridge, brought us to Marábut Sidi Arāfi,
the division between the territories of Derna and Bengazi. Here
also we found several wells, and partial remains of building, which
continued all the way along the road to Bĭrāsa, where their number
considerably increased. This has evidently been an ancient site;
and we have no doubt that the whole of the country, through which
we this day travelled, was once very thickly inhabited. Traces
of ancient pavement are continually met with on the road, which
is occasionally flanked by ancient tombs, similar in construction
to some of those at Cyrene, and every pass of importance has been
fortified with towers of considerable strength[4].
At Wady Jeráhib the table land ceases, and a steep and somewhat
perilous descent begins into the valley (or wady) here mentioned,
down which we with difficulty conducted our horses. A strong fort on
the right commands, or rather, formerly commanded the entrance on
this side to the wady, and overlooks the country to a considerable
extent. The sides of this ravine are quite perpendicular; and in
some places more than five hundred feet high; they are filled with
excavated caves, like those which we have described at Apollonia,
and are entered by ropes in a similar manner, which are always very
carefully drawn up after them by the inhabitants.
The road which leads along Wady Jeráhib winds for two hours through
woods of pine-trees, some of which were two feet in diameter (the
largest size we had hitherto seen in the country), and appear
to be well adapted for spars. In the centre of the valley their
naked trunks were lying (amongst heaps of stones, and other matter
collected about them) in considerable numbers when we passed along
it; and the bark of most of those trees which are standing has
been worn away for several feet upwards. We may infer from these
appearances, that in the rainy season the body of water which
rushes along Wady Jeráhib must be very great; and to avoid the
inconvenience to which travellers would in consequence have been
exposed, we find the ancient road raised several feet above the
actual level of the wady in other parts, and occasionally paved,
and cut through the rock. At its western extremity, Wady Jeráhib
opens out into a very spacious and beautiful, we may say without
exaggeration, a magnificent valley: at the entrance of which are the
remains of a very large fort, now called by the Arabs Belíggidem;
the walls of this are still upwards of forty feet in height. Other
valleys are seen from the fort, stretching out far into the blue
horizon; and we looked on all sides over the tops of thick forests
of pine, which covered the sides and the summit of the wadies, as
far as the eye could reach. Belíggidem may be called a very good
day’s journey from Cyrene, which would more frequently, indeed,
be extended to a day and a half. The road from hence winds through
a succession of wadies, and we found it to be very indifferent;
till, after ascending a difficult hill, it brought us once more
to Margàd,—a spot at which we had stopped for the night on our
journey from Merge to Cyrene. From this place, our former conductor,
Boo-Bukra, had turned off abruptly to the southward, in order to
avoid passing through Bĕlĕnege (a part of the road which we had
taken in returning), where he understood that the relations of two
men whom he had killed were lying in wait for him. The party in
advance had learnt this from an Arab at Bĕlĕnege; and it enabled
us to account for the circuitous and difficult route along which
Boo-Bukra had conducted us on our former journey. We had observed,
that in addition to his musket and pistols, the usual arms of an
Arab, he always carried a short carbine slung over his shoulder,
which he never took off on any occasion; but were not at all aware
of the difficulty of his situation, till we heard of the fact just
mentioned. The change of route made a difference of two days to us,
as nearly as we can recollect; but we do not regret the circumstance,
since it enabled us to see a part of the country which we should
not otherwise have had an opportunity of visiting. From Margàd
we proceeded to Bogràta by the road which we had formerly taken,
and from thence to Merge, where we found Bey Halil, for he had not
been able to collect all his tribute. From Merge we descended to
Ptolemeta, and joined Captain Beechey, who had arrived there the day
before from Teuchira, having left Mr. Coffin at Bengazi, to make
the necessary arrangements for our embarkation. We had arranged
this meeting in order to complete the plans of both these places,
which had been left somewhat unfinished in our eagerness to visit
Cyrene. Three days were spent at Ptolemeta, and we then continued
our journey to Teuchira, where we had no occasion to remain more
than a single day, after which we proceeded to Bengazi[5].
On the 25th of July we had completed all our arrangements, and
embarked the same afternoon for Malta.
We cannot close our account of the proceedings of the Expedition
without expressing in a public manner our warmest thanks to the
officers who accompanied us on our journey: the privations and
hardships to which they were exposed might have reasonably drawn
forth an occasional murmur; but these have always been patiently
and cheerfully borne; and we have cause to be grateful, on many
occasions, for services which have materially contributed to
forward the objects, and facilitate the advance of the Expedition. To
Lieutenant Coffin, in particular, who attached himself as a volunteer
to our party, we feel ourselves under considerable obligations; and
we should not do justice to the assiduity and regularity with which
he kept the camel-track, mentioned above, if we did not state that
it has enabled us to lay down the route with much greater precision
than we could otherwise have attained to[6].
END OF THE NARRATIVE.
FOOTNOTES:
[Footnote 1: The whole of the table-land in the neighbourhood of
Cyrene, as well as that upon which the city was built, may probably
have been called Irasa, and the fountain of Theste may reasonably
be imagined to have been that which we have formerly mentioned at
Gobba, where remains of antiquity still exist. We are led to this
conclusion, from the nature of the ground in the neighbourhood
of the fountain in question; for it is there that the table-land
ceases altogether, and the Cyrenaic range descends so abruptly as
to be in most places inaccessible. We have mentioned the difficulty
which we ourselves experienced in leading our horses down one of the
passes near Derna, considered, of course, to be a practicable one;
and can readily imagine the disadvantage which an army would labour
under in having so formidable a barrier to surmount, as any of the
passes alluded to would present; in front of an enemy whose lines
were drawn up on the summit of the range, and on the edge of the
ascent by which they were advancing.
This position in fact is one, of all others, which would naturally be
selected as a line of defence against forces advancing from Derna
and Egypt; and the Greeks would hardly have neglected to avail
themselves of it, supposing them to be at all acquainted with the
country, which can hardly be doubted at the period in question,
after so long a residence on the mountain.]
[Footnote 2: This army is said by Herodotus to have penetrated
farther to the westward; and the historian believes (what is
extremely probable) that the Persians had views on other parts of
Libya, besides that possessed by the people of Barca; and that the
army of Amasis was intended to reconnoitre the country, if not to
reduce it to subjection.]
[Footnote 3: Many pointed observations are recorded of Aristippus
the elder, who appears to have possessed a very lively wit. He asked
a certain person, who reproached him for having given a sumptuous
entertainment—whether he would not have been equally hospitable
if it would only have cost him three oboli? When the other replied
in the affirmative, Aristippus observed, “It is you then, I find,
who are fond of money, and not I of pleasure.” Dionysius once sent
him three beautiful women, from which the philosopher was desired
to select whichever pleased him most; but Aristippus retained
them all three; observing that “Paris had greatly suffered by
preferring one goddess to another.” When some one inquired what
Aristippus would expect for the education of his son, he answered
five hundred drachmas. “I can buy a slave,” replied the other, “for
that money.” “Do so,” said Aristippus, “and then you will have two.”]
[Footnote 4: The name of Bĭrāsa will naturally suggest a
resemblance between it and Irāsa, the country which is mentioned by
Herodotus as that to which the Greeks were conducted by the natives
of Libya. We do not mean to infer, that the place first mentioned has
any other connexion with the territory upon which Cyrene was erected,
than that which we are going to suggest; but if the affinity of the
Arabic and Hebrew, or Chaldee, to the old Phœnician, or Samaritan
language, (an early dialect of the Hebrew,) be really so great as
is generally allowed, the two words in question may bear the same
meaning without any forced application. The word _rās_ in Arabic,
and in Hebrew, signifies a head; and the term is constantly applied
by the Arabs to high and mountainous ground, whether inland or on
the coast: land on the summit of a mountain may therefore be said
to be—_bi-rās_—upon the head, or high ground; and _bi-rās-a_
would signify, in Arabic, as it does in the case of the territory
in question—a tract of land on the upper part of a range of
hills—and might be applied without any impropriety to a similar
tract of land of whatever extent. It is not, perhaps, improbable
that _rās_ had the same meaning among the Libyan tribes, (whom we
may suppose to have spoken some dialect of the old Phœnician,)
as it bears in Arabic and Hebrew; and that the particle _bi_ or
_be_, was at the same time used by the Libyans, in the sense which
belongs to it in those languages. Irāsa might then be supposed
to mean a tract of table land; for the loss of the letter _b_
is of little importance, considering that the word comes through
a Greek medium; and as the Greeks in the case alluded to were
conducted from the low ground to the high, such an application
is far from improbable. It is not, however, necessary for this
application to insist upon the omission of the _b_; for the _i_
in Irāsa might well be a contraction of the article _el_ or _il_,
signifying _the_, and _I-rāsa_ be pronounced for _el-rāsa_,
which is consistent with the usual pronunciation of Arabic and
other Oriental languages. The whole would then be taken for a part;
and the country which the Greeks were recommended to inhabit, would
be termed—the summit of the mountain—and in the Libyan dialect
(let us suppose) Ir’rāsa, or Er’-rāsa.]
[Footnote 5: We have not been able to publish on this occasion
(as we believe we have already stated) more than a limited number
of plates; so that several to which we have referred have been
unavoidably omitted. Some of the drawings, however, will appear in
another publication, with others made in Egypt and Nubia; and in
that we shall hope to find means of introducing the greater part
of what has been omitted.]
[Footnote 6: The accuracy to which this method of computing distance
may be brought, with proper attention, will be seen on referring
to the Table, p. xliv. in the Appendix.]
=APPENDIX.=
APPENDIX.
* * * * *
OBSERVATIONS ON THE PORTS AND HARBOURS FROM TRIPOLY TO DERNA,
IN THEIR ACTUAL CONDITION.
In addition to what we have already observed with respect to the
shores of the Syrtis and Cyrenaica, we have thought it necessary to
subjoin the following short description of them, and of the supplies
that ships may expect to meet with at the different places situated
along the coast from Tripoli to Derna. The several places therein
alluded to, will be found in the accompanying chart, which has
been constructed from a succession of angles, carried on along the
coast, assisted by astronomical observations, and chronometrical
measurements, between three distant points, whose positions were
well determined by Captain W. H. Smyth, R.N.
The instruments with which we were furnished, in consequence of
the difficulty of carriage, were small, and their number limited;
they consisted of a five-inch theodolite, one four-inch and two
eight-inch sextants, a telescope for observing the eclipses of
the satellites of Jupiter, a Kater’s azimuth compass, two pocket
chronometers, Nos. 2164 and 2184 of Mr. Arnold’s make[1], and a
measuring chain and tapes, &c.
Before entering into any particular description, we shall premise
by stating that, between Tripoli and Bomba, there is not a harbour
capable of containing a man-of-war brig; though several anchorages
will be found along the coast, well sheltered with particular winds.
[Sidenote: Tripoly.]
_Tripoly_ itself is a secure harbour, and has from four to six
fathoms water in it: the protection is afforded by a chain of rocks
which project from the north-east angle of the town, and by a shoal
lying off Caluisa Point. A heavy swell sometimes rolls in from the
northward, between the reefs, to which quarter ships should moor
with open hawse. On entering the harbour care must be taken to
avoid a rocky patch, with only three to three and a half fathoms
water upon it, which lies nearly mid-channel. But we shall abstain
from entering into further detail, in consequence of this place
having been surveyed by Captain W. H. Smyth, from whose plan indeed,
partly, we are now enabled to offer these few remarks. When off the
port a pilot may always be procured on making the necessary signal.
At Tripoly vessels will find fresh provision, fruit, vegetables,
and water.
All vessels from the eastern ports of the Mediterranean must land
their cargoes at the Lazzaretto, and perform a stated quarantine.
[Sidenote: Tagiura.]
About seven miles eastward of Tripoly is _Tagiura_ point, which
may be known by the clusters of date-trees around the village of
Tagiura, terminating there. From Tagiura to Cape Sciarra there is a
sandy desert, traversed by two small streams, Wadey Rammel and Wadey
M’Seidi, which give a supply of water throughout the year. Eastward
of _Cape Sciarra_ the coast gets higher, and is formed in rocky
points and capes, with sandy bays between them. The mountains,
which are a continuation of the Tarhoona range, here approach the
sea within seven or eight miles; and a little beyond Sidi Abdellati,
throw off a branch at right angles to them, which extends to the
sea, and then continuing eastward, nearly parallel to the coast,
terminates a few miles south-west of Mesurata[2].
[Sidenote: Lebda]
There are several towers upon the summits of this range, of which
the most conspicuous is Mergip. These mountains form the western
limit to the great plain of _Lebda_, (the ancient Leptis Magna.) The
ruins of the ancient city stand close upon the beach: they are more
than half buried in sand, and are situated about three miles west
of the groves of date-trees, which are easily distinguished from the
sea. The port, or cothon of Lebda, is now filled up, but there is a
small place called Mersa Ligatah, a mile and a half to the westward
of the ruins, where small vessels may find shelter, except with the
wind from the eastward. The sea here affords good fish; and the shore
is stocked with sheep, fruit, vegetables, and corn, which with the
help of a chaous, may be obtained at a cheaper rate than at Tripoly.
[Sidenote: Tabia Point.]
Seven miles south-east from the ruins of Lebda, is _Tabia Point_,
a rocky headland, about forty feet high, with some rocks at the
foot of it. Near it, there will be found indifferent protection for
boats behind some rocks, that form _Mersa Ugrah_; but these rocks
are sometimes covered.
[Sidenote: Mersa, and Point Zeliten.]
Immediately round Tabia point, the coast forms a bay as far as
_Zeliten Point_: this is a rocky projection with several sunken
rocks lying off it. Near the point there is a small cove, which has
obtained the name of Mersa Zeliten, but it is too small for even
boats to remain in blowing weather. It lies a mile and a half to
the westward of a márábūt’s tomb, which will be seen upon the
beach supported upon small marble columns.
At Zeliten, sheep, fowls, butter, oil, fruit, vegetables, corn, and
sweet water, may be procured in abundance, and very reasonably. The
town is a short walk from the Mersa, over a ridge of sand-hills,
which extend along the coast towards Mesurata.
Eastward of Zeliten, the coast is rocky, and at times rises into
cliffs. About mid-way between Cape Mesurata and Zeliten Point, there
is a small Arab village, that may be distinguished by a cluster of
date-trees, at the foot of some high sand-hills. Several reefs of
rocks lie off here, and form Mersa Zoraig, and Mersa Gusser[3]. The
inhabitants of Zoraig are about one hundred in number, and nothing
but water could be procured in any abundance.
[Sidenote: Cape Mesurata.]
Toward the eastern termination of the sand-hills, the rocky coast
gets higher, and when four miles from the entrance of the Gulf of
Syrtis, forms three cliffs, which, at a distance, Monsieur Lauthier
informs us, appear like as many islands. The eastern one of these
three is _Cape Mesurata_ (the Cephalus Promontorium of Strabo).
[Sidenote: Entrance of the Gulf of Syrtis]
The entrance to the gulf is formed by a low rocky point: at the
back of it there are groves of date-trees among low sand-hills;
and a mile to the southward is the white mausoleum of Márábūt
Bushaifa, which gives name to the bay it overlooks[4].
[Sidenote: Bushaifa Bay.]
There is good landing under the low point before mentioned, in
a small sandy bay abreast of a low sand-hill. The bay appears
to be full of fish, and the seine might here no doubt be hauled
to advantage.
[Sidenote: Mesurata.]
The Town of Mesurata is about two miles to the southward of the
cape of the same name; it is governed by an Aga, to whom it would be
found advantageous to make a small present. Fresh provision, fruit,
vegetables, and sweet water, may be procured here in abundance.
[Sidenote: Aarār]
About ten miles south of Bushaifa there is a solitary date-tree,
overlooking a low sandy tract of coast, bearing the name of
_Aarar_. Off here, Monsieur Lauthier informs us, at two leagues
distant from the shore, there is a rocky bank, a league in length
from east to west, with from fourteen to seventeen feet water upon
it. The date-tree, the position of which is well determined, will
serve as a mark for this bank.
Leaving Aarār and coasting southward, the shore is very low and
sandy, with _apparently_ no danger. A low ridge of hills extends
along the coast from one to three miles distance from it. Some
few of these hills are covered with vegetation, and now and then a
straggling flock of goats or sheep may be met with; but otherwise
no supplies of any kind are to be procured until you arrive at
Zafferan—firewood excepted, which may be obtained from the wrecks
upon the beach in large quantities.
[Sidenote: Kusser el Jébbah.]_Jébbah_ is the first conspicuous
object that presents itself after Aarār. It is an old Arab building,
upon an eminence about four miles from the coast. Its position is
well determined, and its distance from the beach ascertained by a
base purposely measured.
The whole of this coast is very low, and in blowing weather should
be avoided, as there appears to be a great set down upon it from the
north-east, judging from the number of wrecks, masts and yards, &c.,
that are thrown upon the beach, on this side of the gulf only—none
being seen on the eastern shore.
[Sidenote: Shoals.]
Until we arrived at Jaireed, in latitude 31° 23′ 27″ N., we
did not perceive any dangers lying off the coast; but at that place
we observed the sea breaking heavily over two shoals, distant from
the shore about a mile and a quarter[5].
[Sidenote: Dangerous Shoal.]
From Jaireed the coast trends more easterly, but still continues
low and sandy, with small hillocks at a short distance from the
coast. When near the latitude of 31° 16′ N., ships must avoid
some dangerous shoals that branch off from the shore at Jiraff,
and extend westward seven or eight miles—their most distant part
from the shore being about two miles: the sea broke heavily over
them when we passed, but within them it was more quiet; and if a
passage should be found between the breakers, a tolerably secure
anchorage will in all probability be discovered.
[Sidenote: Mersa Zafferān.]
[Sidenote: Hammah.]
Eastward of Jiraff the coast alters its character: the shore is
rocky, the land gets more hilly, and is covered with vegetation. In
one part, in latitude 31° 12′ 48″ N., some high sand-hills,
surmounted with small tufts of trees, will be seen overlooking
the beach; at the foot of them there is a small port called _Mersa
Zafferan_, in which boats may find shelter with all winds; but it
will be difficult to find, in consequence of there being no object to
distinguish it from the other ports of the coast, except indeed the
wall of a building which stands upon the beach be seen protruding
through the sand that has nearly covered it. At Zafferan supplies
of meat, some few vegetables, and good water, will be found. The
Arab tents are at the back of the sand-hills. These hills extend
a few miles to the eastward of Zafferan; the coast then rises into
cliffs of about fifty feet in height, and is covered with vegetation
and brushwood. These cliffs terminate at a wadey eleven leagues
eastward of Zafferan, and the coast then continues low and sandy,
with sand-hills, at a short distance from it. There are here several
small bays, and one in particular at Hammah, in which boats may find
shelter with almost all winds, and may procure good water, from some
wells situated close to the beach. The country about it abounds
in game; but we would not recommend landing here, or, in fact, on
any part of the coast, without being provided with a chaous. Five
miles eastward of Hammah the coast is hilly, but soon declines
again to the low sandy beach which continues to Ras How-y-jer,
having a range of hills about two or three miles from the coast.
[Sidenote: Ras How-y-jer.]
Ras How-y-jer is a bluff rock, that has the appearance of a ruined
castle; it stands at the entrance of a spacious bay formed between
it and a bold rocky promontory, called Bengerwad. South 76° east
(true) from How-y-jer we noticed the water discoloured, but the sea
did not break. In the above-mentioned bay ships may find shelter
from east to west north-west, and boats may land in a sandy bay a
little south of How-y-jer with almost all winds.
[Sidenote: Ras Bengerwād.]
[Sidenote: Abanbāsa]
[Sidenote: Jebel-Alla]
[Sidenote: Bushaifa Islet.]
Bengerwād is about sixty feet in height, and has been strongly
fortified, but the ruins are not visible from the sea. There is a
small sandy bay, close round the cape, convenient for landing; but
care must be taken to avoid the mouth of a ravine, that comes down
from the mountains, and deposits a soft quicksand, upon which it
is dangerous to land. The range of hills that extend from Boosaida
are distant from Bengerwad only a few hundred yards, and afterwards
recede to a mile or more from the sea. From Bengerwad the coast gets
low, and small sandy bays are formed between very low rocky flats,
some of which project a mile into the sea, and are not more than
a foot above water. Sixteen leagues from Bengerwad there are some
high sand-hills, called Abanbāsa; and a few miles south-east of
them a remarkable table-hill named Jebel-Alla. Coasting along this
part of the gulf, care must be taken to avoid a low rocky islet,
with breakers east and west of it. It lies one mile and a half off
shore, and is called Bushaifa. Upon the beach opposite the Islet,
there are two wells of good water: they point out Secherine, which is
the bottom of the Gulf of Syrtis, in latitude 30° 16′ 00″ north.
[Sidenote: Gartúbbah]
From Secherine to Gartúbbah, there is a sandy beach; but the general
appearance of the coast will be hilly, with high mounds of sand. Near
to Gartúbbah is Mersa Braiga; the only place that we have seen in
the Gulf of Syrtis, that is at all entitled to the name of a port,
and here the protection is made by breakers.
[Sidenote: Mersa Braiga.]
Braiga may be known at a distance, by some very high sand-hills
situated at the back of it, and on a nearer approach, by a heap of
ruins upon a rocky point, at the western extremity of the Mersa. On
the sandy beach within this point, there is safe landing with all
winds. Fresh provisions may be procured from the Arab encampments
at the back of the sand-hills, and in all probability, a plentiful
supply of fish will be found in the bay[6]. The water here is
brackish, and tastes of sulphur; it is contained in wells high up
among the sand-hills.
We should not recommend Mersa Braiga being approached in bad weather,
on account of the number of reefs lying off it, and the difficulty
there would be of working off, in consequence of the lee-set which
the northerly winds always occasion in the Gulf.
[Sidenote: Ras Tabilbey.]
From Braiga, the coast trends north-east by east, is rocky,
and slightly indented; the shore, generally speaking, is high and
hilly. Ras Tabilbey is a bold promontory, with a sandy bay on either
side of it. The summit of the Ras has been strongly fortified; and
the walls are carried up to a castle on the hill at the back of it,
but these are now all in ruins, and cannot be discerned from the
sea. The promontory is excavated into compartments, which from time,
and the constant washing of the sea, are in a very dilapidated state,
and dangerous to remain in during windy weather.
There are several Arab encampments a short distance from the Ras;
from which small supplies of fresh provision may be procured.
[Sidenote: Rocks.]
[Sidenote: Allum Limàrish.]
[Sidenote: Ain Agān.]
North-eastward of Ras Tabilbey, there is a cliff of white sand-stone,
somewhat conspicuous, with some sunken rocks lying off it. The rocks
bear north 9″ west (true), from the northern one of two conical
hills, that will be seen situated between the before-mentioned Cape
and Ras Tabilbey; they are two or three miles off shore. Eastward
of the white cliff there is a deep ravine, and then a remarkable
peaked hill, called Allum Limàrish. Between these two is situated
Ain Agān, an Arab encampment, from which small supplies of meat,
corn, and brackish water may be procured.
[Sidenote: Ishaifa Rock.]
[Sidenote: Breakers.]
[Sidenote: From N. 78° W. (true).]
North 38° west (true) from Allum Limàrish, there is a remarkably
white rock, about forty feet in height and steep on all sides, with
reefs of breakers extending east and west from it. It lies about
half a mile off shore, and is known by the name of Ishaifa. From
the top of Allum Limàrish, we observed the sea breaking heavily
over some reefs three or four miles off shore, and appeared to
extend toward the island of Gāra.
[Sidenote: Island of Gāra,]
[Sidenote: Rocks and Shoals in its vicinity.]
_Gāra_ is a small island, bearing north 13° east (true), from Allum
Limàrish, and distant from the shore four miles and a half. It is
tolerably high, and appeared steep on all sides. South-west (true)
from Gāra at two miles and a half distance, a rock makes its
appearance among a reef of breakers; and south 16° east (true),
three miles, another. There is also a bank east by south (true),
three miles from it, over which the sea constantly broke.
The coast about here is low and sandy, and, in consequence of the
above-mentioned reefs, somewhat dangerous to be approached; but
when Gāra and its reefs shall be better known, I have no doubt
ships will find shelter from all winds within them.
Several hills, covered with brushwood, will be seen a short distance
from the coast, and near the beach there will be found wells of
water somewhat brackish, and strongly impregnated with sulphur.
[Sidenote: Islets.]
North 52° east (true) from Gāra, at one and a quarter to one and a
half off shore, lie a group of rocky islets, connected by breakers;
behind which, I have no doubt, small vessels will find shelter
with all winds. They are in the neighbourhood of Rhote el Assoud,
(or black valley,) so called, it is said, from the dark appearance
of the hills.
North-eastward of these islets, there is a Marabot upon a pointed
hill at Shāwhan, and inland two ruined towers, upon the summits
of hills.
[Sidenote: Carcōra.]
From Shāwhan, the coast trends to the westward of north up to
Carcōra, and forms a large open bight. The shore is low and sandy,
with hills of brushwood or sand, a short distance from the sea.
Carcōra may be known by some high sand-hills, which overlook the
beach. The coast thereabout is much indented, and there are two
small places, somewhat sheltered by projecting points, that would
afford protection for boats with northerly or easterly winds.
The most desirable of these is the one at the northern extremity
of the sand-hills, a small tower upon a ridge inland, bearing south
77° 45′ east (true). Among the sand-hills will be found several
wells some of which will furnish sweet water, but the greater part
of them are stinking or brackish. From Ain Agān to Carcōra the
country is very thinly inhabited, and no supplies, except what may be
procured from straggling flocks, are to be expected. But northward
of Carcōra Arab encampments are very numerous. The hills abound
in hares, partridges, and pigeons, &c.
[Sidenote: Carcōra to Bengazi.]
From Carcōra to Bengazi, the shore is low and sandy, rising as
it recedes from the coast, and is covered with vegetation. Several
ruins of forts appear at a little distance from the sea: the most
remarkable of these are at Ghimenes, and Imshali, and all of them
are laid down trigonometrically in the chart.
[Sidenote: Breakers.]
Care must be taken, as you approach Bengazi, to avoid some
breakers, which extend southward from Juliana point, and lie about
three-quarters of a mile off shore.
[Sidenote: Bengazi.]
Bengazi is situated at the eastern entrance of the Gulf of Syrtis,
and may be known by the clusters of date-trees in its vicinity. They
are the only ones that occur upon the coast westward of Derna; but
on making the land, the hills, about fourteen miles west-south-west
from Bengazi, will be first seen. On a near approach, a white
Marábot upon an eminence near the sea, and a square castle at the
entrance of the harbour, will serve more immediately to point out
the town. During the summer months north-easterly winds are very
prevalent in the day time, but generally die away towards night. They
are said to extend about forty miles off the coast; and ships bound
to Bengazi should in consequence keep to the eastward, as well to
take advantage of them, as to counteract the effects of the strong
current which they occasion, sweeping along shore into the gulf.
The port of Bengazi is formed by rocks, that project from the
castle, and Juliana point; and is rendered very secure by a reef
that extends across at a short distance from the mouth of it,
leaving a narrow channel on either side: both these passages are
very difficult, and upon an average the depth of water in the harbour
will be found greater by a foot and a half, or two feet, in winter,
than in summer. But we must not always depend upon this, or upon a
rise with the winds that may be blowing at Bengazi at the moment;
as they may be confined to a short distance only from the coast;
whereas it is the wind generally prevalent over the Mediterranean
at the season that occasions the increase.
The port of Bengazi is fast filling up with sand, and alluvium,
brought down by the heavy rains that annually deluge the town,
and boats only can now enter where the Bashaw’s ships were used
to remain forty years ago.
The castle is strengthened with bastions at the north, south, and
eastern angles; but is deficient at the western one, which is that
which would prove most destructive to ships entering the harbour:
there are nine guns, eighteen pounders, mounted; they are the only
cannon Bengazi can boast of, and the walls which support them would
not long withstand the broadside of a man-of-war brig.
[Sidenote: Supplies.]
At Bengazi, ships will find a plentiful supply of fresh beef,
mutton and poultry, vegetables, fruit, good water, and sometimes
wood; but the latter is very small.
[Sidenote: Bengazi toward Bomba.]
From Bengazi to Bomba, a chain of mountains, from eight hundred to
eleven hundred feet in height, extend along the coast in a diagonal
direction with the shore, being distant from Bengazi thirteen and a
half miles, from Tochra five, Ptolemeta one and a half, and coming
close down to the sea in the neighbourhood of Ras Sem. From a rocky
point, four and a half miles north-east of Bengazi, the coast runs
low and sandy to, or a little way beyond, having at the back a
woody country extending to the mountains.
[Sidenote: Tochra, or Teuchira.]
The ruins of Tochra stand upon a small rising ground, which
terminates toward the sea in a cliff; the landing here is bad,
except in very smooth water, and there is nothing but water to be
procured. Between Tochra and Ptolemeta, the woody country approaches
the beach.
[Sidenote: Ptolemeta, or Dolmāita.]
Ptolemeta may be distinguished by a large square tomb near the
beach, and by the ruins upon the hills to the eastward of it. A
mile from the tomb (to the eastward) will be found a small bay,
offering convenient landing for boats, except with the wind on
shore. It is immediately round a rocky promontory, the first that
occurs after the tomb. There are no supplies to be had at Ptolemeta,
and no water except, occasionally, in some ancient cisterns.
[Sidenote: Mersa Sūsa, or Apollonia.]
Mersa Susa Hammām, or Apollonia, is situated in the bight of a
large bay, formed by Ras El Hilal, and a cape, designated in the
charts as Cape Ras Sem. The ruins of the ancient town stand upon a
rising ground close to the beach, and may be easily distinguished
from the sea.
Though the Arabs have dignified the small indentation of coast that
here occurs, with the title of Mersa, and we have the authority of
the ancients for its being used as a port formerly, yet it cannot
with any propriety be recommended as such for vessels of the present
day; nevertheless, boats, or perhaps small craft, may find some
shelter behind the islets that lie off the town.
[Sidenote: Ranges of mountains.]
Shipping off this coast will see two distinct ranges of mountains,
one above the other. The upper one we ascertained to be one thousand
nine hundred and ninety-two feet above the sea[7], and the lower
one thousand and fifty-five[8].
The upper range, upon which is situated the ancient Cyrene,
declines gradually to the eastward, and unites with the lower one
near Cape Bujebāra.
[Sidenote: Wadys, or ravines.]
These mountains are frequently broken by deep chasms that extend far
inland. In them grow vast numbers of pine-trees fit for small spars;
but we saw none sufficiently large for topmasts, except in Wady
Jeräib, far inland. The largest and most remarkable of these chasms,
or fiumaras, is at Cape Ras Sem; an abundance of firewood will be
found a little way up it, and water may be procured from a stream in
the bed of it, which receives its supply from the fountain at Cyrene.
Between Ras Sem and Ras El Hilāl, there are several rocks above
water close in shore.
[Sidenote: Ras El Hilāl.]
Ras El Hilāl, or new moon, so called from a round hill upon the
range above it, is a rocky projection which extends a mile and a half
from the foot of the mountains. On the eastern side of the promontory
there is a bay about three-quarters of a mile deep, in which vessels
may ride with the wind any way from the southward or westward.
[Sidenote: Bujebāra.]
From El Hilāl to Bujebāra, the next promontory eastward, the shore
is rocky; and there is bad landing, except in a small sandy nook,
two miles west of the latter place. About mid-way between these
capes at Elthroon, a fine stream of water falls into the sea from
a deep fiumara.
From Cape Bujebāra to Derna, the same rocky coast continues; but
the ravines are fewer, and the mountains somewhat farther removed
from the coast.
[Sidenote: Rocky Islets.]
Eight miles westward from Derna, at two miles distance from the
shore, there are three small rocky islets, which must be avoided.
The whole of this coast is very thinly inhabited.
[Sidenote: Derna.]
Derna is situated at the mouth of a large fiumara, and is surrounded
by clusters of date-trees, which are sufficient of themselves to
distinguish the place; but it may also be known by a ruined castle
upon a ridge above the town, on the western side of the fiumara,
and a márábūt, which stands upon a point, a mile from the town.
There is a good roadstead about a mile and a half off shore,
and some shelter for small craft close in shore with the wind
from north-north-west to south-east; but they cannot remain with
a north-east or easterly wind, nor should they hang on too long in
the event of the wind coming in, or they will find it difficult to
weather either of the capes.
[Sidenote: Supplies.]
Supplies of fresh beef, vegetables, fruit, and water may be had in
abundance. Cattle are from seven to nine dollars a head, and fine
sheep about a dollar a-piece.
The town is the residence of Sidi Mahommed, Bey of the district,
and eldest son of the Bashaw of Tripoly; to whom it might be found
advantageous to make some little present, and to notice by firing
a salute.
[Sidenote: Strength.]
Derna is not at all defended; there is an old fort upon the sandy
point, but the guns are not in order, and those which once occupied
the turrets of the castle upon the hill are thrown down and rendered
useless by corrosion—the only annoyance boats attempting to land
could find, would be from the few muskets which the inhabitants
might furnish.
[Sidenote: Landing.]
The best landing place is to the eastward of the date-trees in
a sandy bay round a low point about half a mile eastward of the
márábūt. Some rocks lie off this point which boats should avoid.
[Sidenote: Prevalent winds.]
At Derna, as at Bengazi, the most prevalent wind during the summer
is along shore; but here it comes from the west north-west. The
north wind appears to diverge at Ras Sem, and takes the direction
of Bengazi on one side, and Alexandria on the other; for which
reasons vessels bound to Egypt frequently make Ras Sem, and continue
along shore.
[Sidenote: Pilot.]
Vessels desirous of entering the harbour, may always procure
a pilot, by making the usual signal, except it blow hard, in
which case he prefers standing upon the point near the castle,
and waves his barracan to the right or left, as he wishes the helm
to be put. But as this pilotage may not suit every person, ships
would perhaps prefer standing off, until the weather moderated;
particularly, as at such times the channel is difficult to hit,
on account of the breakers extending across it. But should it be
attempted, the weather channel will of course be preferred.
[Sidenote: Marks.]
The mark for the southern one, is the castle in one with the
márábūt on the hill to the north-east of the town, and for the
northern one, the four date-trees on Juliana point in one, with
an old ruined fort upon the rising ground inland of them. But both
these passages are very narrow, and it would be more advisable to
conn the ship between the reefs, than trust to the marks, as the
slightest deviation from them would put the vessel on shore.
When through the breakers, avoid the shore off the castle, as a
shoal extends some distance off it; the edge of it is steep, and
may generally be seen, and continued along to the west anchorage,
which is about three hundred yards west-north-west of the point of
a narrow pit of sand, that contracts the port to its present limit.
The depth of water in the harbour varies constantly, according to
the winds which prevail in the offing. We observed that the greatest
increase was with north-westerly gales, and _vice versâ_; they
generally occasioned a rise of two or three feet, and if continued,
even more than that. North-easterly winds had but little effect
upon it.
REMARKS ON THE NAVAL AFFAIRS OF THE ANCIENTS, AND THE RATES OF
SAILING OF THEIR VESSELS AT DIFFERENT PERIODS.
The Greater Syrtis appears to have been at all times ill provided
with ports and harbours, and may at the present day be considered
to be wholly unprovided with any; that is to say, with any which
could be used as such by ships of modern construction. It will be
observed that the whole line of coast laid down in the chart is,
at the same time, very indifferently formed by nature to afford
security to vessels of any description.
It was not, however, necessary that the ports of the ancients should
possess wholly by nature those local advantages which are at the
present day considered to be essential for affording protection;
and we find that many of them existed in places which must always
have been unqualified by their position for affording the security
required. In such places art was made to supply the deficiencies
of nature, and harbours were built where none could otherwise have
been obtained. The mode of constructing these artificial ports has
been clearly defined by Vitruvius; and as it may serve to explain
what we have stated with respect to the present state of the ports
of Ptolemeta and Aspis, we shall submit the passage in question as
we have extracted it from Wilkins’s translation.
“A spot was, if possible, selected, which had the advantage of some
protection on one of its sides; and the want of a corresponding defence
on the other side was supplied in the following manner:—rows of grooved
beams were driven in the water, connected by oaken planks, and bound
together by chains. The surface of the ground below the water was then
levelled and consolidated by means of transtilli, and the space
comprehended between the beams filled up with a composition of rough
stone, and cement formed of sea-sand mixed with lime, in the proportion
of two parts to one, which soon produced a solid wall.” The author adds,
“that sand should be procured for this purpose from the sea-coast
between Cumæ and the promontory of Minerva,” which seems to be
considered by him as most efficient in forming the cement here
alluded to.
If the beams could not, however, be firmly fixed, on account of the
action of tides or currents, or from being too much exposed to a
heavy swell from the open sea, a strong buttress is recommended by
Vitruvius to be built upon the water’s edge, and a portion somewhat
less than half the upper surface of the buttress to be constructed
upon a horizontal level, the remaining part inclining towards the
sea. Upon the edges of this part of the buttress walls were to be
raised to the height of the level part, of a foot and a half in
thickness, and the intermediate space filled with sand. Upon this
foundation a solid pile, we are told, may be built, which, after
being finished, should be left to dry for two months at least. The
walls which were raised upon the edges of the inclined surface of
the buttress, and which seemed to confine the sand, should then
be destroyed; and the water, in washing away the sand by degrees,
will undermine the pile, and cause it to be precipitated into the
sea. This operation should be repeated until the whole is complete.
In places, however, (Vitruvius observes) where this sand is not to
be procured, other methods must be resorted to. The space, which
the mole is intended to occupy, having been inclosed by a double
range of beams connected by planks and chains, the interval between
the ranges should be filled with loam, rammed into baskets made of
the ulva palustris. The space being filled by masses of this kind,
stowed as closely together as possible, the water contained in the
inclosed area may be removed by engines calculated for the purpose,
such as cochleæ, rotæ, and tympana; and when the ground is left
perfectly dry, the foundations may be dug of greater width than the
walls they are intended to support, and filled in with rough stone,
lime, and sand. Piles of charred alder, olive, or oak, must first
be driven into the ground if it be soft, and the intervals between
them filled with charred wood, in the manner recommended for forming
the foundations of the walls of theatres. The walls should then be
built upon these foundations with squared blocks of considerable
length, so that the stones between these blocks, which extend across
the wall, may be bound firmly together. The space inclosed by the
walls may be filled in with rubble, or stone-work, and be made so
firm that a tower may be erected upon it. The mole being completed,
(continues our author) the docks should be built facing the north;
because the greater heat of a southern aspect occasions a more
rapid decay, and engenders and nourishes moths, ship-worms, and
other noxious insects. Timber should, at the same time, be used as
sparingly as possible in works of this kind, that they may not be
liable to accidents by fire[9].
Harbours[10] of this kind were usually built in a semicircular form,
with arms of great length extended into the sea; these were sometimes
called χηλαι, from their resemblance to crabs’ claws[11]; Cicero terms
them _cornua_ (horns). (Epist. ad Attic. lib. ix. ep. 19.)
For the better security of the ships within the harbour, it was
usual to draw strong chains or booms across the entrance, and to
defend them with large pales, fortified against the water with
pitch. On both sides of the mole were strong towers, which were
garrisoned with troops; and not far from these was a watch-tower,
or lighthouse, called Pharos, which name belonged originally to a
little island in the mouth of the Nile, where the first of these
towers was built, but was afterwards naturalized both in Greece and
at Rome. In the innermost part of the harbour vessels were often
suffered to lie unmoored, whereas in other parts of the port,
which were not so well secured, they were either chained to the
land, or obliged to lie at anchor. This portion of the harbour
was divided into several partitions by walls, constructed for the
most part with stone, within which the vessels laid very securely,
without the necessity, as we have just mentioned, of using either
cable or chain. These places were termed ορμοι, υφορμοι,
ναυλοχοι, _ormoi_, _uphormoi_, _naulokoi_, &c., and formed
altogether what was called ναυσταθμος (_naustathmos_[12]).
Here were likewise the docks in which ships were built, or careened,
drawn up on the beach.
Most harbours were adorned with temples, or altars, where sacrifices
were offered to the tutelar deities of the place, and to those
which presided over the sea and the winds. The adjacent places
were filled with inns and other places of public entertainment,
for the use of mariners, merchants, &c., who might be stationed or
touch at the port.
In times of war, harbours were also defended on the land side by a
ditch and parapet, or by a wall, built in the form of a semicircle,
extending from one point of the sea to the other. The wall was
occasionally defended by towers, and beautified with gates, through
which the garrison sometimes issued to attack their enemies.
Towards the sea, or within it, pales of wood were also fixed, like
those in the harbours, before which the vessels of burthen were
placed in such order as to serve instead of a wall, and to give
protection to those within. Nicias is reported by Thucydides to
have entrenched himself in this manner; but it seems only to have
been practised when the enemy were supposed to be very superior in
strength, or excited unusual apprehension: at other times a few
ships were appointed to reconnoitre the hostile squadron, and to
observe the enemy’s motions.
When the fortifications were considered sufficiently strong to resist
any assault which might be made upon them, the vessels were usually
hauled up on the beach, and around them were pitched the tents of the
soldiers and sailors, as appears everywhere in Homer, Thucydides,
&c. This practice, however, seems only to have been resorted to in
the winter season, when the enemy’s fleet was equally laid up,
and there was no apprehension of an assault; or in long-continued
sieges, where no danger was to be apprehended from the enemy’s
navy, as in the Trojan war, when the Greeks were never attacked by
sea. At other times the ships lay at anchor, or were made fast to the
shore, that upon any alarm they might be ready to receive the enemy.
[Sidenote: Construction of ancient vessels.]
The ships of the ancients were very differently constructed from
those which are at this day in use; and their rate of sailing was,
for the most part, even lower than that of the dullest sailing
vessel we are at present acquainted with. The rate, however, varied
at different times, and will be found at some periods of the Roman
empire to have been extremely respectable.
The earliest ships were built with very little art or contrivance,
and had neither strength nor durability, beauty nor ornament;
they consisted of nothing more than single planks laid together,
just sufficiently united to keep out the water, and were in some
places nothing more than trunks of trees hollowed out, forming
vessels of single pieces of timber. Other materials besides wood
were also employed in the construction of ships; among which may
be mentioned the Egyptian papyrus, and more especially the hides
of different animals, of which the primitive vessels were very
frequently composed. These were sometimes girt with wicker-work,
and frequently used in that manner, even in later times, on the
rivers of Egypt, Ethiopia, and Sabæan Arabia.
In early periods, however, when vessels of this construction were
employed, we find no mention of anything but leather, or hides sewed
together. It was in a ship of this kind that Dardanus secured his
flight from Samothracia to the country afterwards called Troas;
and Charon’s boat was also (according to Virgil) constructed of
the same material[13].
On their first invention, all ships, for whatever purpose they might
have been designed, appear to have been of the same form; but the
various ends of navigation, some of which were better answered by one
form, some by another, soon gave occasion for a distinction, not only
in point of size, but also in the mode of construction and equipment.
Without attempting to enumerate every trifling alteration, we may
state generally, that the vessels of the ancients were divided
into three classes—ships of burthen, of war, and of passage; and
these again had their several distinctions into other classes and
subdivisions. Ships of burthen were usually of an orbicular form,
having large and capacious hulls for the convenience of stowage;
whereas, ships of war were of a greater length in proportion to
their size, as we find to be the case at the present day. Transport
vessels were of a form between the ships of war and of burthen, being
more capacious than the former, and longer than the last-mentioned
species.
[Sidenote: Management of the vessels.]
[Sidenote: Number of banks of oars.]